s 

^      & 


DI 


^ 


_^~  -. 


FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


PUBLIC    EVENTS, 


FROM    THE 


PEACE   OF    1783,   TO   THE    PEACE   OF    1815. 


"  By  a  comparison  of  a  series  of  the  discourses  and  actions  of  certain  men,  for  a 
reasonable  length  of  time,  it  is  impossible  not  to  obtain  a  sufficient  indication  of  their 

views  and  principles." "  It  is  against  every  principle  of  common  sense,  to  judge 

of  a  series  of  speeches  and  actions  from  the  man,  and  not  of  the,  man,  from  the  whole 
tenor  of  his  language  and  conduct."    (Excerpts,  Nat.  Oaz.  April  8,  1834.) 

"  There  have  been  in  the  world  but  two  systems,  or  schools  of  policy  j  the  one 
founded  on  the  great  principles  of  wisdom  and  rectitude  ;  the  other  on  cunning  and 
its  various  artifices."  JOHN  JAT. 

Tantumque  abest,  ut  aliquam  bonam  gratiam  mihi  quaesisse  videar,  ut  multas  etiam 
aimultates,  partim  obscuras,  partim  apertas,  intelligam  mihi  non  necessarias,  vobis 
non  inutiles  suscepisse.  Oratio  pro  lege  Manilla. 


SECOND    EDITION. 


BOSTON: 
RUSSELL,   ODIORNE,    AND    METCALF. 

1834. 


Entered  according  to  the  act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1834, 

by  WIIJ.IAM  SXJIXIVAH, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


CAMBRIDGE    PRESS: 
METCALF,     TORRY,     AND     BALLOU. 


30) 


INTRODUCTION. 


TOWARDS  the  close  of  his  life,  Mr.  JEFFERSON  prepared 
statements,  seriously  affecting  the  motives  and  conduct  of 
a  numerous  class  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  intended  to 
have  these  statements  published  after  his  decease.  He 
seems  to  have  expected,  that  they  would  be  received  as 
HISTORICAL  TRUTHS,  proceeding  from  high  authority. 

If  Mr.  Jefferson  has  stated  truths  only,  all  who  know 
the  value  of  sound  historical  information  are  under  great 
obligations  to  him.  If  he  has  stated  "false  facts,"  (as 
he  calls  them,)  without  intending  to  do  so,  he  has  in- 
creased the  well-known  difficulty  of  arriving  at  certainty, 
as  to  the  past ;  and  his  labors  are  worse  than  useless.  If 
he  has  stated  what  he  knew  to  be  false,  he  has  abused 
public  confidence,  and  has  dishonored  his  own  fame. 

As  most  of  those  citizens,  of  whom  he  speaks  reproach- 
fully, have  become,  like  himself,  insensible  to  earthly  com- 
mendation, or  censure,  is  it  too  soon  to  inquire,  in  which  of 
the   above   mentioned   relations  Mr.    Jefferson   should  b 
viewed  ? 

It  would  be  doing,  it  is  hoped,  great  injustice  to  the 
American  public  to  assume,  that  they  are  incompetent,  or 
unwilling,  to  judge  calmly  and  justly  of  historical  truth, 
whatsoever  it  may  prove  to  be,  or  whencesoever  it  may 
come. 

But,  if  the  men  of  this  day  are  so  near  to  that  time  in 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  a  conspicuous  political  agent,  that 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

prejudices  must  prevent  a  calm  and  righteous  judgment, 
then  the  same  posterity,  to  which  Mr.  Jefferson  confidently 
appeals,  must  judge  of  him,  and  of  those  whom  he  has  at- 
tempted to  consign  to  their  reproach  and  contempt. 

According  to  the  words  on  the  title  page,  "  the  views 
and  principles "  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  political  adversaries  are 
to  be  known  by  "  a  comparison  of  a  series  of  their  discourses 
and  actions."  Mr.  Jefferson  is  to  be  known,  not  "  from 
his  speeches  and  actions,"  but  "  from  the  whole  tenor  of  his 
language  and  conduct." 

These  "  views  and  principles,"  and  this  "  language  and 
conduct,"  are  set  forth  in  the  following  pages,  "  for  a 
reasonable  length  of  time ; "  that  is,  throughout  one  third 
of  a  century. 

The  form  adopted  is,  familiar  letters,  as  these  are  better 
suited  to  the  purpose  than  the  ordinary  form  of  History  ; 
and  because  these  admit  of  personal  descriptions  and  par- 
ticular illustrations,  which  the  "  Memoirs  and  Writings  of 
Thomas  Jefferson  "  make  indispensable. 

Boston,  April  20,  1834. 


PREFACE 

TO  THE   SECOND   EDITION. 


SOME  time  has  been  taken  to  learn  what  the  public  senti- 
ment might  be  on  these  letters ;  and  to  ascertain  what 
errors  in  facts  might  have  occurred.  All  such  errors  have 
been  corrected,  so  far  as  known  ;  and  a  better  chronological 
order  has  been  made.  These  were  not  the  only  objections, 
which  have  been  noticed.  Some  cautious,  sensitive  per- 
sons disapprove  of  all  inquiry  into  Mr.  Jefferson's  claims  to 
gratitude  and  admiration.  They  acknowledge  such  senti- 
ments to  be  due  to  men,  who,  from  good  motives,  achieved 
illustrious  deeds;  and  who  forgot  self,  in  devotion  to  the 
public.  These  persons  are  not  supposed  to  maintain,  that 
men,  who  misunderstood,  or  who  perverted  their  trust,  are 
to  be  ranked  with  men  of  the  first  class.  But  they  suggest, 
that,  if  inquiry  be  made  into  Mr.  Jefferson's  pretensions,  the 
people  may  take  it  ill,  and  that  there  must  always  be  danger 
in  startling  ancient  and  deep-rooted  prejudices. 

The  fear  of  startling  prejudices  may  be  a  cogent  reason 
for  persisting  in  the  divinity  of  oracular  responses  ;  for  con- 
tinuing in  the  faith,  that  birds  were  commissioned  to  foretell  N, 
the  fate  of  armies ;  and  for  persevering  in  search  after  the 
will  of  the  gods,  among  the  entrails  of  a  bullock.     But,  in 
these  days,  reason  and  common  sense  are  supposed  to  have  "S 
some  ministry  in  the  human  mind.     One  may  venture  to 
pay  the  tribute  to  the  American  people  of  believing,  that 


VI  PREFACE. 

they  can  arrive  at  and  value  truth;  and  that  having  the 
right  and  the  duty  of  ordering  their  own  welfare,  they  can 
and  will  justly  estimate  the  means  of  accomplishing  that 
purpose.  We  have  no  design  to  shock  any  one's  prejudices. 
We  are  not  dealing  with  Mr.  Jefferson  as  an  individual. 
We  "  war  not  with  the  dust."  With  Mr.  Jefferson's  princi- 
ples and  example,  as  an  expounder  of  the  constitution,  every 
free  American  is  deeply  concerned  ;  and,  if  Mr.  Jefferson 
has  been  unjust  to  public  benefactors,  every  American  is 
interested  that  his  errors  should  be  made  known. 

If  the  maintenance  of  constitutional  liberty  be  the  object, 
there  may  be  those,  who  think  any  effort  of  this  nature  prof- 
itless and  vain.  They  may  be  of  opinion,  that  the  sovereign 
people  will  not  believe  constitutional  government  to  be  a 
restraining  power,  intended  to  prevent  the  wrongs,  which 
they  can  do  to  each  other  ;  and  authorized  to  protect  itself 
against  their  own  illegal  assaults.  The  people  will  not  be 
convinced,  it  is  said,  that  their  peace,  prosperity,  and  free- 
dom depend  on  the  strict  observance  of  laws  :  They  cannot 
know  when  they  are  well  or  ill  governed ;  and  rather  prefer, 
if  they  could  know,  the  ruling  of  cunning  and  deceitful  flat- 
terers to  that  of  wise  and  honest  men.  We  are  reminded 
of  the  rebellions  and  of  the  near  approach  to  despotism, 
within  the  last  fifty  years ;  and  how  all  combinations  of 
citizens,  however  originating,  resolve  themselves  into  politi- 
cal parties,  and  seek  power  by  perverting  the  right  of 
suffrage.  We  are  reminded,  also,  of  the  gradual  decline  in 
the  character  of  public  authority,  and  of  the  striking  contrast 
between  the  personal  worth  and  dignity  of  some  who  have 
ruled,  and  of  some  who  do  rule.  Then  the  future  is  looked 
Wto,  with  fearful  apprehension,  and  it  is  asked,  whether,  as 
/  numbers  increase,  and  the  American  people  are  farther  and 
:  farther  removed  from  the  influences  of  the  revolution,  there 
can  be  any  reasonable  hope  of  preserving  civil  liberty. 


PREFACE.  Vll 

To  all  such  suggestions  it  may  be  answered,  that  any  \ 
government,  except  mere  despotism,  implies  difficulties  and  j 
contentions ;  and  the  freer  it  is,  the  more  will  these  abound. } 
Yet  our  government  can  be  kept  within  constitutional  rules, 
or  soon  brought  again  within  their  limits,  when  it  has  trans- 
gressed them.  But  this  supposes  watchfulness  and  intelli- 
gence, and  a  keen  sensibility  to  encroachment.  Such 
qualities  our  citizens  have  shown,  to  an  extent  sufficient  to 
preserve  civil  liberty  so  far ;  and  it  ought  not  to  be  doubted, 
that  they  will  continue  to  do  so.  The  real  character  of  the 
government,  however,  has  not  always  been  republican ;  it 
has  sometimes  been  republicanism  fashioned  by  democratic 
despotism.  Our  rulers  will  generally  arise  from  a  certain 
sort  of  numerical  power.  The  art  is  well  understood  of 
making  dominion  out  of  the  fears,  prejudices,  and  pride  of 
that  power.  There  will  always  be  the  sympathy  of  identity 
between  that  power  and  the  rulers  which  it  selects ;  and 
these  rulers  will  be  worshipped  because  worship  is  self-grat-  \ 
ulation.  This  is  the  true  secret  of  the  homage  rendered  to 
Napoleon,  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  Andrew  Jackson.  But  this  is 
a  natural  delusion,  which  positive  suffering  can  dissipate. 
As  all  such  rulers  inevitably  tend  (the  world  over)  to  despo- 
tism, the  turning  point  will  be,  whether  the  majority  can  be 
made  to  feel  actually  existing  despotism  in  time  to  crush  it 
by  peaceable  election,  and  before  its  strength  renders  oppo- 
sition vain.  We  incline  to  think,  that  liberty  will  often  be 
in  peril ;  but  that  intelligence,  virtue,  and  interest  will  again 
and  again  combine  and  rescue  it  from  the  grasp  of  its  pre- 
tended friends. 

It  is  proved  in  this  country,  rather  than  in  any  other,  of 
any  time,  that  as  society  moves  onward  under  its  natural 
propensity  to  improve,  intellectual  power  takes  the  place  of 
physical  force.  It  is  here,  therefore,  that  all  are  interested 
to  give  to  this  power  a  useful  direction  ;  and  rather  are  the 


Viii  PREFACE. 

wealthy  and  exalted,  than  the  poor  and  humble,  interested, 
that  all  should  be  well  informed.  Ambition  does  not  choose 
for  its  birth-place  the  palace  in  preference  to  the  hovel ;  and 
in  a  free  country  it  will  not  be  idle.  Like  the  richest  soils, 
rank  with  noisome  and  poisonous  weeds  when  unsubdued, 
it  will,  if  left  to  itself,  deform  society  with  infidelity,  perver- 
sion, and  crime.  By  promoting  the  means  of  intellectual, 
religious,  and  consequently  of  moral  culture,  it  may  possibly 
come  to  be  a  generally  admitted  truth,  that  public  life  can 
be  neither  honorable  nor  profitable  to  the  individual,  when  not 
honorable  and  useful  to  the  public, 

There  may  be  much  of  speculation,  but  no  settled  opinion 
on  the  point,  whether  the  Americans  have  a  better  or  worse 
)ld  on  civil  liberty,  at  this  day,  than  they  had  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  century.  It  might  have  been  expected,  that 
their  institutions  would  have  obtained  solidity  by  use  and 
precedent ;  and  that  the  enjoyment  of  freedom,  such  as  was 
never  before  known,  would  have  made  that  freedom  precious 
to  every  mind,  capable  of  understanding  its  value.  But 
\rAmericans  have  too  much  freedom  to  have  occasion  to  con- 
j  aider  what  it  is  ;  just  as  one,  who  never  felt  the  weight  of  a 
I  chain,  finds  a  silken  thread  intolerable.  They  have  even 
sometimes  gone  so  far  as  to  renounce  the  guardianship  of 
their  liberty,  and  have  appointed  masters,  and  think  it  free- 
dom to  render  homage  to  them.  This  is  discouraging. 
But  yet  it  is  believed,  that  Americans  will  preserve  civil 
liberty  ;  not  through  virtue  and  intelligence  alone,  but  through 
these  and  the  conservative  power  of  INTEREST  ;  and  through 
interest,  because  the  American  institutions  are  distinguished 
from  any  others,  in  having  a  renovating  principle,  which 
can  be  applied  at  will,  without  violence  ;  and  without  any 
shock  to  the  established  order  of  society,  but  that  of  dis- 
missing a  dominant  faction,  and  establishing  a  wise  and  con- 
stitutional policy.  This  is  revolution ;  but  it  is  tranquil  and 


PREFACE.  IX 

peaceable.  Something  of  the  same  nature  is  seen  in  the 
English  government,  in  the  power  to  change  a  ministry. 
Thus  virtue  and  intelligence,  the  dictates  of  interest,  and 
the  provisions  through  which  interest  may  operate  peaceably 
and  justly,  lead  to  the  belief,  that  constitutional  order  and 
tranquillity  can  and  will  be  preserved. 

But  the  republic  cannot  be  eternal ;  that  unsparing  in- 
novator, Time,  will  surely  bring  it  to  an  end.  Will  it  be 
by  military  usurpation  1  No  case  is  now  foreseen,  (such 
is  our  fortunate  position  on  the  globe,)  in  which  any  man 
can  have  so  numerous  and  devoted  an  army,  as  to  make 
himself  a  despot,  while  the  people  are  wise  enough  to  train 
themselves  to  the  use  of  arms,  as  militia.  Will  it  be  by  excit- 
ing and  corrupting  a  craving  populace?  There  can  hardly 
be  such  a  class  in  the  United  States.  Commerce,  agriculture, 
and  universal  industry,  bringing  comfort  and  independence,  \ 
unknown  to  ancient  republics,  preclude  the  existence  of 
such  class  in  such  numbers,  as  to  endanger  the  public  safe- 
ty. It  must  be  yet  a  long  time  before  there  can  be  so  many 
who  have  nothing,  and  who  can  acquire  nothing,  and  who 
can  be  attracted  into  combinations  by  a  sense  of  oppression, 
that  the  ordinary  powers  of  government,  aided  by  the  force 
of  public  opinion,  cannot  control  them.  Will  it  be  by  civil 
usurpation  1  This  cannot  advance  far,  without  touching 
the  interests  of  a  majority,  sufficiently  to  arouse  them  to  a 
sense  of  their  danger.  If  they  do  not  discern  the  wrong 
before  it  reaches  their  property  and  daily  bread,  they  will 
feel  it  then,  and  will  help  themselves  to  a  peaceable  consti- 
tutional remedy. 

Mr.  Jefferson  would  certainly  have  lost  the  popular  favor, 
in  consequence  of  the  privations  and  miseries  which  he  im- 
posed upon  his  countrymen,  if  he  had  not  so  intermingled 
foreign  politics  as  to  make  it  believed,  that  the  honor  of  the 
country  was  involved  in  his  measures.  So  Mr.  Madison 


X  PREFACE. 

would  have  lost  his  popularity,  from  the  distresses  of  the  war, 
if  a  majority  had  not  been  disciplined  to  feel,  that  the  war 
was  a  necessary  and  patriotic  policy.     Both  these  Presidents 
foresaw  consequences,  ^nd  retraced  their  steps. 
/      In  the  present  chief  magistrate  there  is  a  striking  example 
X  of  the  consequences  of  usurpation.     He  has  ventured  to  lay 
his  hand  on  the  commerce,  the  industry,  and  the  money  of 
the  country,  and  he  has  suddenly  fallen  from  the  most  ex- 
P^-traordinary  popularity  to  the  very  lowest  degradation.     He 
has  so  fallen,  because  he  is  not  sustained  by  any  such  aux- 
iliary causes  as  his  two  predecessors  relied  on.     He  can  dis- 
tress the  country,  but  he  cannot  destroy  its  liberties. 

It  will  be  seen,  that  the  nearest  approach  to  despotism  was 
during  the  presidencies  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison. 
Legislative  and  executive  power  were  then  in  perfect  har- 
mony. In  nearly  all  the  states,  there  was  equal  harmony 
between  like  powers,  and  close  sympathy  between  these  and 
the  powers  exercised  by  the  national  government.  But  there 
was  an  opposition,  which  comprised  a  major  part  of  every 
thing  which  government  is  instituted  to  protect,  computing 
in  any  manner  but  by  heads.  This  opposition  and  the  ju- 
diciary saved  the  country  from  greater  calamities  than  those 
which  it  endured.  It  is  by  no  means  intended  to  suggest, 
that  either  of  these  magistrates  intended  despotism.  Neither 
of  them  had  any  such  design.  But  if  either  of  them  had 
gone  but  little  further,  he  might  have  glided  into  absolute 
dominion  under  the  full  belief,  that  he  was  sustaining  repub- 
lican liberty  by  silencing  its  enemies.  At  this  time,  all  but 
Jackson-men  know,  that  the  President  is  a  monarch,  though 
he  conscientiously  believes,  that  he  is  the  purest  of  repub- 
licans, because  he  thinks  "  THE  PEOPLE  "  honor  and  admire 
him. 

X        There  are  some  dangers  peculiar  to  this  country,  and 
among  them  civil  tear  and  disunion.   When  and  in  what  form 


PREFACE. 


this  danger  may  present  itself,  it  would  be  presumptuous  to   > 
conjecture.    There  has  been  a  recent  excitement  of  this  ten-  | 
dency,  but  it  served  only  to  cause  an  estimate  of  the  value  * 
of  the  union,  and  to  fix  it  more  firmly  in  the  reverence  of 
the  people. 

In  a  land  so  free  as  this,  an  incessant  struggle  for  power, 
both  from  good  and  from  bad  motives,  must  be  expected. 
There  will  be  perverse  legislation,  corrupt  and  wicked  man- 
agement, blind  devotion  to  party,  and  instances  of  flagrant 
usurpation.  Americans  have  no  patent  right,  in  the  matter 
of  government,  nor  any  better  assurance  than  other  nations 
have,  that  wisdom,  virtue,  and  disinterestedness  will  always 
govern  their  country.  Their  constitutions  are  better  than 
those  of  any  other  country,  but  they  are  to  be  administered 
by  men.  It  may  often  require  the  best  efforts  of  such  minds,  ., 
as  now  adorn  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  discern 
and  declare  where  the  constitution  was  left,  and  to  aid  the 
people  in  replacing  it  on  the  solid  foundation  of  their  respect 
and  affection.  But  such  events  may  recur  again  and  again 
without  the  final  loss  of  republican  liberty. 

Good  as  the  constitution  is,  it  is  not  now  the  same  admi- 
rable product  of  human  wisdom  which  it  was,  when  first 
presented  to  the  American  people.  It  was  then  an  illustri- 
ous commentary  on  the  experience  of  past  ages ;  —  an  un- 
precedented system,  whereby  to  obtain  all  the  good,  and 
prevent  all  the  evil,  which  arise  from  man's  strength  and 
weakness,  virtue  and  vice,  whether  regarded  as  an  indi- 
vidual, or  combined  in  society.  It  was  no  less  honorable  to 
the  people  to  have  adopted  this  system,  than  it  was  to  have 
conceived,  prepared,  and  to  have  offered  it. 

That  part,  which  may  be  supposed  to  have  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  framers  most  intently,  was  the  executive 
power.  It  was  so  guarded  as  to  prevent  to  the  utmost,  the 
elevation  of  a  mere  popular  favorite ;  and  to  inspire  the 


PREFACE. 


chosen  with  a  proper  sense  of  responsibility,  not  to  a  party, 
but  to  a  nation.  Under  the  influence  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  it 
was  so  amended  as  to  convert  the  dignity  of  the  presidency 
into  a  commission  to  superintend  a  continually  recurring 
scramble  for  favor  and  reward.  This  is  the  most  lamentable 
of  all  Mr.  Jefferson's  errors.  All  others  may  be  transitory  ; 
this  will  be  permanent.  For,  if  a  majority  concur  in  the 
necessity  of  amendment,  they  will  not  concur  in  what  it 
shall  be ;  much  less  will  they  restore  the  Constitution  to  its 
original  excellence.  If  executive  patronage  be  not  always 
a  corrupting  and  debasing  machinery,  it  will  be  otherwise 
only  by  choosing  Presidents,  who  have  too  much  wisdom 
and  conscience  to  make  it  so. 

I       Closely  connected  with  civil  war  and  disunion  is  the  ques- 
J%  tion  of  slavery.     A  most  unfortunate  delusion  has  arisen, 
founded  partly  on  hostility  to  the  principle  of  slavery,  (a 
/  principle,  which,  in  the  abstract,  no  reasoning  can  sustain,) 
/    partly  on  disregard  of  the  true  nature  of  the  negro,  partly 
\-f  on  mistake  of  the-  common  sentiment  of  all  classes  of  so- 
/     ciety,  but  more  than  on  either  of  these,  on  the  error,  that 
the  condition  of  the  negro  can  be  bettered  by  general  manu- 
\     mission,  in  a  land  where  white  population  hold  the  political 
"  power  and  the  physical  strength.     This  is  a  subject  full  of 
fearful  apprehension,   so  long  as  philanthropy  so  entirely 
misapplies  itself,  in  territories  where  slavery  does  not  exist, 
as  to  attempt  to  govern  within  territories  where  ages  have 
interwoven  slavery  with  all  the  desired  objects  of  life.     It 
is  already  seen,  that  this  matter  resolves  itself  into  a  ques- 
tion of  mere  interest;  and  no  teacher  is  needed  to  make 
known,  that  the  next  door  neighbour  to  interest  is  force  ;  and 
that  this  will  surely  be  called  in,  when  interest  finds  itself 
presumptuously  assailed.     What  sort  of  philanthropists  must 
they  be,  however  amiable  their  motives,  who  propose  to  in- 
telligent masters  voluntarily  to  exchange  condition  with  their 


PREFACE  Xlll 

slaves  !  The  restoration  of  the  colored  to  the  regions,  which  J 
their  Creator  originally  assigned  to  them,  by  colonization,  is  I 
a  matter  of  very  different  character  from  that  of  "  aboli- 
tion." 

There  is  one  danger  to  national  security  and  to  repub- 
lican institutions,  which  is  daily  becoming  more  and  more 
obvious.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  following  pages,  that  Mr. 
Jefferson  introduced  this  danger.  It  cannot  be  a  long  time, 
before  Congress  will  be  called  on  to  provide  an  effectual 
remedy.  State  legislatures  cannot  perform  their  duties, 
until  Congress  comprehends  and  performs  its  duty.  Cer- 
tainly the  citizens  of  the  United  States  will  not  much 
longer  confer  office  on  men,  who  are  willing  that  their  land  t 
should  be  a  home  for  the  vice  and  pauperism  of  Europe ; 
and  perhaps  subjected  (by  the  mere  exercise  of  political^ 
privileges)  to  foreign  dominion. 

One  must  be  very  assuming  to  foretell  the  condition  of  this, 
or  any  other  nation,  on  general  principles ;  but  he  may  be 
allowed  to  make  some  deductions  from  experience.  Thus 
it  may  be  inferred,  that  in  a  country  so  extensive  and  varied 
as  this,  no  fatal  heresy  will  be  universal,  at  the  same  time ; 
and  that  no  man  can  acquire,  and  long  retain,  a  dangerous 
popularity.  There  will  be,  no  doubt,  alarming  excitements 
in  one  or  more  states  ;  but  the  strength  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, powerful  majorities  in  all  other  states,  and  strong 
minorities  within  the  limits  of  the  excitement,  will  parry  the 
threatened  evil  till  good  sense  returns.  When  the  federal 
government  transcends  its  limits,  state  authority  will  inter- 
pose salutary  checks ;  and  there  will  always  be  diligent  and 
zealous  minorities,  in  the  federal  government,  to  warn  the 
people  of  their  danger.  Above  all,  there  will  be  a.  pervading 
sense  of  safety  and  utility  in  the  UNION,  which  no  member 
of  the  confederacy  will  be  seriously  disposed  to  relinquish,  as 
b 


XIV  PREFACE 

the  inevitable  consequence  must  be  foreign  alliance,  and  a 
return  to  colonial  dependence. 

xy«     The  multiplication  of  states  will  be  no  evil.     Each  one 
/containing  a  sovereignty  in    itself,  breaks    up   one    great 
whole  into  harmonious  parts ;  and  makes  the  great  differ- 
ence between  the  American  and  Roman  republics.     In  the 
latter,  Rome  was  the  empire  ;  whole  countries,  appendages. 
In  like  manner,  this  country  is  distinguishable  from  modern 
France,  which  is  a  sort  of  republic  with  a  King  for  its  chief; 
/  but  France  must  always  be  restive   and   turbulent,   while 
/  Paris  is  all  France  and  all  of  France  is  Paris. 

Vast  as  this  country  is,  its  remotest  parts  will  not  be  strange 
to  each  other.    Commerce,  enterprise,  mutual  wants  and  de- 
pendence,  facility   of  intercommunication,    and   the   daily 
^messenger,  the  press,  will  soften  and  wear  away  prejudice, 
I   the  child  of  ignorance.     The  variety  of  religious  sects  will 
(    promote  religion.     As  no  one  of  them  can  strengthen  itself 
I    by  alliance  with  civil  power,  intolerance  is  deprived  of  its 
\  weapon,  and  will  rather  be  useful  than  mischievous. 

The  American  community  may  have  some  analogy  in  its 
progress  to  the  seeming  evils  of  the  natural  world.  Vesuvi- 
us is  not  always  casting  forth  its  lava ;  it  gives  time  for  the 
rerdure  to  return,  and  for  human  habitations  to  rise  again, 
over  the  path  of  its  desolation.  A  small  portion  of  earth,  or 
ocean,  is  exposed  to  the  rage  of  any  one  tempest.  Epidem- 
ics, by  some  unknown  law,  have  their  times  and  places;  and 
though  their  existence  any  where,  may  sometimes  awaken 
anxiety  every  where,  they  do  not  wrap  the  whole  world  in 
gloom  at  the  same  moment. 

Those  who  are  about  to  close  their  eyes  on  all  earthly 
scenes  need  not,  as  we  humbly  conceive,  to  despair  of 
the  fate  of  their  descendants.  There  is  hope  enough  that 
their  country  will  go  on,  as  well  as  the  lot  of  humanity  will 
permit.  Certainly,  such  hope  should  be  cherished ;  for 


PREFACE.  XV 

when  the  present  institutions  are  broken  up,  no  power  but 
that  which  can  still  the  face  of  ocean,  can  compose  the 
political  and  social  relations  of  Americans,  anew,  in  any 
similitude  to  rational  freedom, 

Boston,  Nov.  1,  1834. 


CONTENTS. 


LETTER   I. 

State  of  the  country  in  1783  —  Massachusetts  —  embarrassments. 

LETTER   II. 
Massachusetts  insurrection —  Governor  Bowdoin. 

LETTER   III. 
Massachusetts  rebellion. 

LETTER   IV. 
Governor  Hancock  —  state  of  society. 

LETTER  V. 

Governor   Hancock  —  Lieutenant  Governor   Lincoln  —  Washington's 

visit. 

LETTER  VI. 

Old  confederation  —  Federal  constitution  —  Massachusetts  convention 
—  Federalist,  by  Jay,  Madison,  and  Hamilton. 

LETTER   VII. 

Massachusetts  convention  —  Fisher  Ames  —  Rufus   King  —  Charles 
Jarvis. 

LETTER   VIII. 

Adoption  of  the  constitution  —  origin  of  parties  —  first  Congress. 
LETTER  IX. 

Hancock's  death  —  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper  —  state  of  society  —  Brissot  — 
education. 

LETTER  X. 

Beginning  of  the  National  Government  —  President  Washington  — 
Vice  President  Adams  —  first  Congress. 
6* 


xriii  CONTENTS. 

LETTER  XI. 

First  cabinet — public  debt  funded  —  Bank  —  Jefferson  —  Hamilton. 

LETTER  XII. 

Excise  law  —  French  revolution  —  civic  feast  —  Resolutions  against 
Hamilton — Mr.  Giles's  remarks  on  Washington. 

LETTER  XIII. 

French  revolution  —  parties  —  Genet  —  Jacobin  clubs  —  Mifflin  —  Dal- 
las—  English  captures. 

LETTER  XIV. 

Congress  in  1793  —  Jefferson's  commercial  report —  Marshall's  charac- 
ter of  Jefferson  —  parties  in  Congress  —  distinguished  members  — 
renewed  attack  on  Hamilton. 

V 

LETTER  XV. 

Mission  to  England  —  John  Jay  —  Fauchet  —  rebellion  in  Pennsylva- 
nia—  Talleyrand  —  Knox  and  Hamilton  resign. 

LETTER  XVI. 
Jay's  treaty  —  Washington's  letter  to  the  Selectmen  of  Boston. 

LETTER   XVII. 
Fauchet's  intercepted  despatches  —  Edmund  Randolph  —  Pinckney. 

LETTER   XVIII. 

Adet,  French  minister  —  Washington's  reply  to  Adet  —  Jay's  treaty  — 
popular  movements  on  this  treaty  —  debate  in  Congress  —  Monroe  — 
France. 

LETTER  XIX. 

Washington — Lafayette  —  Bollman — Lord  Lyndhurst  —  third  election 
of  President  —  Paine's  letter  to  Washington  —  Jefferson's  letter  to 
Paine  —  charges  against  Washington. 

LETTER   XX. 

Adet's  address  to  Americans  —  French  influence  —  Washington's  letter 
to  Jefferson. 

LETTER   XXI. 

Washington's  last  speech  to  Congress  —  farewell  address  —  Jefferson's 
remarks,  and  Jay's  letter,  on  the  address  —  Washington's  personal 
appearance  and  deportment  —  reception  of  visitors. 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

LETTER  XXII. 

Washington's  administration  —  its  difficulties  —  Colonel  Isaac  Hayne 
—  funding  public  debt  —  national  bank  —  policy  of  Washington. 

LETTER  XXIII. 

Essex  Junto  —  General  Benjamin  Lincoln. 

LETTER  XXIV. 

General  Henry  Knox  —  Jefferson's  opinions  of  Knox  —  Jefferson's 
Writings. 

LETTER  XXV. 

Duke  of  Kent  —  present  King  of  France  —  Sir  A.  Baring  —  foreign 
ministers  —  distinguished  members  of  Congress  —  Philadelphia  in 
1797  —  Robert  Morris. 

LETTER   XXVI. 

Samuel  Adams  —  Increase  Sumner — Francis  Dana  —  Theodore  Sedg- 
wick  —  state  of  society. 

LETTER  XXVII. 

Election  of  John  Adams  —  of  Jefferson,  Vice  President  —  mission  to 
France. 

LETTER  XXVIII. 

Treatment  of  envoys  in  France  —  X,  Y,  Z  affair  —  war  with  France 
—  new  missions  to  France  —  measures  taken  to  impair  Mr.  Adams's 
popularity  —  affair  of  Jonathan  Robbins. 

LETTER  XXIX. 

Alien  law  —  sedition  law  —  combination  of  foreigners  —  Callender's 
"  Prospect  before  Us  "  —  Jefferson  and  Callender  —  Logan's  mission. 

LETTER  XXX. 

New  judiciary  law,  February,  1801  —  pardon  of  Fries  —  end  of  the 
federal  administration —  character. 

LETTER   XXXI. 

• 

Death  of  Washington. 
LETTER  XXXII. 

Jefferson's  Mazzei  letter — speech  as  Vice  President  —  Jefferson's 
remarks  on  the  Mazzei  letter  —  Jefferson's  personal  appearance  — 
his  vice  presidency. 


XX  CONTENTS. 

1  -    * 

LETEER  XXXIII. 

Mr.  Jefferson  —  principles  of  action  —  elements  of  parties  —  reasons 
why  Mr.  Jefferson's  "  Writings  "  should  he  noticed. 

LETTER  XXXIV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  Writings. 
LETTER  XXXV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  attack  on  the  funding  system  and  the  bank,  as  federal 
measures. 

LETTER  XXXVI. 

Mr.   Jefferson's  charge  against   federalists,  as  intending  to  introduce 
monarchy. 

LETTER  XXXVII. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  election  to  the  presidency  —  his  remarks  on  James 
A.  Bayard  —  vindication  by  Mr.  Bayard's  sons  —  Mr.  Jefferson's 
policy. 

LETTER   XXXVIII. 

Contradictory  opinions  entertained   concerning    Mr.  Jefferson  when 
elected  to  the  presidency. 

LETTER   XXXIX. 

Inaugural  speech  —  answer  to  New  Haven  remonstrance  —  invitation 
to  apostacy  —  author  of  party  government. 

LETTER  XL. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion  of  the  judiciary. 

LETTER  XLI. 

Mr.  Jefferson  proposes  to  Congress  to  repeal  all  federal  measures  — 
judiciary  law  —  acts  of  Judge  Chase,  which  led  to  his  impeachment. 

LETTER  XLII. 
Impeachment  and  trial  of  Judge  Chase. 

LETTER  XLIII. 
Purchase  of  Louisiana. 

LETTER  XLIV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  proposal  to  repeal  the  alien  law  —  his  former  opinions 
on  aliens. 


CONTENTS.  XXI 

LETTER  XLV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  hostility  to  the  navy  —  his  gun-boat  system. 

LETTER  XLVI. 

Difficulties  on  purchase  of  Louisiana — Miranda's  expedition  from  New 
York  to  South  America  —  Burr's  conspiracy. 

LETTER  XLVII. 

Burr's  arrest  and  trial  for  treason. 

LETTER  XLVIII. 

Burr's  trial  —  Mr.  Wirt. 

LETTER  XLIX. 

Alexander  Hamilton  —  duel  with  Burr. 

LETTER  L. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  gift  of  two  millions  to  Napoleon  —  John  Randolph's 
pamphlet  on  this  subject. 

LETTER  LI. 

Jefferson  and  England  —  rejects  treaty  of  1806  —  embargo  of  1807  — 
state  of  the  country. 

LETTER  LII. 

Governor  Strong  —  Governor  Sullivan —  Lieutenant  Governor  Lincoln 
—  proceedings  of  Massachusetts  Legislature. 

LETTER  LIII. 

Governor  Gore  —  members  of  Massachusetts  Legislature  —  merchants 
—  Governor  Gerry  —  Governor  Strong. 

LETTER  LIV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  retirement  —  his  various  accounts  of  embargo  system. 

LETTER  LV. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  account  of  himself — examination  of  his  account  ~  au- 
thor of  nullification. 

LETTER  LVI. 

Examination  of  his  policy  —  effects  of  his  policy. 

LETTER  LVII. 

How  Mr.  Jefferson  found  the  United  States  in  1801  —  how  he  left  them 
in  1809 — Mr.  Madison  —  his  policy  —  continuation  of  Mr.  Jefferson's. 


CONTENTS. 

LETTER  LVIII. 

Causes  of  war  in  1812. 

LETTER  LIX. 
The  Henry  plot  —  Mr.  Madison's  motives. 

LETTER  LX. 
War  message,  and  measures  in  Congress. 

LETTER  LXI. 
Opposition  to  the  war  in  Congress  —  state  of  Europe. 

LETTER  LXII. 

Coincidence  of  Napoleon's  war  against  Russia  and  American  war 
against  England  —  reception  of  the  war  in  New  England. 

LETTER  LXIII. 

Terror  that  came  with  the  war —  Baltimore  —  Washington  Benevolent 
Societies. 

LETTER  LXIV. 

Convention  at  New  York  —  Dewitt  Clinton. 

LETTER  LXV. 
Progress  of  the  war — proposed  conscription  and  impressment. 

LETTER  LXVI. 

Proceedings  of  Massachusetts — causes  of  the  Hartford  Convention. 

LETTER  LXVII. 
Effects  of  the  Hartford  Convention 

LETTER  LXVIII. 

Measures  in  consequence  of  the   Hartford    Convention  —  conclusion 
of  the  war — peace  message. 

LETTER  LXIX. 

Mr.  Madison's  probable   motives  —  close  of  his  administration  —  Mr. 
Monroe's  presidency. 

LETTER  LXX. 

Motives  and  conduct  of  the  Federalists. 

LETTER  LXXI. 
Strong  —  Brooks  —  Gore  —  Cabot. 


CONTENTS.  XX111 

LETTER  LXXII. 

Pickering —  Lowell,  senior  —  Higginson  —  Hichbora. 

LETTER  LXXIII. 
Parsons  —  Sewall  —  Parker  —  Dexter. 

LETTER  LXXIV. 
Otis  —  Lowell,  Jr.  —  Quincy  —  Ward  —  Lloyd. 

LETTER  LXXV. 
Conclusion  —  difficulties  —  remedies. 


The  Appendix  to  the  volume,  first  edition,  is  omitted  in  this ;  it  con- 
sisted of,  1.  Evidence  collected  by  the  sons  of  James  A.  Bayard,  on 
Jefferson's  calumnies.  2.  John  Jay's  letter  on  Washington's  Farewell 
Address.  3.  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  on  national 
affairs.  4.  Address  of  the  minority  of  Congress,  on  the  war  with  Eng- 
land, drawn  up  by  Josiah  Quincy.  5.  Extract  from  Walsh's  letter  on 
the  genius  and  character  of  the  French  revolutionary  government,  and 
on  French  military  conscription. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


For  eradicable,  page  77,  line  27,  read  trradicable. 


FAMILIAR   LETTERS. 


LETTER   I. 

BOSTON,  JAN.  17,  1833. 

THE  citizens  of  the  present  day  find  themselves  to  be  ' 
members  of  a  great  and  growing  republic.     They  must  be 
members,  also,  of  some  political  party,  if  they  exercise  the~\ 
rights  and  duties  of  citizens.     They  usually  become  party-    ] 
men,  without  much  consideration  of  the  reasons  for  being  on 
one  side,  or  the  other.     Accident,  imitation,  or  being  on  one 
side,  because  some  one,  not  in  favor,  is  on  the  other,  are  as 
good  reasons  as  many  can  give,  for  the  choice  they  make. 

There  is  a  right  and  a  wrong  in  all  political  divisions. 
One  side  may  be  entirely  right,  and  the  other  entirely  wrong. 
Two  opposing  parties  may  be  both  wrong,  in  proportion  as 
they  deviate  from  the  sound  principles  of  the  constitutions 
under  which  they  live. 

It  is  a  dry  and  uninteresting  employment  to  most  young 
persons,  to  study  out  the  origin,  and  progress,  of  the  political . 
institutions  of  this  country.     But  if  our  republic  is  to  con-    \ 
tinue,  these  young  persons  must  know,  in  some  way,  how 
much  it  depends  on   them   to   accomplish  its  preservation,   v 
All   modes   of  instruction    must   be    attempted.      Whether 
that  intended,  in  the  following  pages,  will  be  of  use  to  that 
end,  cannot  be  foreseen.     It  is  the  design  to  run  through"^ 
the  prominent  events,  in  this  country,  out  of  which  political    • 
parties  have  arisen. 

In   1783,   and  for  some  time  afterwards,  and  up  to  the 
time  of  the  French  Revolution,  there  were  distinctions  in 
1 


FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


society,   now  unknown.     They  were   the  remnants  of  the 
colonial  relations.     Persons  in  office,  the  rich,  and  those  who 
had  connexions  in  England,  of  which  they  were  proud,  were 
the  gentry  of  the  country,  before  the  war.     Modes  of  life, 
manners,  and  personal   decoration,  were  the  indications  of 
superiority.     The  commencement  of  hostilities  drove  a  large 
/  portion  of  this  gentry  from  the  colony ;  but  these  indications 
V continued  among  some  who  remained,  and  adhered  to  the 
patriot  side.    There  was  a  class  of  persons  (no  longer  known) 
"Y\vho  might  be  called  the  gentry  of  the  interior.     They  held 
[  very  considerable  landed  estates,  in  imitation  of  the  land- 
holders in  England.     These  persons  were  the  great  men  in 
\  their    respective    counties.      They    held    civil   and   military 
offices,  and  were  members  of  the  general  court.     This  sort  of 
personal  dignity  disappeared  before  the  end  of  the  last  century. 
The  long  continued  and  impoverishing  war  had  brought 
very  serious  embarrassments,  public  and  private.     One  mode 
of  relief,  after  the  war  ended,  was  to  engage  in  commerce. 
The  commercial  part  of  the  community  who  had  means,  (and 
some  of  them  were  wealthy  from  privateering,)  and  all  who  had 
credit  in  England,  engaged  in  importing  English  manufac- 
tures.    This  traffic  drained  the  country  of  specie,  and  intro- 
/duced  articles  of  luxury,  which  the  inhabitants  needed  not,  and 
j  for  which  they  contracted  debts,  which  they  could  not  pay. 
Embarrassments  were  increased  from  such  causes.     Importa- 
tions were  discountenanced,  and  those  who  made  them,  not 
only  made  bad  debts,  but  attracted  public  odium.    The  usual 
consequences  of  such  mistakes  followed.     There  were  insol- 
vencies,  and   prosecutions.     These   new,    and   improvident 
contracts,  were   but  a  small  item  in  the  causes  of  general 
distress,  after  independence  was  secured.     These  were  far 
more  serious  and  durable,  as  they  involved  public,  as  well  as 
private  credit. 

The  United  States  owed  the  heavy  debt  of  the  war.  Be- 
sides this  national  debt,  the  states,  separately,  had  contracted 
heavy  debts  of  their  own,  in  carrying  on  the  war.  Towns, 
also,  had  contracted  debts  in  furnishing  men,  and  necessa- 
ries for  the  army,  especially  in  Massachusetts.  Individuals 
owed  large  sums,  the  interest  of  which  had  been  accumulat- 
ing during  the  war.  In  the  planting  states  of  the  south, 
very  heavy  debts  were  due  to  the  English.  These  necessa- 
rily slept  through  the  war. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  .3 

When  the  courts  of  justice  were  again  opened,  and  undis- 
turbed by  military  movements,  there  was  leisure  to  prosecute 
for  debts.  The  utter  inability  to  satisfy  judgments  in  money, 
induced  some  of  the  state  legislatures  to  enact,  that  debtors 
might  tender  any  personal  property,  at  an  appraisement,  in 
satisfaction.  Thus  a  seaboard  creditor  might  recover  a  judg- 
ment against  a  creditor  in  the  country,  and  instead  of  being 
paid  in  money,  or  by  the  seizure  and  sale  of  personal  property, 
any  country  produce  might  be  tendered,  which,  not  being 
convertible  into  specie,  was  of  no  value  to  him.  This  legal 
provision  is  supposed  to  have  occasioned  the  prohibitory 
clause  in  the  United  States  constitution,  that  no  state  should 
pass  any  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts.  If  this 
was  so,  the  application  of  this  clause  has  been  extended  far 
beyond  the  original  design,  but,  undoubtedly,  with  most 
reasonable  and  just  effect. 

The  complaining  and  dissatisfied,  of  the  present  day,  may 
have  some  sympathy  with  their  predecessors  immediately  after 
the  war,  who  were  not  sufferers  from  wanton  acts  of  rulers, 
but  from  necessary  and  inevitable  consequences  of  having 
obtained  their  freedom.  The  paper  currency  had  sunk  to 
be  almost  nominal.  Of  specie  there  was  but  a  small  amount. 
Congress  earnestly  besought  of  the  states  their  proportion  of 
the  sums  which  the  Union  owed ;  state  creditors  were  im- 
portunate, and  private  debtors  were  vigorously  pursued.  \ 
Massachusetts  had  stood  forth,  foremost  of  all  the  states ;  j 
and  at  the  close  of  the  war,  she  had  furnished  one  third  of  \ 
all  the  effective  force  in  the  national  service.  This  state 
owed,  as  its  proportion  of  the  national  debt,  five  millions  of 
dollars.  It  owed  on  its  own  account,  and  not  as  a  member 
of  the  Union,  84,333,333.  It  owed  to  the  soldiers  and  offi- 
cers, which  it  had  sent  into  the  war,  $666,666,  making  ten 
millions  of  dollars.  The  resources  of  the  state,  to  pay  so 
much  of  this  debt  as  was  immediately  payable,  were  only 
the  revenues  derived  from  importation,  in  the  low  state  of 
commerce  ;  and  direct  taxation  on  estates,  and  polls  of  per- 
sons, overwhelmed  with  embarrassments ;  and  when  the 
whole  number  of  polls  in  the  state  did  not  exceed  ninety 
thousand. 


FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


LETTER   II. 

JAN.  20,  1833. 

IN  October,  1784,  Massachusetts  assessed  a  tax  of  one 
million  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  on  an  impoverished, 
distressed,  and  disheartened  people.  This  tax,  together 
with  the  number  of  civil  suits  instituted  by  private  creditors, 
brought  on  a  state  of  high  excitement.  In  looking  over  the 
records  of  this  time,  it  will  be  seen,  that  one  lawyer  insti- 
/  tuted  an  hundred  actions  at  one  court.  Lawyers  were 
associated  with  the  general  distress,  and  were  considered  to 
be  principal  causes  of  it,  merely  from  the  performance  of 
professional  duties.  In  our  own  time,  so  strongly  contrasted 
with  those  immediately  after  the  war,  we  hear  of  propositions 
and  efforts  to  diminish  the  expenses  of  administering  justice. 
At  that  time  the  newspapers  abounded  with  severe  reproaches 
of  the  profession ;  but  as  these  measures  produced  no  relief, 
while  the  courts  were  open,  the  acrimony  against  lawyers 
was  soon  transferred  to  the  courts.  In  different  parts  of  the 
state,  armed  combinations  arose,  for  the  purpose  of  prevent- 
ing the  sitting  of  the  courts,  and  this  object  was  effected  in 
many  of  the  counties.  The  militia  were  called  out  to  sup- 
press these  insurrections ;  but  there  was  no  reliance  to  be 
placed  on  their  aid,  as  no  small  proportion  of  them,  if  not 
among  the  insurgents,  were  among  the  disaffected.  At 
length  it  became  necessary  for  the  government  to  declare 
that  a  rebellion  existed,  and  4,400  men  were  raised  to  sup- 
press it.  The  command  of  this  force  was  given  to  Major 
General  Lincoln,  whose  conduct  in  the  execution  of  this 
trust  will  be  hereafter  mentioned. 

Among  the  deep  impressions  of  early  days  is  that  of  the 
great  excitement  which  existed  at  that  time,  and  which 
occupied  every  bosom.  It  was  expected  that  the  insurgents 
would  march  to  Boston,  and  attempt  to  liberate  certain  state 
prisoners  there.  All  the  young  men  were  under  arms  and 
ready  to  be  called  into  real  service.  They  wore  the  garb 
of  soldiers  daily,  and  held  themselves  prepared  to  march  at 
the  shortest  notice. 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  James  Bowdoin  to  be  Governor  of  the 
Commonwealth  at  this  period.  John  Hancock,  whose  per- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  5 

sonal  appearance  and  character  will  be  delineated,  in  some 
future  page,  had  been  governor  from  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution  in  1780.  In  January,  1785,  he  unexpectedly 
resigned.  Whether  he  foresaw  the  rebellion,  and  chose  to 
escape  the  responsibility  of  encountering  it,  officially,  or 
whether  he  considered  himself  too  infirm  to  continue  in 
office,  may  be  questionable.  The  latter  cause  was  assigned, 
and  was  a  sufficient  one.  His  successor,  Bowdoin,  was  not 
chosen  by  the  people,  but  he  had  the  highest  number  of 
votes,  and  was  constitutionally  chosen  by  the  senate.  This 
is  the  only  instance  of  the  failure  of  an  election,  by  the 
people,  from  1785  to  1833.  In  the  month  of  November, 
1785,  it  was  feared  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  pre- 
vent the  sitting  of  the  courts  in  Middlesex  county,  and  a 
large  number  of  troops  were  assembled  at  Cambridge,  under 
the  command  of  General  John  Brooks.  Governor  Bowdoin 
went  to  Cambridge  to  review  them.  He  had  no  military 
experience  himself,  and  was  not  mounted.  He  stood  on  the 
court-house  steps.  His  appearance  and  dress,  as  the  troops 
passed  by  him,  are  well  remembered.  He  was  then  about 
fifty-eight  years  of  age.  He  was  a  tall,  dignified  man  in 
appearance.  At  the  time  of  this  review  he  was  dressed  in 
a  gray  wig,  cocked  hat,  a  white  broadcloth  coat  and  waist- 
coat, red  small-clothes,  and  black  silk  stockings.  His  face 
was  without  color,  his  features  rather  small  for  his  size,  his 
air  and  manner  quietly  grave.  During  the  two  years  he 
was  in  office,  the  scenes  of  the  rebellion  occurred.  He 
conducted  himself  with  great  discretion  and  firmness.  It 
was  said,  that  he  was  very  well  advised ;  and  was  confirmed, 
by  able  men,  in  the  opinions  which  he  sustained  under  very 
trying  difficulties.  From  a  recent  perusal  of  his  official 
communications  to  the  legislature,  he  appears  to  have  been 
governed  by  a  high  sense  of  duty,  and  by  an  enlightened 
perception  of  what  his  duty  was.  Bowdoin  was  naturally  a 
man  of  feeble  health.  He  had  been  chosen  as  delegate  to 
the  first  congress,  but  was  unable  to  attend,  and  Hancock 
was  chosen  in  his  place.  Bowdoin  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a  man  of  learning.  He  was  the  principal  founder  of 
the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  its  first 
president.  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper,  minister  of  Brattle  Street 
Church,  was  the  first  vice  president.  Lowdoin  was  an 
honorary  member  of  several  literary  and  scientific  societies. 
1* 


FAMILIAR   LETTERS 


The  only  writings  of  this  gentleman,  except  his  official 
papers,  while  in  the  office  of  governor,  may  be  found  in  the 
first  volume  of  the  American  Academy's  publications. 

Bowdoin's  dignified  and  effective  administration  ought  to 
have  secured  to  him  the  entire  confidence  and  gratitude  of 
the  people.  This,  as  will  be  shown,  was  far  otherwise,  and 
after  two  years'  service,  another  was  elected  in  his  place. 
He  took  no  further  part  in  public  affairs.  His  private  char- 
acter was  that  of  a  strictly  moral  man;  rather  adapted  to  a 
tranquil,  than  to  an  ardent  and  active  life.  He  died  in 
the  year  1790,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three.  He  was  buried 
with  military  parade,  conducted  by  the  company  of  Inde- 
pendent Cadets,  which  was  renovated  during  his  magis- 
tracy, and  is  now  in  possession  of  a  standard  presented  by 
him.  He  had  an  only  son  (who  left  no  child)  and  three 
daughters.  His  place  of  abode  was  the  Bowdoin  House, 
still  remaining  in  Beacon  Street. 


LETTER   III. 

JAN.  24,  1833. 

THE  most  accurate  account  of  the  insurrection  in  Massa- 
chusetts, is  Minot's.  It  is  also  treated  of  in  Bradford's 
respectable  History  of  Massachusetts,  second  volume.  All 
the  notice  of  this  event,  which  the  present  purpose  requires, 
in  showing  the  train  of  occurrences,  may  be  comprised  in  a 
short  space. 

The  frequent  popular  meetings,  and  the  prevention  of  the 
sitting  of  the  courts,  having  made  it  necessary  to  exert  the 
power  of  the  government,  Gen.  Lincoln,  as  before  mentioned, 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  force,  which  he  con- 
ducted to  Worcester,  in  January,  1787.  The  arrival  of  these 
troops,  at  that  place,  enabled  the  court  to  hold  its  session 
there,  undisturbed.  The  insurgents  concentrated  their  forces 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Springfield.  Luke  Day  was  at  the 
head  of  about  400,  and  Daniel  Shays  at  the  head  of  about 
1100.  The  latter  had  been  an  officer  in  the  continental 
army.  General  William  Shepherd,  afterwards  a  member 
of  Congress,  had  the  command  of  about  1100  of  the  militia  of 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  7 

the  county  of  Hampshire.  Shays  was  on  the  east  side  of 
Springfield,  and  Day  on  the  westerly  side  of  it.  Shep- 
herd, supposing  it  to  be  Shays's  object  to  possess  himself  of 
the  arsenal  there,  posted  his  troops  for  its  defence.  Lincoln 
directed  his  march  from  Worcester  to  Springfield.  Shays, 
knowing  of  the  approach  of  Lincoln,  found  it  indispensable 
to  attempt  the  defeat  of  Shepherd  before  Lincoln  could  ar- 
rive. Relying  on  the  aid  of  Day,  on  the  western  side, 
Shays  approached  Shepherd's  position  on  the  afternoon  of 
January  the  25th.  When  they  had  come  within  a  short  dis- 
tance, Shepherd  sent  messengers  to  them  demanding  to  know 
their  purpose,  and  warning  them  of  their  danger.  Shays 
answered,  that  he  meant  to  have  possession  of  the  bar- 
racks. Shepherd  replied  to  him,  that  he  was  posted  there, 
by  order  of  the  Government,  and  of  Congress ;  and  that 
if  Shays  came  any  nearer,  he  and  his  body  of  men  would 
be  fired  upon.  He  was  answered,  that  was  what  was 
wanted.  The  insurgents  were  within  250  yards  of  Shep- 
herd's line ;  and  when  they  had  advanced  an  hundred  yards 
further,  Shepherd  ordered  two  cannon  to  be  fired,  but,  un- 
willing to  shed  the  blood  of  his  deluded  fellow-citizens, 
caused  the  shot  to  be  thrown  over  their  heads.  This 
measure  not  having  intimidated  them,  as  he  hoped  it 
would,  his  guns  were  then  pointed  to  the  centre  of  their 
column  and  discharged.  A  cry  of  murder  was  heard  in 
the  ranks  of  the  insurgents,  and  they  immediately  fell  into 
such  confusion  and  terror,  that  their  leader's  efforts  to  dis- 
play his  column,  and  lead  on  to  battle,  were  all  in  vain. 
His  men  immediately  retreated  to  Ludlow,  about  ten  miles 
from  the  place  of  action,  leaving  three  of  their  men  dead 
and  one  wounded.  (Minot's  Hist.  Insur.  111.) 

Shepherd  remained  at  his  post,  in  constant  expectation 
of  a  renewed  attack  from  the  united  force  of  Shays  and 
Day ;  and  of  Eli  Parsons,  who  led  about  400  men  from 
Berkshire.  He  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  advantage 
of  attacking  him  before  the  arrival  of  Lincoln's  troops 
would  not  be  lost.  But  at  noon  on  the  27th  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  the  approach  of  Lincoln's  troops, 
consisting  of  four  regiments,  three  companies  of  artillery, 
a  company  of  horse,  and  another  company  who  were 
volunteers.  Hardly  stopping  to  rest,  General  Lincoln  led  a 
detachment  across  the  frozen  river,  to  attack  Day  ;  while 


8  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Shepherd  moved  up  the  river  to  prevent  the  junction  of 
Day  and  Shays.  Day's  party  were  put  to  flight  and  escaped 
to  Northampton.  The  party  of  Shays  retreated  to  Am- 
herst,  destitute  of  all  provision,  except  that  obtained  by 
plunder.  Lincoln  followed  in  the  same  direction,  but  rind- 
ing that  Shays  had  gone  from  that  place,  and  that  his  troops 
could  not  be  sheltered  from  the  excessive  cold  nearer  than 
at  Hadley,  he  marched  thither. 

While  at  this  place,  Lincoln  was  informed  that  Shays 
had  posted  himself  at  Pelham  hills,  and  he  thought  proper 
to  address  a  letter  to  him,  and  his  officers  (on  the  30th  of 
Jan.  1787)  of  a  firm,  and  dignified,  but  humane  charac- 
ter, informing  them  that  if  they  laid  down  their  arms,  and 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Commonwealth,  they 
would  be  recommended  to  the  General  Court  for  mercy.  On 
the  same  day  Shays  replied,  that  he  desired  hostilities  to 
cease,  until  an  answer  could  be  received  to  a  petition  then 
on  its  way  to  the  General  Court.  To  this  communication 
Lincoln  replied  on  the  31st,  "  Your  request  is  totally  inad- 
'  missible,  as  no  powers  are  delegated  to  me,  which  would 
'  justify  a  delay  of  my  operations.  Hostilities  I  have  not 
'  commenced.  I  have  again  to  warn  the  people  in  arms 
'  against  the  Government,  immediately  to  disband,  as  they 
'  would  avoid  the  ill  consequences  which  may  ensue,  should 
'  they  be  inattentive  to  this  caution." 

The  petition  mentioned  by  Shays,  and  the  intelligence 
received  from  Lincoln,  induced  the  legislature  to  declare 
the  existence  of  an  open  rebellion  on  the  4th  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1787.  On  the  third  of  February  the  insurgents 
were  retreating  towards  Petersham.  Of  this  fact,  Lincoln 
had  notice  at  three  o'clock  on  the  same  day ;  but  it  was 
not  made  certain  till  six  o'clock.  Notwithstanding  the 
severity  of  the  weather,  and  the  disadvantage  of  a  night 
march,  he  gave  orders  to  his  troops  to  be  ready,  with  three 
days'  provision,  at  eight  o'clock,  at  which  time  he  departed 
in  pursuit.  When  they  had  arrived  at  New  Salem,  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  violent  wind  from  the  north 
arose,  severely  cold,  and  accompanied  by  a  snow-storm, 
which  obstructed  the  path.  There  was  no  place  for  shelter, 
or  refreshment ;  and  as  the  intensity  of  the  cold  made  it 
hazardous  to  stop  in  the  road,  for  any  purpose,  there  was  no 
alternative  but  to  pursue  their  disheartening  march,  which 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  9 

could  terminate  no  where  but  in  the  quarters  of  the  enemy. 
Thus,  their  march  was  prolonged  to  thirty  miles,  in  the 
night  time,  not  a  little  resembling  the  retreat  of  the  French 
from  Moscow.  At  nine  next  morning  Lincoln's  front  was 
at  Petersham,  his  rear  five  miles  distant. 

This  was  the  favorable  moment  for  the  insurgents.  They 
had  passed  the  night  in  comfortable  quarters,  and  were  in 
full  vigor,  and  could  easily  be  embodied,  and  conducted  to 
action,  against  an  exhausted  force,  of  which  only  the  front 
had  presented  itself.  But  Lincoln's  flanks  being  defended 
by  the  depth  of  snow,  and  there  being  no  approach  but  in  the 
path  in  front,  and  having  guarded  this  by  placing  his  artillery 
in  front,  he  advanced  with  the  certainty  of  success. 

The  first  notice  which  the  insurgents  had  of  Lincoln's 
presence,  was  from  the  entrance  of  the  advanced  guard 
among  them.  The  surprise  was  complete.  Their  minds 
were  directed  to  this  wonderful  achievement,  and  not  to  the 
advantages  which  they  might  have  had  over  those  who  had 
performed  it.  Men  who  are  conscious  of  being  engaged  in 
punishable  acts,  must  be  assured  of  superior  strength,  or 
driven  to  desperation,  in  contending  against  others  who  move 
under  the  impulse  of  duty.  Their  courage  abandoned  them ; 
they  instantly  fled,  thinking  only  of  personal  safety.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  were  taken.  The  remainder  escaped  into 
neighbouring  states. 


LETTER   IV. 

JAW.  27,  1833. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  energetic  measures  of  Bowdoin  in 
suppressing  the  rebellion,  the  attention  of  the  people  was 
again  turned  to  Hancock.  He  was  always  the  popular  ~? 
favorite,  and  it  was  hoped,  by  those  who  sought  relief  from 
the  public  burthens,  that  more  was  to  be  expected  from 
him  than  from  Bowdoin.  Many  who  had  been,  in  princi- 
ple, opposed  to  rebellious  measures,  and  those  who  promo- 
ted them,  or  were  engaged  in  them,  uniting  in  favor  of 
Hancock,  constituted  a  majority  of  the  electors.  In  these 
early  days  it  was  suggested  and  believed,  without  any  justi- 


10  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

fiable  cause,  that  Bowdoin  had  English  partialities ;  because 
an    Englishman,  who'  bore  a  title,   had  become  his  son-in- 
law.      Hancock    having    been   elected,  continued  Governor 
/  until  his  death,  which  occurred  in  October,   1793,  at  the 

age  of  50. 

\"f  Hancock  will  be  considered  in  the  history  of  our  coun- 
try, as  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  age.  How  true  this 
may  be,  distant  generations  are  not  likely  to  know.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  clergyman  in  Braintree,  and  was  educa- 
ted at  Harvard  College,  and  inherited  a  very  ample  fortune, 
from  his  childless  uncle.  Hancock  left  no  child.  He  had 
a  son  who  died  at  an  early  age  from  an  unfortunate  acci- 
dent. Hancock  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  Congress  in  1774, 
as  before  mentioned,  and  in  consequence  of.  his  personal 
deportment,  and  his  fame  as  a  patriot,  he  was  elevated,  in 
an  assembly  of  eminent  men,  to  the  dignity  of  President, 
which  office  he  held  when  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  signed,  at  which  time  he  was  only  thirty  nine  years  of 
age. 

(In  June,  1782,  Governor  Hancock  had  the  appearance  of 
advanced  age,  though  only  forty-five.  He  had  been  repeat- 
edly and  severely  afflicted  with  the  gout,  a  disease  much 
more  common  in  those  days  than  it  now  is,'  while  dyspepsia, 
if  it  existed  at  all,  was  not  known  by  that  name.*  As 
recollected,  at  this  time,  Gov.  Hancock  was  nearly  six  feet  in 
stature,  and  of  thin  person,  stooping  a  little,  and  apparently 
enfeebled  by  disease.  His  manners  were  very  gracious,  of 
the  old  style  of  dignified  complaisance.  His  face  had  been 
very  handsome.  Dress  was  adapted  quite  as  much  to  be 
ornamental  as  useful.  Gentlemen  wore  wigs  when  abroad, 
and,  commonly,  caps,  when  at  home.  At  this  time,  (June, 
1782,)  about  noon,  Hancock  was  dressed  in  a  red  velvet  cap, 
within  which  was  one  of  fine  linen.  The  latter  was  turned 
up  over  the  lower  edge  of  the  velvet  one,  two  or  three 
inches.  He  wore  a  blue  damask  gown,  lined  with  silk ;  a 
white  stock,  a  white  satin  embroidered  waistcoat,  black 
satin  small-clothes,  white  *ilk  stockings,  and  red  morocco 
slippers.  It  was  a  general  practice  in  genteel  families,  to 

/  *  It  may  be  that  the  very  general  practice  of  drinking  punch  in  the 
forenoon,  and  evening,  by  all  who  could  afford  it,  was  the  cause  of  the 
common  disease  of  gout. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  11 

have  a  tankard  of  punch  made  in  the  morning,  and  placed 
in  a  cooler  when  the  season  required  it.  Visiters  were  in- 
vited to  partake  of  it.  At  this  visit,  Hancock  took  from 
the  cooler,  standing  on  the  hearth,  a  full  tankard,  and 
drank  first  himself,  and  then  offered  it  to  those  present.  — 
Hancock  was  hospitable.  There  might  have  been  seen  at 
his  table,  all  classes,  from  grave  and  dignified  clergy,  down 
to  the  gifted  in  song,  narration,  anecdote  and  wit,  with  whom 
"  noiseless  falls  the  foot  of  Time,  that  only  treads  on  flowers." 
There  are  more  books,  more  reading,  more  thinking,  and 
more  interchange  of  thoughts  derived  from  books,  and  con- 
versation, at  present,  than  there  were  fifty  years  ago.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  society  is  wiser,  and  happier,  than  it  was, 
from  being  better  instructed.  Some  persons  may  be  of 
opinion,  that  if  social  intercourse  is  on  a  better  footing 
now,  than  formerly,  it  is  less  interesting,  less  cordial  than 
heretofore.  It  is  not  improbable  that  increase  of  numbers, 
and  of  wealth,  tend  to  make  the  members  of  society  more 
selfish ;  and  to  stifle  expansive  and  generous  feelings. 
Modes  of  life  run  into  matters  of  show  and  ornament ;  and 
it  becomes  a  serious  occupation,  to  be  able  to  compare  con- 
dition on  advantageous  terms. 

Though  Hancock  was  very  wealthy,  he  was  too  much 
occupied  with  public  affairs  to  be  advantageously  attentive 
to  his  own  private  ones.  The  times  in  which  he  lived,  and  the 
distinguished  agency  which  fell  to  his  lot,  from  his  sincere 
and  ardent  devotion  to  the  patriot  cause,  engendered  a  strong 
self  regard.  He  was  said  to  be  somewhat  sensitive,  and 
easily  offended,  and  very  uneasy  in  -the  absence  of  the  high 
consideration  which  he  claimed,  rather  as  a  right,  than  a 
courtesy.  He  had  strong  personal  friends,  and  equally 
strong  personal  enemies.  From  such  causes  arose  some 
irritating  difficulties.  He  had  not  only  a  commanding  de- 
portment, which  he  could  qualify  with  a  most  attractive 
amenity,  but  a  fine  voice,  and  a  highly  graceful  manner. 
These  were  traits  which  distinguished  him  from  most  men, 
and  qualified  him  to  preside,  in  popular  assemblies,  with 
great  dignity. 

Hancock  was  not  supposed  to  be  a  man  of  great  intellect- 
ual force  by  nature  ;  and  his  early  engagements  in  political 
life,  and  the  scenes  in  which  he  was  conversant,  called  for 
the  exercise  of  his  powers  only  in  the  public  service.  He 


12  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

was  so  placed  as  not  to  have  had  occasion  to  display  the 
force  of  his  mind,  in  that  service,  so  as  to  enable  those  of 
the  present  day  to  judge  of  it,  excepting  in  his  communica- 
tions to  the  legislature.  There  is  one  exception.  He  de- 
livered an  oration  on  the  massacre  of  March  5,  1770. 

If  history  has  any  proper  concern  with  the  individual 
qualities  of  Hancock,  it  may  be  doubtful  whether,  in  these 
respects,  distant  generations  will  know  exactly  what  man- 
ner of  man  he  was.  But  as  a  public  man,  this  country  is 
greatly  indebted  to  him.  He  was  most  faithfully  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  his  country,  and  it  is  a  high  eulogy  on  his 
patriotism,  that  when  the  British  government  offered  pardon 
to  all  the  rebels,  for  all  their  offences,  Hancock  and  one 
other  (Samuel  Adams)  were  the  only  persons  to  whom  this 
grace  was  denied. 


LETTER   V. 

FEB.  1,  1833. 

ONE  who  has  been  a  careful  observer  of  political  events, 
for  a  course  of  years,  well  knows,  that  it  is  in  these,  as  it  is 

V\in  private  life,  in  this  respect :  —  sometimes  seeming  evil 
'  results  in  good;  and  seeming  good,  earnestly  desired,  and 

.  labored  for,  turns  to  evil.  This  may  be  shown  in  the 
N  occurrences  just  mentioned.  Hancock's  resignation,  Bow- 
doin's  election,  his  defeat  at  the  third  election  (1787),  and 
Hancock's  re-election,  were  respectively  considered  at  the 
time,  by  the  best  informed  men,  as  public  misfortunes.  But 
if  Hancock  had  not  resigned,  the  rebellion,  probably,  would 
not  have  been  suppressed.  The  war  would  have  extended 
to  other  states,  and  we  might  now  have  been  in  the  like 
condition  with  that  of  the  Spanish  provinces  in  South 
America.  If  Hancock  had  not  been  elected  in  1787,  it  is 

f  doubtful  whether  the  federal  constitution  would  have  been 
adopted  in  this  state ;  and  if  it  had  been  rejected  in  Massa- 
chusetts, such  was  the  respect  in  which  this  state  was  then 
held,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  other  states  would  have 
done  differently  from  this.  If  the  union  of  the  states  had 
not  then  been  effected,  it  seems  to  have  been  admitted,  that 


OF    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  13 

there  was  no  hope  of  agreeing  on  any  other  mode  of  accom- 
plishing this  object ;  and  none,  that  the  old  confederation 
would  long  have  held  the  states  united. 

When  Hancock  succeeded  Bowdoin,  all  the  causes  of  the 
rebellion  still  continued.  Taxes  were  exceedingly  burthen- 
some,  and  means  for  payment  wholly  inadequate.  Com- 
merce was  conducted  to  great  disadvantage,  and  mostly  in 
British  vessels.  The  importations  were  of  articles  which 
the  sensible  men  of  the  day  considered  to  be,  in  part  unne-  j 
cessary,  and  in  part  worse  than  useless  ;  and  not  to  be  had 
without  draining  the  country  of  specie.  But  in  the  course 
of  this  year  the  aspect  of  affairs  changed  in  some  degree ; 
and  inspired  hopes  that  difficulties  might  be  surmounted. 
The  fear  of  new  commotions  died  away.  The  courts  were 
no  more  impeded.  Nine  of  the  insurgents  were  tried,  and 
condemned  ;  some  of  them  escaped  from  prison,  some  were 
pardoned ;  one  only  was  punished  by  commuting  the  pun- 
ishment of  death  to  that  of  imprisonment  to  hard  labor.  No 
blood  was  shed  by  the  civil  authority.  Public  peace  and 
confidence  in  the  government  being  restored,  the  natural  x 
energy  of  New  England  men  was  turned  to  objects  of  * 
industry.  About  this  time,  with  a  view  to  aid  domestic 
manufactures,  and  to  prevent  importations,  the  state  took  an 
interest  in  establishing  a  duck  manufactory  in  Boston,  and 
a  cotton  manufactory  in  Beverly.  For  some  reason,  both 
these  efforts  proved  abortive.  The  manufacture  of  pot  and 
pearl  ashes  was  much  encouraged,  and  these  became  the 
most  important  article  of  export. 

In  1788,  Governor  Hancock  was  re-elected  with  somewhat 
more  of  opposition  than  in  the  preceding  election.     When 
the  legislature  assembled,  he  was  too  much  indisposed  toJ 
make  the  customary  speech.     He  sent  a  written  message^\ 
which  is  probably  the  first  instance  of  a  communication  in 
that  form,  at  the  opening  of  a  session. 

In  this  political  year  there  are  some  things  worth  noticing. 
Hancock  made  a  persuasive  appeal  to  the  legislature  to 
provide  by  law  for  public  schools,  and  for  suitable  instruc-  :' 
tion.  Notwithstanding  the  general  poverty  and  distress, 
laws  were  enacted,  and  carried  into  effect.  Ability  to 
establish  the  means  of  education,  indispensable  to  a  healthy 
state  of  society,  and  to  the  preservation  of  a  republican 
government  are  now  abundant ;  but  in  proportion  to  the 
2 


14  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

increase  of  this  ability,  solicitude  to  apply  it  profitably  seems 
to  have  decreased.  It  is  a  just  ground  of  complaint,  that 
the  interests  of  education,  so  far  as  they  are  confided  to  the 
care  of  the  state,  are  not  sufficiently  regarded. 

In  1788,  Benjamin  Lincoln,  who  commanded  the  troops 
in  the  rebellion,  was  chosen  lieutenant-governor.  He  had 
acquired  the  highest  respect  and  esteem,  not  only  on  that 
occasion,  but  for  his  services  in  the  revolutionary  war.  It 
is  not  easy  to  assign  the  true  cause  for  Hancock's  treatment 
of  Lincoln.  At  that  time,  Castle  William,  now  Fort  Inde- 
pendence, belonged  to  the  state.  The  perquisites  of  the 
command  at  this  place,  were  equal  to  an  annual  salary  of 
one  thousand  dollars.  The  lieutenant-governor  had  always 
been  appointed  to  this  command,  and  had  received  no  other 
compensation  than  these  perquisites.  Hancock  did  not 
give  the  command  to  Lincoln,  but  exercised  it  himself,  and 
actually  resided  at  the  castle,  whenever  it  suited  his  con- 
venience. The  reason  for  not  appointing  Lincoln  was  not 
disclosed ;  and  there  was  no  reason  apparent  to  the  public. 
It  can  be  accounted  for  only  by  knowing  what  opinions  and 
feelings  Hancock  could  entertain,  and  how  pertinaciously 
he  could  adhere  to  them.  The  legislature  interposed,  and 
requested  to  know  why  Lincoln  was  not  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  castle.  Hancock  evaded  the  inquiry,  and 
intimated,  that  he  was  himself  the  proper  judge  of  the  time, 
when  the  appointment  was  to  be  made.  The  legislature 
provided  a  salary  and  the  appointment  was  not  made.  This 
conduct  materially  affected  Hancock's  popularity,  but  not 
to  the  extent  of  defeating  his  election,  in  the  ensuing  year. 
Something  may  be  inferred  of  the  true  character  of  Hancock 
from  this  transaction ;  for  no  man  could  be  more  deserving 
of  confidence  and  respect  in  public,  and  in  private,  than 
Lincoln.  Hancock's  motives  can  only  be  conjectured. 

In  1789,  President  Washington  visited  the  eastern  states. 
He  travelled  in  a  post-chaise  with  four  horses;  he  was 
accompanied  by  Major  Jackson,  official  secretary,  and  by 
Tobias  Lear,  his  private  secretary ;  and  attended  by  his 
famous  man  Billy,  who  makes  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the 
forged  letters.  A  disagreement  arose  between  the  Governor 
^\  and  the  Town's  Committee,  to  which  of  them  belonged  the 
honor  of  receiving  the  President  at  the  line  of  the  town. 
From  this  cause  there  was  a  long  delay,  during  which  the 


OP    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  15 


President  was  exposed  to  a  raw  northeast  wind,  by  which  ^' 
exposure  he  was  visited  by  a  severe  cold.  Many  other 
persons  were  exposed  and  affected  in  like  manner,  and  the 
affection  became  so  general  as  to  be  called  the  Washington  • 
influenza.  He  came  in  on  horseback,  dressed  in  his  old  ' 
continental  uniform,  with  his  hat  off.  He  did  not  bow  to 
the  spectators ,  as  he  passed,  but  sat  on  his  horse  with  a 
calm,  dignified  air.  He  dismounted  at  the  Old  State 
House,  now  City  Hall,  and  came  out  on  a  temporary  bal- 
cony at  the  west  end  ;  a  long  procession  passed  before  him, 
whose  salutations  he  occasionally  returned.  A  triumphal 
arch  was  erected  across  the  street  at  that  place,  and  a  choir 
of  singers  were  stationed  there.  When  Washington  came 
within  hearing,  he  was  saluted  by  the  clear,  powerful  voice 
of  Daniel  Rea,  who  began  the  ode  prepared  for  the  occa- 
sion :  "  The  conquering  Hero  comes.11 

Hancock,  with  some  feeling  of  state  rights,  had  taken 
the  position  that,  as  the  representative  of  sovereignty  in  his 
own  dominion,  he  was  to  be  visited  Jirst,  even  by  the 
President ;  who,  on  Hancock's  own  ground,  is  the  repre- 
sentative of  sovereignty  of  all  the  states,  wheresoever  he  may 
be  within  their  limits.  The  President  was  made  to  under- 
stand that  Hancock  expected  the  first  visit.  This  was  not 
deemed  proper  by  the  Ppesident.  A  negotiation  ensued. 
It  ended  in  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  President  to  see 
Hancock,  unless  at  his  own  place  of  abode,  which  was  at 
the  house  at  the  corner  of  Court  and  Tremont  Streets. 
The  delay  was  afterwards  imputed  to  Hancock's  personal 
debility.  On  the  second  or  third  day,  Hancock  went  in  his 
coach,  enveloped  in  red  baize,  to  Washington's  lodgings, 
and  was  borne  in  the  arms  of  servants  into  the  house. 

The  President  remained  here  about  a  week,  and  partook 
of  a  public  dinner,  dined  with  the  Governor,  and  attended 
an  oratorio  in  King's  Chapel,  on  which  occasion  he  was 
dressed  in  black.  On  his  departure  for  Portsmouth,  he  "• 
showed  his  regard  for  punctuality.  He  gave  notice  that  he 
should  depart  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  left  the 
door  at  the  moment.  The  escort  not  being  ready,  he  went 
without  them ;  they  followed  and  overtook  him  on  the  way. 


16  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

LETTER   VI. 


FEB.  4,  1833. 


IN  1774,  on  the  suggestion  of  Massachusetts,  a  congress 
of  delegates  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  This  assembly 
conducted  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  during  the  war 
until  the  year  1781.  It  was  commonly  called  "  The  Con- 
gress." It  was  one  body,  and  exercised  legislative  and 
executive  power ;  and  acted  in  the  name  of  the  states,  in 
the  negotiations  with  all  foreign  powers.  In  1781,  the 
several  states  adopted  articles  of  confederation,  intended  to 
vest  such  powers  in  The  Congress  as  were  then  deemed 
necessary  ;  but  they  amounted  to  no  more  than  power  to 
recommend  to  the  several  states,  the  adoption  of  such 
measures  as  the  common  defence  and  prosecution  of  the 
war  required.* 

When  the  pressure  of  the  war  ceased,  it  was  found  that 
the  powers  given  by  the  articles  of  confederation  made 
Congress  entirely  dependent  on  the  states.  Congress  could 
demand  of  the  states  whatsoever  was  necessary  for  the  per- 
formance of  its  contracts  made  in  the  course  of  the  revolu- 
tion. But  the  states  might  comply  or  not ;  and  if  they  did 
not,  Congress  had  no  power  of  coercion.  If  money  was 
wanted,  Congress  apportioned  the  sum  among  the  states, 
according  to  population  and  property.  The  states  had  then 
to  assess  on  their  respective  inhabitants  the  amount  de- 
manded. When  the  danger  from  the  presence  of  the 
enemy  had  ceased,  the  sates  judged  for  themselves  whether 
they  could,  and  would,  comply  with  the  demand.  The 
states  began,  also,  to  exercise  acts  of  sovereignty  among 
themselves,  and  over  such  acts  Congress  had  no  control. 
Congress  could  not  regulate  commerce  between  the  states, 
nor  between  them  individually  or  collectively,  and  foreign 

*  It  is  not  intended  to  do  more  than  make  a  mere  outline  of  his- 
torical events.  Those  who  desire  accurate  information  are  referred 
to  the  first  volume  of  the  truly  excellent  work  of  Judge  STORY, 
entitled,  "  Commentaries  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 
All  the  works  which  relate  to  this  interesting  period  are  there  re- 
ferred to ;  and  his  countrymen  are  indebted  to  him  for  an  historical 
compilation  which  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  17 

countries.  It  could  not  derive  a  revenue  from  importations. 
In  short  it  could  recommend,  and  this  was  the  extent  of  its 
power.  The  disturbances,  and  consequent  insurrection 
and  rebellion  in  Massachusetts  alarmed  all  the  states. 
General  Washington  wrote  to  a  friend,  that  if  such  was  to 
be  the  fruit  of  the  revolution,  it  would  have  been  far  better 
to  have  saved  the  lives  and  the  money  expended. 

Several  propositions  were  made  to  hold  conventions  to 
consider  the  proper  measures  to  be  adopted.  One  was 
held  at  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  in  September,  1786,  but 
only  five  states  were  represented.  These  movements  led  to 
the  convention  which  began  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  1787, 
at  which  all  the  states  were  represented,  except  Rhode 
Island.  From  this  convention  came  the  present  constitu- 
tion,  after  a  long  and  laborious  discussion,  in  the  course  of 
which  the  convention  was  frequently  on  the  point  of  break- 
ing up,  hopeless  of  accomplishing  any  thing.  This  consti-  ^ 
tution  was  submitted  to  Congress,  and  by  Congress  to  the  A 
states,  with  a  recommendation  that  delegates  from  the  people 
should  meet  and  consider  it.  Hancock  submitted  this  con- 
stitution to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  in  November, 
1787,  and  a  convention  assembled  in  Boston  on  the  9th  of 
January  following,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  fifty-five 
members. 

The  ablest  men  in  the  state  were  of  this  assembly.  They 
commenced  their  session  in  the  Old  State  House,  and  soon 
adjourned  to  a  meeting-house,  where  the  Rev.  Dr.  Chan- 
ning's  meeting-house  now  stands,  whence  that  street  has  its 
name.  John  Hancock  was  chosen  president ;  William 
Gushing,  then  chief  justice,  vice  president ;  George  Rich- 
ards Minot,  author  of  the  History  of  the  Insurrection,  and  of 
a  Continuation  of  the  History  of  Massachusetts,  was  secre- 
tary. An  intense  interest  was  taken  in  the  proceedings  of 
this  respectable  assembly.  It  was  believed  that,  if  the  consti- 
tution was  rejected  by  them,  there  could  be  no  hope  of  hav- 
ing it  adopted  by  the  requisite  number  of  states.  There  is  no 
doubt  that,  if  the  question  had  been  taken  without  discus- 
sion, there  would  have  been  a  large  majority  against  the 
adoption.  Each  member  would  have  voted  on  his  own 
objections,  and  there  were  some  objections  in  almost  every 
mind.  The  constitution  had  been  thoroughly  discussed,  in 
the  most  able  manner,  in  newspapers  in  different  parts  of  the 
2* 


18  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

states,  before  the  convention  met.  These  commentaries 
had  been  generally  read.  At  the  head  of  all  of  them  are 
the  numbers  entitled  "  The  Federalist,"  which  were  the  joint 
work  of  Jay,  Hamilton,  and  Madison,  but  principally  of 
Hamilton.  This  work  is  held  to  be  a  high  authority  at  the 
present  day,  as  explanatory  of  the  constitution.  The  theory 
and  practice  of  mankind  in  government,  from  the  earliest 
ages,  were  open  to  discussion  as  illustrative  of  the  serious 
measure  proposed  to  the  American  people ;  and  it  could  not 
be  otherwise  than  that  the  ablest  men  in  the  country  should 
have  been  enlisted  on  the  one  side  and  the  other.  No  one 
who  did  not  live  at  that  time,  with  capacity  to  comprehend 
the  operation  of  hopes,  fears,  jealousies,  doubts,  and  per- 
plexities, can  conceive  of  the  sober  and  absorbing  interest 
which  was  then  experienced  in  this  community.  This 
interest  was  more  deeply  felt  in  Massachusetts  than  in  any 
other  state,  in  consequence  of  the  recent  rebellion  ;  and 
from  this  cause  the  zeal,  both  of  advocates  and  opponents, 
may  have  been  the  more  ardent.  There  are  few,  if  any,  men 
now  living  who  were  members  of  this  convention.  Some 
of  them  held  eminent  stations  in  public  life  in  after  times. 
There  are  not  many  now  living  who  knew  them  personally, 
and  of  these  perhaps  there  is  no  one  who  will  take  the 
labor  of  describing  them,  unless  it  be  done  in  these  letters. 
All  the  men  who  took  any  active  part  in  this  assembly,  and 
who  were  sufficiently  prominent  to  be  objects  of  curiosity, 
will  be  described  according  to  the  impressions  which  mem- 
ory retains. 


LETTER    VII. 

FEB.  8,  1833. 

THE  course  of  discussion  was  to  take  up  paragraphs  of 
the  constitution,  in  their  order,  and  for  each  member,  who 
saw  fit,  to  express  his  opinion.  The  final  and  only  ques- 
tion was,  on  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  instrument, 
in  whole.  Elbridge  Gerry,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the 
convention,  and  afterwards  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  was  invited  to 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  19 

take  a  seat  in  the  convention,  that  he  might  be  called  on 
for  explanations.  He  was  so  called  on  twice  ;  and,  on  de- 
bate, it  was  settled,  that  his  answers  should  be  given  in 
writing.  This  gentleman  was  opposed  to  the  constitution,  —  v 
and  so  declared  himself  to  be,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Gov- 
ernor Hancock  before  he  came  home.  Mr.  Gerry  was  a 
man  of  middling  stature,  and  thin  person,  of  courteous  man- 
ners, and  gentlemanly  appearance.  He  took  an  active  and 
zealous  part  in  the  revolution.  His  public  transactions  are 
recorded  in  different  forms,  and  to  these  reference  is  made 
to  satisfy  curiosity,  as  to  his  ability  and  his  usefulness  in 
public  services. 

The  first  important  debate  that  occurred  in  the  conven-  ^ 
tion,  was  on  the  election  of  representatives  for  two  years. 
Fisher   Ames   distinguished  himself  in    this    debate.     He 
was  then  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  had  been  known  as 
a  writer  on  the  politics  of  the  day.     His  speech,  on  this 
occasion,  placed  him  in  an  eminent  rank  as  a  statesman, 
and  orator,  which  he  made  still  higher  and  higher  as  long 
as  his  public  life  continued.     No  man  has  appeared  in  this 
country,  who  took  a  deeper  interest  in  its  prosperity  and 
honor ;  and  it  is  not  an  easy  matter  to  point  out  his  superior 
in  comprehensive  and  just  views,  or  in  ability  to  display ^ 
them,  whether  in  speech,  or  writing.     It  is  said  that  the  \ 
eloquence  of  the  tongue,  and  the  pen,  do  not  often  occur  in  / 
the  same  man ;  he  was  alike  eminent  in  both. 

The  constitution  having  been  adopted  by  nine  states  in 
the  course  of  the  year  1788,  the  first  elections  under  it  oc- 
curred in  the  autumn  of  that  year.  Mr.  Ames  was  sent  to 
Congress,  and  remained  a  member  during  the  whole  of 
Washington's  administration.  He  made  many  elaborate 
and  able  speeches.  There  is  a  test  of  congressional  excel- 
lence, in  the  general  sentiment  which  the  public  acquire, 
not  from  the  hearing,  or  reading,  of  speeches  by  each  one 
who  pretends  to  an  opinion,  but  by  a  community  of  senti- 
ment, of  which  friends  and  foes  admit  the  correctness. 
Thus,  there  are  thousands  who  know  that  Mr.  Ames  was  "\ 
an  eloquent  statesman,  who  never  heard  his  voice,  nor  read  • 
a  word  of  his  utterance.  The  two  speeches  which  may  be 
considered  to  have  precedence  of  all  others  which  he  made, 
were  that  on  Mr.  Madison's  resolutions,  and  that  on  grant- 
ing appropriations  under  Jay's  treaty.  The  former  was 


20  FAMILIAR  LETTERS 

delivered  on  the  27th  January,  1794,  the  latter  on  the  28th 
April,  179C.     The  first  of  these  speeches  was  in  answer  to 
a  course  of  policy,  (proposed  for  the  first  time  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  an  official  report,)  which  was 
afterwards  fully  developed,  and  carried  into  effect,  during 
the   administrations   of  Mr.  Jefferson    and    Mr.   Madison. 
"-jThe  second  speech  was,  probably,  the  greatest  effort  of  his 
political   life.     He  was   then   in  a  state  of  health  which 
seemed  to  forbid   any  effort.     He  is  represented  to  have 
4jiven  up  all  hope  of  being  able  to  speak.     His  manly  form, 
wjnfeebled  by  disease,  was  hardly  capable  of  supporting  him 
|  in  the  action  of  his  unimpaired  mind,  and,  no  doubt,  this 
I  circumstance  tended  to  excite  a  highly  increased  interest, 
j  No  one  who  heard  him  could  suppose  it  possible  that  he 
(should  ever  be   heard   again   in   any  legislative   assembly. 
:  His  friend  and  biographer,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kirkland,  in  his 
beautiful  sketch  of  Ames,  says  of  this  speech,  "  When  he 
"  had  finished,  a  member  in  opposition  moved  to  postpone 
"  the  decision  on  the  question,  that  they  might  not  vote 
"  under  the  influence  of  a  sensibility,  which  their  calm 
"  judgment  might  condemn."     Mr.  Ames  so  far  recovered 
as  to  attend  the  next  session  of  Congress.     He  lived  till  the 
\    4th  of  July,  1808,  and  died  at  the  age  of  50.     Dr.  Kirk- 
(    land's  volume  contains  his  speeches  and  his  writings,  most 
of  which  are  essays  on  the  political  affairs  of  this  country, 
and  Europe ;  and  also  "  Hints  and  Conjectures  concerning 
"the   Institutions   of    Lycurgus,  "  —  "American    Litera- 
"  ture,  "  — "  Review  of  a  Pamphlet  entittled,  Present  State 
"  of  the   British    Constitution,   historically    illustrated,  "  — 
"  Sketch  of  the  Character  of  Alexander  Hamilton." 

Though  Mr.  Ames's  professional  brethren  held  him  in 
the  highest  respect,  they  concurred  with  his  biographer, 
that  he  was  more  adapted  to  the  senate  than  the  bar. 
"  It  was  easy  and  delightful  to  him  to  illustrate  by  a  pic- 
"  ture,  but  painful  and  laborious  to  prove  by  a  diagram."  Mr. 

/Ames  was  a  man  of  purest  morals ;  of  most  amiable  dis- 
position ;  and  most  sincerely  beloved  by  his  friends,  among 
whom  were  some  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  that  day. 
He  was  above  middle  stature,  and  well  formed.  His  features 
were  not  strongly  marked.  His  forehead  was  neither  high 
nor  expansive.  His  eyes  blue  and  of  middling  size ;  his 
mouth  handsome;  his  hair  was  black,  and  short  on  the 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  21 

forehead,  and,  in  his  latter  years,  unpowdered.  He  was  very 
erect,  and  when  speaking  he  raised  his  head,  or  rather  his 
chin  was  the  most  projected  part  of  his  face.     He  had  a 
complacent  expression  when  he  was  speaking,  and  if  he 
meant  to  be  severe,  it  was  seen  in  good-natured  sarcasm, 
rather    than   in   ill-natured  words.     It  was    said  that   the 
beautiful  productions  of  his  pen  were  the  first  flow  of  his 
mind,  and  hardly  corrected  for  the  press.     Mr.  Ames's  life    \ 
is  supposed  to  have  been  shortened  by  his  excessive  anxiety 
about   his   country.     Many  of  his  predictions   have   beenT 
realized,  and  some  of  them  in  his  lifetime.     His  air,  man-  ' 
ner,  and  countenance,  were  those  of  an  honest  and  sincere 
man ;  the  condition  of  the  country  furnishes  abundant  proof 
that   he   was,   politically,  a  wise   man  ;  all    his   mournful 
prophesies  may  be  in  the  course  of  fulfilment. 

Rufus  King  was  a  member  of  this  convention,  from  y 
Newburyport.  He  had  been  in  the  first  Congress.  At  this  ,  - 
time1  he  was  thirty-three  years  of  age.  He  was  an  uncom-  ./ 
monly  handsome  man,  in  face  and  form ;  he  had  a  powerful 
mind,  well  cultivated ;  and  was  a  dignified  and  graceful 
speaker.  He  had  the  appearance  of  one  who  was  a  gen- 
tleman by  nature,  and  who  had  well  improved  all  her  gifts. 
It  is  a  rare  occurrence  to  see  a  finer  assemblage  of  personal 
and  intellectual  qualities,  cultivated  to  the  best  effect,  than 
were  seen  in  this  gentleman.  He  expected  to  have  been 
chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  after  the  adoption 
of  the  constitution  ;  but  this  not  having  happened,  he  went 
in  the  following  year  to  reside  in  New  York.  He  was  there 
elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  1794  ;  and 
was  sent  by  Washington  minister  to  London  in  1796,  and  re- 
mained there  till  1803.  He  was  twice  afterwards  elected 
to  the  Senate;  and  when  he  was  far  advanced  in  life,  he 
was  again  sent  to  London  ;  but  his  health  was  so  much 
impaired,  that  he  came  home  in  about  a  year,  and  died  at 
the  age  of  seventy-three.  Mr.  King's  manner  in  the  Senate 
was  highly  dignified,  and  in  private  life  that  of  a  polished 
gentleman.  His  speeches,  in  manner,  and  weight,  gave  him 
an  exalted  rank.  Among  his  superior  advantages  was  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  dates,  and  facts,  of  most  essential 
service  in  the  Senate.  His  two  finest  speeches  are  said  to 
have  been  on  the  burning  of  Washington  by  the  British ; 
and  on  the  exclusion  of  Mr.  Gallatin  from  the  Senate,  for 


' 


22  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

the  reason,  that  he  had  not  been  a  citizen  long  enough  to 
be  entitled  to  a  seat  there.  Mr.  King  was  a  public  man 
throughout  his  long  life,  with  few  and  short  intervals  ;  but, 
like  all  other  men,  in  our  country,  whose  pride  or  pleasure 
depends  on  office,  he  was  subjected  to  some  disappoint- 
ments. Yet  he  may  be  considered  as  one  of  the  most  suc- 
cessful of  the  eminent  men  whose  relations  to  the  public 
endured  so  long.  The  private  life  of  Mr.  King  is  said  to 
have  been  highly  respectable  ;  biographical  sketches  of  him 
mention,  that  he  was  a  professor  of  Christianity. 

Among  other  members  of  this  convention,  were  Samuel 
Adams,  Charles  Jarvis,  Christopher  Gore,  Benjamin  Lin- 
coln, Theophilus  Parsons,  George  Cabot,  Francis  Dana, 
John  Brooks,  Caleb  Strong,  John  Coffin  Jones,  Theodore 
Sedgwick.  There  may  be  occasion  to  mention  these  again, 
except  Charles  Jarvis,  of  whom  it  may  be  observed,  that  he 
was  a  zealous  advocate  for  the  constitution,  though  after- 
wards a  decided  opponent  to  the  administration  of  it.  This 
gentleman  was  a  physician  ;  he  was  a  tall  fine  figure,  bald 
head,  rather  large  face,  and  small  eyes.  His  motions  were 
vehement,  and  he  was  of  ardent  character.  He  had  a  fine 
voice,  and  a  natural  popular  eloquence,  rarely  surpassed. 
He  was  accustomed  to  pause  in  his  eloquence,  when  he  had 
said  something  which  he  thought  impressive,  and  to  look 
round  upon  his  audience  for  the  effect.  This  was  a  haz- 
ardous experiment,  but  he  never  seemed  to  fail  in  it. 


LETTER   VIII. 

FEB.  13,  1833. 

(THE  history  of  the  world  records  no  case  of  more  intense 
interest,  than  that  which  pervaded  the  United  States,  in 
the  year  1788.  Thirteen  independent  sovereignties,  seriously 
i  alarmed  for  their  preservation  against  each  other,  more 
alarmed  with  the  apprehension  that  they  might  give  up  the 
liberty,  which  they  had  gained  with  the  utmost  exertion  of 
mind  and  body  from  foreign  tyranny,  to  one  of  their  own 
creation  within  their  own  limits,  called  into  the  deliberative 
assemblies  of  the  time,  all  the  able  men  of  the  country. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  23 

Some  union  of  the  states  was  admitted  by  all,  to  be  indis- 
pensable ;  but  in  what  manner  it  should  be  effected,  what 
powers  should  be  given,  and  what  powers  reserved;  how 
these  should  be  modified,  checked,  and  balanced,  were  points 
on  which  honest  men  might  zealously  contend.  Here  was 
a  case,  in  which  a  whole  people,  unawed  by  any  foreign 
power,  in  peace  with  all  the  world,  sorely  experienced  in 
what  may  be  the  exercise  of  civil  authority  ;  dependent  on 
no  will  but  their  own  ;  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  forming 
some  government ;  —  were  called  on  to  settle,  by  peaceful 
agreement  among  themselves,  the  must  important  questions 
which  can  be  presented  to  the  human  mind. 

The  first,  and  most  comprehensive  point  of  division,  was 
found  in  the  extent  of  power  to  be  granted  to  the  national 
government.  Some  men  were  disposed  to  guard  state  rights, 
and,  at  all  events,  to  avoid  the  establishment  of  powers  which 
might  gradually  absorb  them,  and  result  in  a  consolidation, 
through  the  dominion  of  an  aristocracy,  or  despotism.  Others 
foresaw  the  necessity  of  vesting  powers  adequate  to  the  pre- 
servation of  peace  among  the  states,  to  enabling  all  of  them 
to  act  as  one,  in  relation  to  all  foreign  governments,  and  to 
secure  a  coercive  power,  for  all  national  purposes,  over  the 
citizens  of  the  several  states.  How,  then,  were  these  pow- 
ers, so  liable  to  abuse,  to  be  defined  and  regulated  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  parties  ? 

There  may  have  been  some  men,  who  desired  to  be  free 
from  all  national  government,  and  who  preferred  to  rely  on 
the  strength  of  their  own  state  governments.  This  number, 
probably,  was  not  great.  It  is  believed  that  a  large  majority 
of  the  thinking  men  were  decided,  that  there  must  be  some 
confederation  of  the  states.  The  discussion,  in  convention 
and  in  the  public  papers  on  the  powers  to  be  given,  and 
those  to  be  reserved,  became  more  and  more  zealous,  and 
divided  the  country  into  two  great  parties,  who  took  the 
name  of  Federalists,  and  Anti-federalists.  This  may  be 
called  the  second  division  into  parties  ;  the  preceding  one, 
during  the  war,  having  been  that  of  whigs  and  tories, 
borrowed  from  English  politics,  as  far  back  as  the  reign 
of  the  Charleses. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  that  the  popular  conventions, 
assembled  in  the  states,  were  not  to  settle  what  the  powers 
of  the  national  government  were  to  be,  but  whether  the 


24  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

powers  defined,  in  the  proposed  constitution,  should  be  those 
to  be  exercised  ;  and,  consequently,  whether  the  constitution 
was  to  be  accepted,  or  rejected.  This  question  necessarily 
led  to  the  most  searching  discussion  of  these  powers,  accord- 
ing to  the  views  which  the  federalists,  and  anti-federalists, 
entertained.  Those  who  desire  to  be  accurately  informed 
as  to  the  ground  of  difference,  will  find  an  able  summary  in 
Judge  Story's  first  volume  of  Commentaries,  Book  III. 
ch.  II.  in  which  this  .learned  and  indefatigable  student  has 
referred  to  all  the  authentic  sources  of  information. 
•  We  are  now  looking  back  to  those  eventful  days,  after  an 
i  /  experience  of  more  than  forty  years.  It  is  humiliating  to 
^>»nnd,  how  groundless  were  some  of  the  fears  of  the  honest 
f  and  able,  and  how  unperceived  were  some  of  the  perils,  and 
Nthe  most  dangerous  ones  too,  which  time  has  disclosed.  The 
objection  least  insisted  upon  was  the  abuse  of  executive 
power ;  that  most  insisted  upon  was  the  abuse  of  legislative 
power.  The  danger  is  now  known  to  be  from  the  former 
source,  and  that  if  there  be  any  preventive  power,  it  is  to  be 
found  in  the  latter.  In  the  sketch  of  debates  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts convention,  there  is  no  notice  of  objections  to  the 
executive  power ;  the  discussion  appears  to  have  been  warm 
and  zealous  on  that  of  the  legislature.  There  has  been 
unwise  and  improvident  legislation  in  abundance,  but  none 
hitherto  that  has  endangered  the  liberties  of  the  country 
which  did  not  arise  from  executive  suggestion.  In  what 
danger  these  liberties  are,  under  the  combined  dominion  of 
"  the  people's "  president,  and  an  association  of  artful, 
selfish,  and  unprincipled  men,  and  a  subservient  congress,  is 
a  very  serious  inquiry.  This  is  precisely  the  case  which  Mr. 
Ames  so  eloquently  discussed  in  his  political  writings. 

How  truly  Mr.  Ames  foresaw  a  coming  state  of  this  coun- 
try, may  be  seen  from  an  essay  of  his  entitled  "  No  Revolu- 
tionist," published  in  1801.  "  The  deceivers  of  the  people 
"  tire  out  their  adversaries  ;  they  try  again  and  again  ;  and  an 
"  attempt  that  is  never  abandoned,  at  last,  will  not  fail.  We 
'  have  an  enlightened  people,  who  are  not  poor,  and  who 
'  are,  therefore,  interested  to  keep  jacobinism  down,  which 
'  ever  seeks  plunder  as  the  end,  and  confusion  as  the 
'  means.  Yet,  the  best  informed  of  this  mighty  people  are 
'  lazy  ;  or  ambitious  and  go  over  to  the  cause  of  confusion  ; 
'  or  are  artfully  rendered  unpopular,  because  they  will  not 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  25 

'go  over.  The  sense,  the  virtue,  and  the  property  of  the 
'  country,  therefore,  will  not  govern  it ;  but  every  day 
'  shows  that  its  vice,  and  poverty,  and  ambition,  will.  We 
'  have  thought  that  virtue,  with  so  many  bright  rewards, 
1  had  some  solid  power ;  and  that  with  ten  thousand  charms, 
'  she  could  always  command  an  hundred  thousand  votes. 
'  Alas !  these  illusions  are  as  thin  as  the  gloss  on  other 
'  bubbles.  Politicians  have  supposed  that  man  really  is 
'  what  he  should  be  ;  that  his  reason  would  do  all  it  can, 
'  and  his  passions,  and  prejudices,  no  more  than  they  ought ; 
'  whereas,  his  reason  is  a  mere  looker-on ;  it  is  moderation, 
*  when  it  should  be  zeal ;  is  often  corrupted  to  vindicate, 
'  where  it  should  condemn ;  and  is  a  coward,  or  a  trimmer, 
'  that  will  take  hush-money." 

To  return  to  the  convention  ;  it  has  been  observed,  that  ? 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution  in  Massachusetts  may  have  X 
depended  on  Governor  Hancock.  He  had  been  absent  some 
days  from  illness.  On  the  31st  of  January  (1788)  he  re- 
sumed his  place,  and  after  remarking  on  the  difference  of 
opinion  which  prevailed  in  the  convention,  as  he  had  seen 
from  the  papers,  he  had  to  propose  that  the  constitution 
should  be  adopted  ;  but  that  the  adoption  should  be  accom- 
panied by  certain  amendments,  to  be  submitted  to  Congress, 
and  to  the  states.  He  expressed  his  belief,  that  it  would  be 
safe  to  adopt  the  constitution,  under  the  expectation,  that 
the  amendments  would  be  ratified.  The  discussion  appears 
then,  to  have  turned  on  the  probability  of  obtaining  such 
ratification.  It  cannot  be  assumed,  for  certainty,  that  this 
measure  of  Hancock's  secured  the  adoption ;  but  it  is  highly 
probable.  The  convention  may  have  been  influenced  by 
another  circumstance.  About  this  time  a  great  meeting  of 
mechanics  was  held  at  the  Green  Dragon  tavern,  situated  in 
what  is  now  part  of  Union  Street,  and  westerly  of  the 
Baptist  meeting-house.  The  tavern  and  the  street  were 
thronged.  At  this  meeting  resolutions  were  passed,  with 
unanimity,  and  acclamation,  in  favor  of  the  adoption.  But 
notwithstanding  Hancock's  conciliatory  proposal,  and  this  \ 
expression  of  public  feeling,  the  constitution  was  adopted  by 
the  small  majority  of  nineteen  out  of  three  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  votes. 

The  adoption  was  celebrated  in  Boston  by  a  memorable 
procession,  in  which  the  various  orders  of  mechanics  dis- 
3 


26  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

played  appropriate  banners.  It  was  hailed  with  joy  through- 
out the  states.  General  Washington  is  well  known  to  have 
expressed  his  heartfelt  satisfaction,  that  the  important  state 
of  Massachusetts  had  acceded  to  the  union.  There  is  much 
secret  history  as  to  the  efforts  made  to  procure  the  rejection, 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  adoption  on  the  other.  It  would 
take  more  time  than  the  subject  is  worth,  to  detail  the  ru- 
mors of  the  day,  in  this  respect. 

The  proposed  amendments  were  taken  into  consideration 
at  the  first  Congress,  under  the  new  constitution,  and  digested 
into  twelve  articles.  These  were  submitted  to  the  several 
states,  and  ten  of  them  adopted,  and  now  form  part  of  the 
constitution.  They  were  in  the  nature  of  a  bill  of  rights, 
and  of  the  same  import  with  like  provisions  in  the  state 
constitution  of  Massachusetts.  The  ninth  and  tenth  arti- 
cles, on  the  construction  of  powers,  are  frequently  quoted 
in  Congress,  and  in  courts. 

The  greatest  anxiety  followed  the  adoption,  on  account 
of  the  uncertainty  whether  a  sufficient  number  of  states, 
(several  of  them  not  having  then  called  conventions,)  would 
accept  the  constitution.  The  required  number  (nine)  did 
so,  within  the  next  six  months,  and  the  elections  were  made 
in  the  autumn,  and  following  winter. 

The  first  Congress  met  at  New  York  in  the  month  of 
xv>  April,  1789.      Washington  had  been  unanimously  chosen 
-    President,  and  assumed    his   office  on  the    30th  of  April. 
John  Adams  was  chosen  Vice  President.     The  proceedings 
of  Congress,  at  the  earliest  sessions,  are  highly  important. 
They  comprise  the  construction  of   the    powers    given  by 
the  constitution  to  that  body.     This  subject  will  be  here- 
after mentioned  in  connexion  with  the   parties,  who  gave 
a  character  to  the  times,  under  the   political  distinctions 
before  mentioned. 

This  minute  account  of  the  origin  of  parties  has  been 
given  to  show,  that  the  party-name,  Federalist,  was  that  of 
the  citizens  who  were  in  favor  of  adopting  the  proposed 
confederation,  or  constitution  ;  that  is,  they  were  earnestly 
desirous  of  entering  into  this  new  union.  It  will  here- 
after be  seen,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  devoted  much  of  his  public 
and  private  life  to  prove  that  they  were  dis-unionists  and 
monarchists  ;  —  factious  and  traitorous. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  27 


LETTER   IX. 

FEB.  20,  1833. 

GOVERNOR  HANCOCK    continued   in    office  till  October, 
1793,  and    then  died  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  of  gout  and 
exhaustion.     In  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  he  was  severely 
afflicted  with  the  gout,  and  hardly  competent  to  perform  the 
duties  of  his  place,  even  so  far  as  these  can  be  performed  in 
one's  house.     Still  he  retained  a  strong  hold  on  the  popular 
good  will.     His  funeral  was  conducted  with  great  ceremony. 
The  militia  of  the   town   and   surrounding   country  were 
called  into  service.     The  judges  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  \ 
Court  had,   up  to  this  time,  worn   robes  of  scarlet,  faced   \ 
with  black  velvet,  in  winter,  and  black  silk  gowns  in  sum-— ^ 
mer.     On  this  occasion  they  appeared  in  the  latter,  but, 
for  some  reason,  they  wore  neither  robes  nor  gowns  after- 
wards. 

Hancock  had  some  faithful  friends  and  advisers  in  whom 
he  reposed  entire  confidence.  Among  them  was  his  clergy- 
man, Dr.  Samuel  Cooper,  though  this  person  died  during 
the  early  years  of  Hancock's  magistracy,  (in  December, 
1783,)  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine.  Dr.  Cooper  was  one  of  the  ^ 
great  men  in  revolutionary  days.  He  was  learned  and 
eloquent,  and  one  of  the  most  finished  gentlemen  of  that 
age,  and  one  of  the  ablest  divines  of  any  age.  He  was 
singularly  neat  in  his  dress.  He  wore  a  white  bushy  wig, 
a  cocked  hat,  and  gold-headed  cane.  He  was  tall,  well 
formed,  and  had  an  uncommonly  handsome,  intelligent,  and 
amiable  face.  One  could  not  fail  to  remember  him  well 
who  had  ever  seen  him.  He  was  as  much  of  a  politician 
as  a  divine,  and  a  powerful  writer  on  the  patriot  side  ; 
but  there  are  no  writings  of  his  preserved,  except  sermons, 
and  newspaper  essays,  which  cannot  now  be  dsstinguished  „. 
as  his.  He  is  supposed  to  have  sacrificed  his  life  to  the 
inordinate  use  of  Scotch  snuff.  His  brain  was  first  seri-  < 
ously  affected,  and  his  mind  was  much  impaired  before 
his  physical  powers  failed.  He  told  a  friend  who  visited 
him  a  short  time  before  the  close  of  his  life,  "  when  you 
"  come  again,  bring  with  you  a  cord  ;  fasten  ends  of  it  in 
"  each  corner  of  the  room  ;  let  the  cords  cross  in  my  head 


28  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  to  keep  it  steady."  There  are  representations  of  the 
personal  appearance  of  Dr.  Cooper,  having  inscribed  on 
them  this  notice  of  his  eloquence,  melle  dulcior  fluebat 
oratio.  The  most  distinguished  men  of  that  time  were  his 
parishioners,  and  among  others,  Governors  Bowdoin  and 
Hancock. 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  sketch  the  condition  and 
usages  of  society  about  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  con- 

» ;    stitution,  according  to  the  impression  now  retained  of  them. 
^   There  were  families  who  were  affluent  and  social.     They 

J  interchanged  dinners  and  suppers.  The  evening  amusement 
was  usually  games  at  cards.  Tables  were  loaded  with  pro- 
visions. Those  of  domestic  origin  were  at  less  than  half 
/the  cost  of  the  present  time.  The  busy  part  of  society  dined 
then,  as  now,  at  one,  others  at  two  o'clock  ;  three  o'clock  was 
the  latest  hour  for  the  most  formal  occasions.  There  were  no 

/  theatrical  entertainments ;  there  was  a  positive  legal  prohibi- 
^  '  tion.  There  were  concerts.  About  the  year  1760,  Concert 
Hall  was  built  by  a  gentleman  named  Deblois,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  concerts  ;  and  private  gentlemen  played  and 
sang  for  the  amusement  of  the  company.  There  were  sub- 
scription assemblies  for  dancing,  at  the  same  place,  and  it 
required  a  unanimous  assent  to  gain  admission.  Dress  was 
much  attended  to  by  both  sexes.  Coats  of  every  variety 
of  color  were  worn,  not  excepting  red ;  sometimes  the  cape 
and  collar  were  of  velvet,  and  of  a  different  color  from  the 
coat.  Minuets  were  danced,  and  centre  dances.  Cotillions 
were  of  later  date.  They  were  introduced  by  the  French, 
who  were  refugees  from  the  West  India  Islands.  A  very 
important  personage,  in  the  fashionable  world,  was  Mrs. 
/  Haley,  sister  of  the  celebrated  John  Wilkes.  She  came 
over  in  the  year  1785,  and  purchased  the  house  in  which 
the  late  Gardiner  Greene  lived,  at  the  head  of  Court  Street. 
She  was  then  advanced  in  life,  of  singular  personal  appear- 
ance, but  a  lady  of  amiable  deportment.  She  afterwards 
married  a  gentleman  who  was  the  uncle  of  a  celebrated 
Scotch  reviewer ;  but  after  some  years  returned  to  England. 
Her  house  was  a  place  of  fashionable  resort.  Marriages  and 
funerals  were  occurrences  of  much  more  ceremony  than  at 
the  present  day.  The  bride  was  visited  daily  for  four  suc- 
cessive weeks.  Public  notice  was  given  of  funerals,  and 
private  invitations  also.  Attendance  was  expected;  and 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  29 

there  was  a  long  train  of  followers,  and  all  the  carriages  and 
chaises  that  could  be  had.  The  number  of  the  former  in 
town  was  not  more  than  ten  or  twelve.  There  were  HO 
public  carriages  earlier  than  the  beginning  of  1789 ;  and 
very  few  for  some  years  afterwards.  Young  men,  at  their 
entertainments,  sat  long  and  drank  deep,  compared  to  the 
present  custom.  Their  meetings  were  enlivened  with  anec- 
dote and  song. 

Among  the  remarkable  visiters  of  this  country  was  Brissot 
de  Warville,  in  1788,  afterwards  chief  of  a  faction  in  the 
French  Revolution  called  the  Girondists.     He  was  executed 
in  Robespierre's  time,  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight.     He  came 
over  to  learn  how  to  be  a  republican.     He  was  a  handsome, 
brisk  little   Frenchman,  and  was  very  well  received  here. 
He  wrote  a  book  on  this  country.     He  was  much  delighted  \ 
with  the  Quakers,  and   is  said  to  have  respected  their  sim-      J 
plicity  of  dress,  and  to  have  introduced,  in  his  own  country, 
the  fashion  of  wearing  the  hair  without  powder. 

The  means  of  education  have  greatly  improved.  There 
were  two  Latin  Schools.  One  in  School  Street,  and  one  at 
the  north  part  of  the  town.  The  only  academies  recollected 
were  one  at  Exeter  (New  Hampshire)  and  one  at  Andover, 
and  one  near  Newburyport,  called  Dummer  Academy. 
The  latter  was  the  seminary  at  which  some  eminent  men 
were  instructed ;  among  others,  Parsons,  and  Sewall,  Chief 
Justices  in  Massachusetts  ;  Willard,  President  of  Harvard 
College  ;  S.  Phillips,  Lieutenant  Governor  ;  Rufus  King ; 
Commodore  Preble.  It  was  a  common  practice  for  cler- 
gymen to  receive  boys  into  families  to  prepare  them  for 
college.  The  means  of  educating  females  were  far  infe- 
rior  to  those  of  the  present  time.  The  best  were  "  board- 
ing-schools," and  there  were  but  two  or  three  of  these. 
The  accomplishments  acquired  were  inferior  to  those  which 
are  common  among  hundreds  of  young  females  of  the 
present  time.  The  sum  of  acquirements  now,  in  the  pro- 
cess of  education,  greatly  surpasses  that  of  forty  years  ago 
in  both  sexes.  The  moral  condition  of  society,  among  the 
well  informed,  (so  far  as  is  seen  on  the  surface,)  is  greatly 
improved.  There  is  more  occupation  of  various  sorts.  So- 
ciety, collectively,  is  undoubtedly  better.  Whether  its 
members,  in  all  things  then  and  now,  innocent,  are  hap- 
pier or  not,  one  cannot  judge  from  youthful  impressions. 
3* 


30  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

In  one  respect  there  is  a  change  of  immeasurable  value  ; 
that  is,  in  the  intercourse  of  parents  and  children.  It  is 
very  possible  that  there  are  some  who  prefer  the  strict 
discipline  of  former  days;  and  who  believe  that  as  much 
of  substantial  benefit  has  been  lost  as  gained,  in  the  changes 
which  have  occurred.  If  this  be  so,  it  arises  from  the 
quality  of  education,  and  not  because  there  is  more  of  it. 


LETTER   X. 

FEB.  22,  1833. 

THE  first  occurrences  under  the  new  national  govern- 
ment, are  known  from  the  most  authentic  sources,  and 
eminently  so  from  the  fifth  volume  of  Marshall's  Life  of 
Washington. 

The  government,  though  one  of  deliberate  consent,  en- 
countered, from  the  first  moment  of  its  being,  a  powerful 
opposition.  This  gradually  strengthened,  and  at  the  end  of 
twelve  years,  acquired  an  ascendency,  and  converted  the 
founders  of  the  government  into  an  opposition.  It  will  ap- 
pear, in  distant  times,  to  those  who  study  the  records  of 
times  recently  passed,  that  when  the  government  has  been 
administered  well,  the  principles  developed  by  those  who 
were  its  founders  have  been  adhered  to.  How  long  the 
fabric  on  which  the  liberties  of  this  nation  depend,  can 
endure  the  shocks  which  it  must  inevitably  encounter,  is 
beyond  the  power  of  conjecture.  It  may  continue  through 
many  generations,  or  expire  before  another  is  gone.  Its  form 
and  name  may  continue,  though  the  true  purposes  for 
which  it  was  instituted,  may  have  been  entirely  perverted. 
/There  is  an  unceasing  peril  in  the  intrinsic  difficulty  of 
preserving  the  exact  line  between  state  and  national  author- 
ity. The  same  population,  in  each  of  the  states  respect- 
ively, being  subjected  to  the  two  governments  (national 
and  state)  may  honestly  divide  in  opinion  as  to  rights  and 
duties  under  each.  This  has  been  one  of  the  causes  of 
dissension,  sometimes  operating  in  one  part  of  the  Union, 
and  sometimes  in  another.  The  end  of  the  Union  must 
come  from  this  cause,  or  from  the  extinction  of  state 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  31 

governments,  by  the  establishment  of  tyranny  in  the  federal 
head.  Such  results  were  foreseen  at  the  commencement, 
and  faithfully  considered  in  the  FEDERALIST. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  government,  there  were  causes 
of  party  bitterness,   which   have   long   since   disappeared. 
Besides  the  jealousy  as  to  state  rights,  and  the  necessity  ••••i^ 
of  effective  national  administration,  there  were  the  embar- 
rassments arising  out  of  the  measures  which  Congress,  and 
the  states,  respectively  adopted,  during  the  war  ;  the  claims 
on  the  government ;  and  the  delicate  and  difficult  initiation 
of  the  exercise  of  its  powers.     There  existed,  also,  a  vindic- 
tive  and,  perhaps,  justifiable  feeling  against  Great  Britain,    j 
and  a  natural  partiality  for  France,  whether  justifiable  or 
not.     The  destruction  of  the  French  monarchy  soon  follow- 
ed ;  and  the  seeming  of  republican  freedom  began  in  that 
country.     War    ensued    between    England    and   France. 
French  politics,  enthusiasm,  and  power,  sought  dominion  "N 
in  this  country.     The  Americans  who  opposed  this,  were   j 
considered    as    devoted    to    England.      Thus    the    war    of 
Europe  actually  raged  in  this  country  to  the  full  extent, 
excepting  that  no  blood    flowed.     Then  came  the  whiskey 
insurrection  of  Pennsylvania.     Amidst  all  these  difficulties, 
the  national  government  would  probably  have  perished  in  its     . 
infancy,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  wisdom  and   firmness  of     j 
Washington. 

The  respect,  confidence,  and  affection  universally  enter-  \\ 
tained  for  this  eminent  man,  were  fully  manifested  in  his   1 
journey  from  Mount  Vernon  to  New  York  to  assume  his   1^ 
office.     He  arrived  in  April,  1789,  wearing,  it  is  said,  a  suit    ] 
of  domestic  manufacture.    The  members  of  Congress  whom    » 
he  met  there,  were,  in  part,  distinguished   men,  who   had 
assisted  in  framing  the  constitution,  and  who  had  taken  a 
conspicuous  rank  in  the  conventions  in  which  it  was  dis- 
cussed.    The  Vice  President,  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  been  in 
Europe  during  most  of  the  war,  and  who  had  recently  re- 
turned, had  taken  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  senate.  There 
were  in  both  branches  some  members  who  had  been  oppos- 
ed to  the  constitution.     Among  the  federal  members,  who 
may  be  hereafter  described,   were  Caleb   Strong,  George 
Cabot,  Robert  Morris,  Theodore  Sedgwick,  James  Madi- 
son, Egbert  Benson,  William  Smith,    Elias  Boudinot.     Mr. 
Ames  has  already  been  mentioned  as  being  of  this  Congress. 


32  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

It  is  said  that  the  executive  officers  began  their  official  life, 
with  more  parade  and  ostentation  than  was  thought  becom- 
ing ;  and  that  Mr.  Adams  walked   the  streets  with  his  hat 
'under  his  arm,  wearing  a  sword.     Possibly  this  may  have 
been  so,  because  it  was  said,  and  believed  in  Richmond,  in 
1796,  that  Mr.   Adams  was  always  preceded  by  four  men 
•bearing   drawn   swords;  which   is   no   very   extraordinary 
amplification,  if  there  were  any  thing  to  rest  upon.     Wash- 
ington's  forms   and    ceremonies   were    complained   of   as 
-  amounting  to  royal   customs.     What  these  forms  and  cere- 
Xmonies  were,  will  be  hereafter  shown ;  and  why  adopted, 
(    may   be  found  in  Marshall's  5th  vol.  p.  163,  where  a  letter 
of  Washington  to  Dr.  Stuart,  is  quoted,  stating  the  reasons ; 
what  Mr.  Jefferson  says  (in  one  of  his  posthumous  volumes) 
•«— •  to  the  contrary,  notwithstanding. 

Congress  continued  in  session  till  the  29th  of  September, 
(1789)  employed  in  framing  the  laws  necessary  to  the  organ- 
ization of  the  government.  In  this  space  of  time,  the  con- 
struction of  the  powers  intended  to  be  given,  was  very  ably 
discussed.  The  number  of  senators  did  not  then  exceed 
eighteen.  The  number  of  representatives  attending  was 
about  eighty.  Soon  after  the  adjournment,  Washington 
made  his  eastern  tour.  He  did  not  then  visit  Rhode 
'  -  Island,  but  did  this  in  the  following  autumn. 

Among  the  subjects  strenuously  debated  at  this  Congress, 
was  the  President's  power  of  appointment,  and  removal  of 
the  officers  of  his  cabinet.  The  appointment  was  consti- 
tutionally subject  to  the  assent  of  the  senate.  The  removal 
was  then  settled  to  be,  in  the  power  of  the  President  alone. 
The  history  of  the  country  shows,  in  what  manner  this 
power  may  be  used  ;  and  some  who  were  then  opposed  to 
leaving  it  to  the  President  alone,  would  have  seen  their 
predictions  realized,  if  they  had  continued  to  the  present 
day.  It  is  perceived  now,  that  the  framers  of  the  constitu- 
tion erred  in  not  restricting  executive  power ;  and  that  the 
/first  legislators  erred  in  like  manner.  Though  they  could 
f  not  have  expected  a  succession  of  Washingtons,  they  are 
\lexcusable  for  not  dreaming  of  Jeffersons  and  Jacksons. 
another  point  much  discussed  was,  whether  the  secre- 
taries of  the  executive  should  make  reports  to  Congress. 
The  duties  and  difficulties  of  the  treasury  department  may 
be  discerned  in  Mr.  Ames's  remarks  in  support  of  the  propo- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  33 

sition :  "  Among  other  things,"  he  said,  "  the  situation  of 
'  our  finances,  owing  to  a  variety  of  causes,  presents  to  the 
'  imagination  a  deep,  dark,  and  dreary  chaos,  impossible  to 
'  be  reduced  to  order,  unless  the  mind  of  the  architect  be 
'  clear  and  capacious,  and  his  power  commensurate  to  the 
'  object.  It  is  with  the  intention  of  letting  a  little  sunshine 
'  into  the  business,  that  the  present  arrangement  is  pro- 
'  posed." 

The  tonnage  duty  was  one  of  the  subjects,  at  this  time, 
considered.  Even  then,  the  spirit  that  never  tired,  nor 
yielded,  in.  favor  of  France,  till  the  conclusion  of  the  war 
in  1815,  was  clearly  apparent.  It  has  been  before  remark- 
ed, that  it  was  a  natural  political  feeling.  It  may  have  been 
honestly  entertained.  Whether  it  was  honestly  applied,  at 
all  times  to  American  affairs,  is  a  matter  which  must  be 
left  to  the  consideration  of  those  who  will  examine  with  an 
impartiality,  not  to  be  expected  from  men  who  united  in  it, 
or  lamented  it. 


LETTER    XI. 

MARCH  1,  1833. 

BEFORE  the  President  commenced  his  tour  in  the  east,  he 
selected  his  cabinet.     Mr.  Jefferson  was  then  on  his  voyage 
from  France,  in  which  country  he  had  been  minister  some 
years.     His  return  was  intended  to  be  temporary.     On  his   v 
arrival  he  found  an  invitation  to  assume  the  office  of  Secretary      f 
of  State,  with  an  intimation,  that  he  was  to  retain  his  diplo- 
matic character,  and  return  to  France,  if  he  did  not  accept. 
He  is  said  to  have  preferred  the  latter,  but  did  for  some 
reason  forego  this  preference,    and  assumed  the  duties  of 
Secretary  on  the  22d  of  March,  1790.    Alexander  Hamilton   \ 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the  preceding  Sep- 
tember.    This  office  is  supposed  to  have  been  offered  first 
to  Robert  Morris,  who  declined  it,  and  who  recommended 
Hamilton.     In  the  same  month  General  Henry  Knox  was 
appointed  Secretary  at  War;  and  Edmund  Randolph,  At- 
torney General.  The  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy  did  not  \ 
exist  till  Mr.  Adams's  presidency,  and  was  first  filled  by   \ 


34  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

George  Cabot,  in  the  month  of  May,  1798.     In  the  lately 
published  biography  of  John  Jay,  it  is  said,  that  this  gentle- 
/  man  was  invited  to  select  an  office  for  himself,  and  that  he 
V  chose  the  place  of  Chief  Justice,  and  was  appointed  in  the 
,     same  September.     This  eminent  man  will  be  hereafter  de- 
*    scribed ;  as  well  as  each  of  those  who  have  just  been  men- 
tioned. 

At  the  next  session,  which  was  held  at  New  York,  some 
of  the  admirable  reports  of  Hamilton  were  presented,  which 
established  the  true  course  of  national  policy  from  that  time 
to  the  present.  Hamilton  was  then  about  thirty-three  years 
of  age.  The  first  object  appears  to  have  been  to  provide  for 
the  debts  contracted  during  the  war,  and  to  establish  the 
national  credit.  The  light  of  the  sun  was  then  let  in,  as 
Mr.  Ames  said,  on  this  chaos.  JThere  was  more  light  than 
was  acceptable  to  some  of  the  members  of  Congress.  A 
great  diversity  of  opinion  arose ;  and  long  and  animated 
debate  ensued.  This  highly  interesting  subject,  at  that 
time,  was,  and  ever  will  be,  one  of  deepest  interest  to  this 
country,  as  the  true  basis  of  national  credit,  and  of  the 
national  honor,  then  established.  The  discussion  seriously 
agitated  the  country,  and  gave  new  vigor  to  party  dissensions. 
There  were  two  points  of  prominent  interest,  whether  the 
state  debts  should  be  assumed  by  the  nation,  and  whether 
the  evidences  of  debt  (called  then  public  securities)  should 
be  "  funded  "  for  the  benefit  of  the  holders,  at  the  nominal 
value,  or  at  some  depreciated  value.  They  had  long  been 
in  circulation,  and  sometimes  as  low  as  at  one  eighth  of 
the  sum  for  which  they  issued.  These  securities  had  gath- 
ered in  the  hands  of  those  who  expected  payment,  if  the 
constitution  took  effect ;  and  this  was  among  the  causes  of 
the  deep  interest  which  the  conventional  meetings  excited. 
When  "  the  funding  system,"  on  Hamilton's  report,  engaged 
the  attention  of  Congress,  "  speculation  "  might  be  called  a 
public  distemper.  At  one  time  the  securities  rose  above 
their  nominal  value.  Fortunes  were  won  and  lost  in  a  sin- 
gle hour.  No  one  who  can  remember  those  days,  needs  to 
be  reminded  of  the  intense  excitement  which  prevailed 
among  speculators ;  nor  of  the  sullen  dissatisfaction  mani- 
fested by  individuals  of  the  opposition.  Doubtless  the  public 
debt  was  to  be  provided  for ;  and,  so  far  as  can  now  be 
discerned,  this  was  honorably  and  equitably  done.  But 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  35 

"* 

the  effect  was  to  strengthen  opposition,  and  to  furnish  one 
more  lever  to  pry  up  the  administration.  The  greater  part 
of  the  securities  were  held  in  the  middle  and  eastern  states. 
The  wealth  which  was  acquired  in  these  parts  of  the 
Union,  may  have  been  among  the  early  causes  of  the  feel- 
ings which  have  been  elsewhere  manifested,  since  these 
times. 

No  two  men  could  have  been  brought  together  more  1 
entirely  opposed  in  opinion,  and  modes  of  action,  than  Jef-"^ 
ferson  and  Hamilton.  Their  disagreement  became  an 
implacable  hostility,  so  that  Washington  thought  it  indispen- 
sable to  interpose,  and  attempt  reconciliation,  in  the  most 
kind  and  persuasive  manner,  but  all  in  vain.  Jefferson  had 
the  strongest  partialities  for  France ;  Hamilton  seemed  to 
foresee  and  to  feel  a  sense  of  horror  for  what  was  to  be 
enacted  in  that  country.  Hamilton  had  a  high  regard  for 
the  stability  and  order  of  the  English  government.  Jeffer- 
son appears  to  have  entertained,  at  all  times,  the  strongest 
dislike  of  it.  It  may  be  inferred  from  papers  now  of  his- 
torical record,  that  Jefferson  thought  the  President  to  have 
been  unduly  accommodating  to  Hamilton's  opinions.  This 
the  President  denied.  Placed  as  these  two  men  were,  in 
the  same  cabinet,  it  is  quite  within  the  range  of  probability, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson's  subsequent  political  course  may,  in 
some  degree,  have  taken  its  character  from  the  feelings 
created,  or  strengthened,  by  these  collisions. 

In  February,  1791,  the  bill  establishing  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  was  considered  in  the  cabinet,  to  decide 
whether  it  should  have  the  President's  approval.  This  insti- 
tution was  thought  indispensable  by  Hamilton,  in  conduct- 
ing the  duties  of  his  department.  It  had  been  thoroughly 
discussed  in  the  House  on  the  ground  of  expediency  and 
constitutionality.  Marshall  says,  (vol.v.  p.  297,)  "  the  Secre- 
"  tary  of  State;  and  the  Attorney  General,"  (when  the  subject 
was  discussed  in  the  cabinet,)  "  conceived,  that  Congress 
"  had  clearly  transcended  their  constitutional  powers ;  while 
"  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  with  equal  clearness,  main- 
"  tained  the  opposite  opinion."  Written  opinions  were  re- 
quired of  each ;  and  the  bill  was  approved.  It  does  not 
appear  from  Marshall,  that  the  Secretary  at  War  had  any  part 
in  this  deliberation.  From  other  sources  of  information,  it 
is  believed  that  he  concurred  with  Hamilton.  Persons, 


36  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

who  considered  themselves  well  informed,  have  been  heard 
to  say,  that  this  discussion  in  the  cabinet  was  a  scene  of 
intense  interest.  Whether  the  public  will  ever  know  its 
precise  character,  may  be  uncertain.  This  may  depend  on 
U  a  biography  of  Hamilton,  if  such  a  work  should  ever  be 
written.  How  much  the  personal  feelings  of  the  two  secre- 
taries  may  have  affected  this  great  public  interest,  may  never 
be  known.  It  is  not  too  late,  it  seems,  to  doubt  and  contend 
against  expediency  and  constitutionality,  all  experience  and 
precedent,  notwithstanding. 


LETTER   XII. 

MARCH  3,  1833. 

CONGRESS  were  engaged  in  February,  1791,  in  further 
carrying  into  effect,  by  law,  Hamilton's  report  on  provision 
\»    for  the  public  debt,   and  maintaining  the  national  credit. 
T  The  subjec^  then  under  consideration  was  the  excise,  or  a 
tax   on  the  distillation  of  ardent  spirits.     This  was  vehe- 
jnently  resisted  by  the  opposition.     They  represented  it  to 
be,  as  it  proved  to  be,  an  unwelcome  exercise  of  power, 
though  the  very  same  opposition  afterwards  resorted  to  the 
•   same  measure.     It  affected  a  numerous  class  of  persons, 
\  especially  in  the  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was  generally 
,  unpopular  throughout  the  Union.     The  tax  was  resisted  on 
many  grounds,  and   among  others,  that  it  was  unjust  and 
unequal,  and  that  any  tax  on  property,  income,  lawyers,  on 
written  instruments,  or  on  salaries,  would  be  preferable.     It 

(affected  persons  who  could  feel  the  tax  as  an  oppression, 
but  who  could  not  comprehend  its  expediency  or  necessity 
to  maintain  the  public  credit.  We  shall  see  its  effect,  when 
enforced,  and  under  its  operation,  an  open  rebellion  against 
the  government. 

About  this  time  the  French  had  made  such  progress  in 
their  revolution  as  to  have  established  their  National  As- 
sembly, and  the  "great  nation"  had  already  become  the 
terror  of  Europe.  The  tree  of  liberty  was  to  be  planted 
throughout  the  earth.  The  progress  of  French  principles 
was  very  grateful  to  the  opposition  in  the  United  States ; 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  37 

nor  to  them  only.  Many  of  the  federal  party  were  rejoiced 
to  see  the  coming  freedom  of  a  people  who  had  so  essen- 
tially aided  (from  whatever  motives)  in  securing  that  of 
their  own  country.  In  the  course  of  the  year  1792  the 
French  Revolution  had  been  so  far  accomplished  as  to 
demand,  it  was  thought,  a  public  expression  of  joy  by  the 
Americans. 

"  A  civic  feast "  was  undertaken  in  Boston ;  such  a  one 
as  no  rational  being  would  desire  to  see  repeated.  A  whole 
ox,  skinned  and  dressed,  leaving  the  head  and  horns  en- 
tire, and  the  eyes  protruding  from  their  sockets,  was  turned 
on  a  great  wooden  spit,  before  a  furnace.  When  the  ani- 
mal was  sufficiently  roasted,  he  was  placed  on  a  sledge  or 
carriage,  and  there  properly  supported  and  propped  up,  was 
drawn  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  town,  and  was 
followed  by  two  cart-loads  of  bread  and  two  hogsheads  of 
punch.  An  immense  concourse  of  people  attended ;  there 
was  but  one  mind  and  heart,  and  there  was  no  reference 
to  political  divisions.  The  procession  terminated  in  State 
Street,  where  a  table  was  laid  from  the  eastern  end  of  the 
City  Hall  to  near  Kilby  Street;  and  on  this  table  it  was 
intended  that  the  friends  of  liberty  should  feast  from  the 
roasted  ox.  The  scene  soon  changed ;  the  cutting  up  and 
distribution  of  the  animal  became  ridiculous ;  and  soon 
riotous.  The  roasted  fragments  were  thrown  into  the  air, 
and  hurled  at  female  spectators  who  thronged  the  balco- 
nies, and  crowded  the  windows.  The  end  of  this  matter  was, 
that  a  pole  of  fifty  or  sixty  feet  in  length  was  raised  in 
what  was  thence,  Liberty  Square,  and  surmounted  with  the  - 
horns  of  the  ox,  where  they  remained  several  years.  It  so 
happened  that  the  civic  feast  occurred  here  on  the  same 
day  that  the  head  of  Louis  the  XVI  was  severed  from  his 
body  by  the  guillotine.  This  unexpected  event  seemed 
to  open  the  eyes  of  many  Americans  to  the  true  character 
of  the  French  Revolution.  It  struck  some  of  them  with 
astonishment  and  horror;  while  it  was  to  others,  a  mat- 
ter of  heartfelt  pleasure.  The  latter,  however,  did  not 
approve  because  they  were  gratified  in  the  destruction  of 
the  man,  for  the  common  feeling  was,  that  America  was 
greatly  indebted  to  Louis  ;  but  because  a  king  had  fallen  ; 
and  a  triumphant  advance  had  been  made  in  the  cause  of 
liberty.  It  is  probable  that  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
4 


38  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

in  the  United  States,  not  only  saw  this  event  in  this  light, 
but  saw  in  it,  also,  new  encouragement  that  federal  power 
might  be  demolished. 

On  the  first  application  of  the  excise  law,  there  were  serious 
discontents  and  popular  movements  in  the  western  part  of 
Pennsylvania ;  so  much  so,  that  the  President  issued  a  pro- 
clamation commanding  obedience,  and  intimating  that  legal 
prosecutions  would  be  enforced  against  all  infractions  of  the 
laws.  This  system  of  taxation  was  revised  by  Congress  in 
May,  1792,  but  the  discontents  continued. 

(The  year  1793  was  one  of  many  important  events.  Par- 
ties had  taken  decided  character  in  and  out  of  Congress. 
The  veneration  for  Washington  shielded  him  from  open 
attacks ;  but  his  secretary,  Hamilton,  was  not  spared.  On 
the  27th  of  February,  Mr.  Giles,  of  Virginia,  moved  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  a  series  of  resolutions,  comprising 
several  charges  of  official  misconduct.  These  resolutions 
were  debated  with  great  acrimony  until  the  close  of  the  ses- 
sion on  the  3d  of  March.  But  not  more  than  sixteen 
members  voted  to  sustain  any  one  of  the  resolutions.  This 
was  a  period  of  excessive  bitterness,  as  appears  from  the 
debates  and  newspapers  of  the  day. 

Hamilton  was  accused,  in  a  paper  called  the  "  National 
..  Gazette,"  well  known  to  be  edited  by  a  clerk  in  the  office 
/  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  designs  to  introduce  a  monarchy, 
and  to  establish  a  government  similar  to  that  of  Great 
;  Britain.  All  the  measures  recommended  by  him,  from  the 
\  commencement  of  his  duties,  were  brought  in  proof  of 
these  accusations ;  particular  expressions  in  his  reports 
were  selected  as  conclusive  evidence.  On  the  other  hand, 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  charged  in  the  newspapers  with  the 
design  of  subverting  the  government,  by  rendering  its 
officers  odious  ;  with  being  the  partisan  of  France ;  and 
with  availing  himself  of  his  official  station  to  misrepresent 
the  purposes  of  the  executive.  The  motives  of  both  these 
gentlemen  may  be  left  to  the  decision  of  times  more  distant 
from  those  in  which  they  were  acting,  than  the  present ; 
and  to  what  may  be  then  an  impartial  judgment.  They  are 
referred  to  now,  to  show  how  the  views  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
were  afterwards  carried  into  his  own  administration.  To 
this,  some  men  of  the  present  day  believe,  that  subsequent 
public  difficulties,  and  the  present  state  of  the  country,  may 
be  attributed. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  39 

Mr.  Giles  had  a  long  political  life.     He  was  of  middle 

stature,  rather  full  person,  light  complexion  and  hair,  and 

full  face,  without  color.     He  was  a  very  able  debater,  and 

thoroughly  versed  in  the  tactics  of  deliberative  assemblies. 

He  met  with  some  accident  which  deprived  him  of  the  use 

of  one  of  his  lower  limbs.     "When  he  was  a  senator,  at  the 

close  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  he  moved  on  two 

crutches.     He  showed  himself  to  be  a  cool  and  determined 

opponent  of  the  Washington  administration,  and  especially 

of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.     In  this  year,  when  the 

customary  motion  was  made  on  the  22d  February,  that  the  *" 

House  of  Representatives  should  adjourn,  for  the  well-known 

purpose  of  visiting  Washington,  he  was  one  of  the  eighteen 

who  opposed  it.     And  when  Washington  retired,  in  1797, 

in  the  debate  on  the  address  to  him,  drawn  by  Mr.  Ames, 

Mr.  Giles  opposed  its  adoption.     Among  other  things  he 

said,  — "  He  did  not  regret  the  President's  retiring  from 

'  office.     He  believed  there  were  a  thousand  men  in  the 

'  United  States  who  were  capable  of  filling  the  presidential 

'  chair   as  well    as   it   had  been   filled    heretofore.      And 

'  although  a  clamor  had  been  raised  in  all  parts  of  the 

'  United  States,  more  or  less,  from  apprehensions  on  the 

'  departure  of  the  President  from   office,  yet,  not  feeling 

'  these  apprehensions   himself,  he   was    perfectly  easy  on 

'  the  occasion."     "  He,  for  his  part,   retained   the  same 

'  opinions   he   had   always   done  with   respect   to   certain 

'  prominent  measures  of  his  administration  ;    nor   should 

'  any  influence  under  heaven  ever  prevent  him  from  ex- 

'  pressing  that   opinion  —  an   opinion    in    which    he    was 

'  confident,   ere   long,   all   America    would    concur."      A 

majority  did   concur  with  Mr.   Giles  ere  long,  and  these 

"  measures,"  so  far  as  was  practicable,  were  overruled  ;  but 

whether  for  the  prosperity,  honor,    and   happiness  of  the 

country,  it  may  be  safely  left  to  history  to  decide.     Even 

now,  it  must  strike  one  with  surprise,  that  a  sensible  man, 

and  a  native  Virginian  too,  found  it  an  agreeable  duty  to*\ 

record  his  disapprobation  of  a  man  whom  all  America,  nay,    1 

all  the  world,  regards  with  a  veneration  which  never  before   f 

or  since  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  man.     After  Mr.  Giles 

left  Congress  he  was  for  some  time  governor  of  Virginia. 

To  what  extent  genuine  hatred  of  the  persons  who  were  the 

authors  of  these  "  measures  "  imparted  a  character  to  Mr. 


40  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Giles's  feelings  ;  and  how  far  he  was  convinced  that  Wash- 
ington's administration  was  injurious  to  the  country,  he 
might  not  have  known  himself;  since  his  views  as  a  states- 
man, were  so  intimately  combined  with  an  implacable  per- 
sonal hatred. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  present  chief  magistrate 
of  the  United  States,  was  one  of  the  twelve,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  who  refused  the  proposed  testimonial  of 
respect  for  the  public  services  of  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 
How  much  in  character  it  was,  for  Andrew  Jackson,  so  to 
vote,  may  be  judged  of  from  the  fact,  that  the  address  to 

!f  Washington  contained  these  sentiments  :     "  For  our  coun- 
"  try's  sake,  for   the  sake   of  republican  liberty,  it  is  our 
"  earnest  wish,  that  your  example  may  be  the  guide  of  your 
"  successors ;  and  thus,  after  being  the  ornament,  and  the 
\k    "  safeguard  of  the  present  age,  become  the  patrimony  of  our 
\  "  descendants."     (House  of  Rep.,  Dec.  15,  1796.) 


LETTER   XIII. 

MARCH  6,  1833. 

IN  the  early  part  of  the  year  1793,  France  declared 
war  against  England.  This  country  was  then  entangled 
with  France,  by  treaty.  A  very  serious  question  arose,  as 

Y  to  the  part  which  the  United  States  should  take,  in  this  war, 
or  whether  any.  It  appears  to  have  been  expected  in 
France,  that  the  United  States  would  engage  on  its  side, 
from  treaty  stipulations,  or  inclination,  against  England. 

The  President,  and  his  cabinet,  were  unanimously  of  opin- 
ion, that  the  United  States  were  not  held  to  take  part  in  a 
war  begun  by  France ;  and  on  the  18th  of  April,  the  cele- 
brated proclamation  of  neutrality  was  issued.  On  the  re- 
ceiving of  a  minister  from  the  French  republic,  the  cabinet 
were  divided ;  Jefferson  and  Randolph  were  in  favor  of  it, 
Hamilton  and  Knox  against  it.  The  President  adopted  the 
opinion  of  the  former.  It  appears  to  have  been  Washing- 

V-/  ton's  practice,  to  state  questions  in  writing  to  the  members 
of  his  cabinet,  and  to  require  their  written  answers  ;  these 
he  appears  to  have  examined,  and  to  have  formed  his  own 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  41 

opinion ;  sometimes  requiring  a  discussion  of  these  opinions 
in  his  presence. 

The  country  was  already  divided  into  parties,  for  and 
against,  making  a  common  cause  with  France.  That  in 
favor  of  it,  severely  condemned  the  proclamation ;  the 
other  approved  of  it  in  the  highest  terms.  The  former 
denounced  it  as  a  royal  edict,  and  as  a  daring  assumption 
of  power  ;  while  the  other  upheld  it  as  a  new  proof  of  the 
wisdom  and  patriotism  which  had  always  distinguished 
Washington.  About  this  time,  there  were  introduced  from  ^» 
France  imitations  of  what  was  there  called  the  Jacobin 
Club.  This  club  (so  called  from  its  place  of  meeting)  was 
composed  of  certain  prominent  men  who  met  to  decide  what 
the  measures  of  the  government  should  be,  and  they  accom- 
plished their  objects  by  intrigue  and  terror.  The  institu- 
tions of  the  same  sort  here,  were  formed  for  the  ostensible 
purpose  of  preserving  civil  liberty,  but  for  the  real  purpose 
of  overawing  the  government.  They  were  here  called 
"  Democratic  Societies, "  by  their  members,  and  "  Jacobin 
Clubs, "  by  their  adversaries.  They  had  an  affinity  with 
each  other,  by  means  of  corresponding  committees.  They 
approved  of  all  the  excesses  of  the  French  Revolution.  In 
some  of  their  festivals,  especially  in  Philadelphia,  extraor- 
dinary ceremonies  are  said  to  have  occurred,  in  the  pres- 
ence, too,  of  distinguished  men.  But  the  memory  of  them 
has  passed  away  ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  the  agents  in 
these  scenes  lived  to  regret  them.  It  can  be  no  otherwise 
useful  to  refer  to  them,  than  to  show  the  character  of  the  -v 
times  ;  and  the  excessive  enthusiasm  which  the  transactions 
of  France  inspired ;  and  how  embarrassing  it  was  to  our 
own  government.  Washington  felt  these  combinations,  as 
being  destructive  of  all  social  order  ;  and  is  supposed  to  \ 
have  alluded  to  them  in  his  farewell  address,  in  speaking  of 
"  secret  societies."  He  mentioned  them  again  and  again,  ' 
with  the  most  decided  disapprobation,  in  his  private  letters. 

The  first  minister  that  appeared  here  from  the  French  ^ 
republic,  was  the  "  citizen  "  Genet,  who  is  said  to  have  insti-      ^ 
tuted  the  Jacobin  Clubs  in  the  United  States.     His  employ- 
ers assumed,  that  the  United  States  were  to  engage,  at  once, 
in  the  war ;  and  he  was  authorized  to  commission  privateers, 
and  to  raise,  in  the  United  States,  forces  to  attack  British 
and  Spanish  possessions  on  this  side  of  the  water.     He 
4* 


42  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

seemed  to  consider  himself  entirely  independent  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  He  was  a  man  of  mid- 
dling stature,  and  full  person,  (as  now  recollected,)  and  of 
ardent  and  animated  temperament. 

It  is  usual  for  a  foreign  minister  to  present  his  creden- 
tials to  the  government  to  which  he  is  sent,  and  to  be 
received  as  such  before  he  begins  to  exercise  his  functions. 
But  the  citizen  Genet  did  not  stop  for  such  ceremonies.  He 
landed  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  on  the  8th  April.  He  was  there 
received  with  every  demonstration  of  respect  and  joy,  as 
the  representative  of  the  great  nation  ;  and  during  his  resi- 
dence there,  assumed  to  issue  commissions,  for  the  arming, 
fitting  out,  and  manning  with  Americans,  vessels  of  war 
"  to  cruise  and  commit  hostilities  on  nations  with  whom  the 
"  United  States  were  at  peace."  (Marshall,  v.  411.) 

His  journey  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia,  was  as  that 
•^lof  a  victorious  chief,  to  whom  a  country  was  indebted  for 
'its  salvation.     He  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the    16th  of 
May,   and  was  there  received  in  a  manner  which  might 
have  misled  a  more  intelligent  man  than  citizen  Genet.     It 
strikes  one  with  some  surprise,  that  such  events  could  have 
occurred  in  this  country.     One  cannot  look  back  on  the 
enthusiasm  and  gratitude  felt  for  republican  France,  with- 
out feeling  how  easily  good  sense  and  discretion  may  for- 
sake a  people.     But  we  look  back  under  the  influence  of 
events  of  posterior  times,  and  as  though  these  ought  then  to 
have  been  foreseen.     Regarding  this  matter  dispassionately, 
nothing  was  more  natural  than  this  enthusiasm.     Grateful 
attachment  to  France  while  a  monarchy,  and  detestation  of 
f  England  as  a  royal  tyranny,  had  long  been  the  common 
\  sentiment  of  the  whole  country.     Now  that  France  had 
become  a  republic,  and  was  contending,  to  maintain  her- 
self, against  England  and  royalty,  the  duty  and  interest  of 
siding  with  France  was  too  certain  to  admit  of  reasoning,  — 
Lit  was  an  irresistible  feeling.     The  greater,  then,  is  the  est- 
imation in  which  Washington's  foresight  should  be  held, 
I  since  he  saw  through,  and  far  beyond  this  excitement ;  and, 
[   most  honorable  to  him,  was  that  magnanimity  which  op- 
t  posed  itself  to  the  popular  clamor. 

\      Genet  was  astonished  to  find,  that  he  could  not  carry  on 
^he  war  from  this  country,  by  exercising  the  powers  of  sove- 
reignty in   arming  vessels,  and   having  their  prizes   con- 


OP   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  43 

*  • 

demned  by  French  consuls.  The  government  was  deter- 
mined to  adhere  to  the  strictest  neutrality  ;  to  which  Genet 
had  no  objection,  provided  he  could  carry  on  the  war  him- 
self; as  though  belligerent  operations  could  be  conduct- 
ed in  a  neutral  country  in  the  name  of  a  party  to  a  war, 
without  making  that  country  a  party  in  it.  This  he  insisted 
on  doing  ;  and  when  told  that  he  would  be  resisted  by  force, 
he  threatened  to  appeal  from  the  President  to  the  people. 
The  controversies  with  Mr.  Genet  were  exceedingly  em- 
barrassing to  the  President.  On  one  occasion  he  had  to  N 
call  on  Governor  Mifflin,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  prevent  the 
sailing  of  a  vessel  which  had  been  brought  in,  as  prize  by 
a  French  frigate,  and  converted  into  a  privateer  at  Phila- 
delphia, and  named  Le  petit  Democrat.  It  was  on  this 
occasion,  that  Genet  told  Alexander  J.  Dallas,  secretary  to 
Governor  Mifflin,  that  he  would  appeal  to  the  people.  Mr. 
Dallas  is  the  same  gentleman,  who  was  afterwards  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  He  was  a 
lawyer  of  some  eminence,  a  tall  man,  of  good  manners, 
marked  with  the  small  pox,  (if  rightly  remembered,)  -y 
and  of  inexhaustible  eloquence.  A  speech  of  two,  three,  ] 
or  even  four  days,  was  not  an  unusual  effort  with  him../ 
About  twenty-five  years  ago  he  came  to  Boston  to  argue  a 
cause.  He  was  a  very  fluent  speaker,  but  diffusive,  and 
fanciful.  He  was  entirely  on  the  French  side  of  American 
feeling,  as  was  Governor  Mifflin.  The  conduct  of  Mr. 
Genet  became  so  insolent,  and  offensive,  that  the  President  \ 
required  of  Gouverneur  Morris  to  demand  of  the  French  I 
government,  his  recall.  Morris  was  then  minister  at  Paris. 
Genet  was  recalled,  though  his  mission  would  have  termina- 
ted if  he  had  not  been,  as  in  the  revolutionary  movements 
in  France,  the  party  to  which  he  was  indebted  for  his  min- 
istry, was  overthrown.  Mr.  Genet  remained  in  the  United 
States,  and  retired  to  the  interior  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
where  he  lately  deceased.  He  was  succeeded  by  Mr. 
Fauchet,  whose  agency  was  no  less  conspicuous,  though 
conducted  with  more  regard  to  diplomatic  usage  than  Mr. 
Genet's. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  between  France  and 
England,  in  1793,  two  serious  difficulties  arose.  The 
French  having  immense  armies  on  foot,  and  the  laboring 
population  having  been  drawn  forth  by  military  conscrip- 


44  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

tions,  the  want  of  provisions  became  very  pressing.  France 
depended,  to  some  extent,  on  supplies  from  America.  The 
English  had  the  command  of  the  ocean,  and,  in  June, 
issued  an  order  to  stop  all  vessels  bound  to  France,  loaded 
with  flour,  corn,  or  meal ;  and  to  take  them  into  port,  unload 
them,  pay  for  the  cargoes  and  freight,  and  then  liberate  the 
vessels.  There  was  no  doubt,  that  this  was  a  strong  meas- 
ure, and  whether  defensible,  or  not,  on  any  construction 
of  the  law  of  nations,  it  is  not  the  present  purpose  to 
inquire.  The  order  gave  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  United 
States. 

The  other  difficulty  was,  that  the  British  then  began  to 
impress  seamen  from  American  vessels.  Impressment  has 
been  an  immemorial  usage  in  England  ;  and  she  asserts  the 
right  of  taking  her  own  subjects,  wherever  found,  in  time 
of  war.  The  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  her  own, 
and  other  subjects,  often  led  to  the  impressment  of  Amer- 
icans. This  became  a  subject  of  very  serious  and  just 
complaint.  Whether  England  might  take  persons  out  of 
American  vessels,  who  were  born  British  subjects,  but  who 
had  been  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  was  another 
point  of  difference.  England  contended  that  her  subjects 
can  never  abandon  their  allegiance,  and  may  be  taken  on 
the  high  seas  from  any  but  a  national  vessel  of  war.  Dur- 
ing the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  that  of  Mr. 
Madison,  the  protection,  not  only  of  naturalized  persons, 
but  of  all  persons  sailing  in  merchant  vessels,  bearing  the 
American  flag,  was  contended  for,  and  was  fostered  into 
one  of  the  causes  for  declaring  war.  This  point  remains 
as  it  was,  forty  years  ago,  though  rather  worse  for  the  war, 
undertaken  to  sustain  the  American  pretension.  From  the 
national  similarity  of  the  English  and  Americans,  it  is 
apparent,  that  it  is  a  subject  of  intrinsic  difficulty  ;  and  one 
that  can  be  settled  only  by  a  course  of  negotiation,  little 
likely  to  occur. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  45 


LETTER   XIV. 

MARCH  6,  1833. 

THE  effect  of  the  aggressions  of  England  during  the  year 
1793,  and  the  partiality  for  France,  were  apparent,  at  the 
next  meeting  of  Congress,  on  the  4th  of  December.  There 
was  a  majority  of  about  ten  votes  against  the  administration, 
as  appeared  in  the  choice  of  speaker.  The  opposition  sup- 
ported Mr.  Muhlenberg,  the  federalists  Mr.  Sedgwick. 
Thus  it  may  be  considered,  that  the  federal  administration 
was  destined  to  fall,  and  that  the  political  system  which  the 
federalists  had  founded,  would,  "erelong,"  pass  into  the 
hands  of  those  who  had  always  been  its  enemies. 

The  speech  of  Washington,  at  the  opening  of  the  session, 
was  comprehensive  and  luminous,  and  well  deserves  the 
study  of  all  who  would  understand  the  elements  of  the  great 
political  events  which  followed.  Mr.  Jefferson  (Secretary 
of  State)  presented  his  detailed  and  ingenious  report  on 
commercial  relations.  This  also  deserves  an  attentive  study, 
since  it  shows  the  principles  of  the  policy  which  was  carried 
into  effect  under  his  presidency.  As  these  are  matters  of 
history,  ably  set  forth  in  Marshall's  fifth  volume,  it  would  be 
only  transcription  to  notice  them  more  fully ;  nor  would  it 
be  expedient  to  do  so,  in  these  hasty  sketches.  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son had  intimated  his  intention  to  resign  his  office  some 
months  before  this  time.  He  was  prevailed  on  (as  he  says) 
to  remain,  until  the  31st  of  December,  1793,  and  then  with- 
drew. The  most  favorable  account  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  offi- 
cial conduct,  by  any  judicious  and  impartial  writer,  is  that 
given  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  who  is  incapable  of  doing 
injustice  to  any  man,  even  when  a  political  opponent.  On 
this  occasion  he  was  telling  truth,  with  the  sanction  of  his 
own  high  reputation,  and  on  as  interesting  a  subject  as  ever  -*-< 
engaged  the  attention  of  any  historian  —  The  Life  of  Wash- 
ington. It  is  rather  to  be  supposed,  from  his  well  known 
character,  that  he  was  careful  not  to  make  himself  liable  to 
the  imputation  of  having  performed  a  trust,  unfavorably  to 
one,  whose  opinions  he  might  not  have  approved. 

This  able  historian's  view  of  Mr.  Jefferson  at  this  period 
should  be  considered,  because  it  gives  a  key  to  his  subse- 


46  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

t 

quent  political  life.  Chief  Justice  Marshall  says,  at  a  time 
when  Mr.  Jefferson  was  living,  (vol.  v.  488,)  among  other 
things  :  "  This  gentleman  withdrew  from  political  station, 
at  a  moment  when  he  stood  particularly  high  in  the  es- 
teem of  his  countrymen.  His  fixed  opposition  to  the 
financial  schemes  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury, and  approved  by  the  legislative  and  executive  de- 
'  partments  of  the  government ;  his  ardent  and  undisguised 
'  attachment  to  the  revolutionary  party  in  France ;  the 
1  dispositions  which  he  teas  declared  to  possess  in  regard 
'  to  Great  Britain ;  and  the  popularity  of  his  opinions 
'  respecting  the  constitution  of  the  United  States ;  had 
'  devoted  to  him  that  immense  party  whose  sentiments 
'  were  supposed  to  comport  with  his  on  most,  or  all  these 
'  interesting  subjects.  To  the  opposite  party,  he  had,  of 
'  course,  become  particularly  unacceptable.  But  the  publi- 
'  cation  of  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Genet,  dissipated 
'  much  of  the  prejudice  which  had  been  excited  against 
'  him.  He  had,  in  that  correspondence,  maintained,  with 
'  great  ability,  the  opinions  maintained  by  the  federalists  on 
'  those  points  of  difference,  which  had  arisen  between  the 
'  two  republics.  The  partiality  for  France,  which  was 
'  conspicuous  through  the  whole  of  it,  detracted  nothing 
'  from  its  merits,  in  the  opinion  of  the  friends  of  the  ad- 
'  ministration,  because,  however  decided  they  might  be  to 
'  support  their  own  government  in  a  controversy  with  any 
'  nation  whatever,  they  felt  all  the  partiality  for  that  nation 
'  which  the  correspondence  expressed.  The  hostility  of  his 
'  enemies,  therefore,  was  for  a  time  considerably  lessened, 
'  without  a  corresponding  diminution  of  the  attachment  of 
'  his  friends.  In  office  it  would  have  been  impracticable 
'  long  to  preserve  these  dispositions.  And  it  would  have 
'  been  difficult  to  maintain  that  ascendency  which  he  held 
'  over  the  minds  who  had  supported  (and  would  probably 
'  continue  to  support)  every  pretension  of  the  French 
'  Republic,  without  departing  from  principles  and  measures 
1  which  he  had  openly  and  ably  defended." 

It  may  not  then  have  been  Mr.  Jefferson's  love  of  his 
"  clover  fields,"  and  desire  of  retirement,  that  carried  him 
back  (3lst  December,  1793,)  to  Monticello ;  but  his  percep- 
tion of  the  same  truths  which  were  obvious  to  the  historian. 
It  is  well  remembered  that  Genet  openly  charged  Mr. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  47 

Jefferson  with  having  "  a  language  official,  and  a  language 
confidential."  *  He  may  have  entertained  very  different 
opinions  as  secretary,  from  those  which  he  entertained  as  a 
man,  and  which  he  might  fearlessly  act  upon  when  he 
attained  to  the  presidency. 

Mr.  Jefferson  mentions  Chief  Justice  Marshall  several 
times,  in  his  volumes,  with  some  sensibility.  In  writing  to 
his  old  friend  John  Adams,  under  date  of  January  15,  1813, 
(vol.  iv.  195,)  he  remarks :  "  Marshall  has  written  libels  on 
"one  side;  others,  I  suppose,  will  be  written  on  the  other 
"  side ;  and  the  world  will  sift  both,  and  separate  the  truth 
"  as  well  as  they  can." 

The  session  of  Congress  commenced  on  the  4th  of  De- 
cember, 1793,  was  one  of  the  most  important  and  interest- 
ing that  had  hitherto  occurred.  It  intimated  the  motives  of 
parties,  as  they  have  since  been  developed,  in  public  affairs. 
Both  branches  were  composed  of  able  men,  and  among  them 
were  some  of  the  most  eminent.  The  House  of  Representa- 
tives was  nearly  equally  divided  on  great  questions.  The 
members  who  might  be  regarded  as  the  most  prominent  in 
the  Senate,  were  George  Cabot,  Caleb  Strong,  Oliver  Ells- 
worth, Aaron  Burr,  Rufus  King,  Robert  Morris,  Albert 
Gallatin.  In  the  House  of  Representatives,  were  Abraham 
Baldwin,  William  B.  Giles,  William  B.  Grove,  Richard 
Bland  Lee,  Nathaniel  Macon,  James  Madison,  John  Francis 
Mercer,  F.  A.  Muhlenburg,  Josiah  Parker,  Thomas  Sump- 
ter,  Abraham  Venable,  Alexander  White,  who  voted  gen- 
erally together.  And  on  the  other  side,  were  Fisher  Ames, 
Robert  Barnwell,  Egbert  Benson,  Jonathan  Dayton,  Thomas 
Fitzsimons,  Nicholas  Gilman,  Benjamin  Goodhue,  James 
Hillhouse,  William  Hindman,  Daniel  Huger,  Philip  Key, 
Joho  Laurence,  Samuel  Livermore,  William  Vans  Mur- 
ray, Theodore  Sedgwick,  Jeremiah  Smith,  William  Smith, 
Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  Artemas  Ward,  who  on  most  occa- 
sions voted  together ;  and  sometimes  Elbridge  Gerry  voted 
with  them. 

To  such  men  fell  the  duty  of  investigating  the  principles 


*  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  G.  Morris,  says  :  "  If  our  citizens 
"  have  not  already  been  shedding  each  other's  blood,  it  is  not  owing 
"  to  the  moderation  of  Mr.  Genet,  but  to  the  forbearance  of  the  gov- 
"  eminent." 


48  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

which  ought  to  regulate  commercial  relations  with  all  foreign 
countries,  at  a  time  when  all  Europe  was  in  the  parox- 
ysm of  revolution;  and  when  the  Mediterranean  commerce 
was  at  the  mercy  of  the  Algerines  ;  and  the  citizens  of  this 
country  divided  almost  to  the  line  of  civil  war,  among  them- 
selves. In  this  high  excitement  the  fortress  which  was  to 
be  demolished,  or  protected,  was  the  Washington  adminis- 
tration. 

The  first  great  legislative  movement  arose  on  Mr.  Madi- 
son's resolutions  on  commercial  affairs,  presented  on  the  4th 
January,  1794  ;  (founded  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  report.)  This 
gentleman  had  disclosed  similar  views  on  the  subject  of  ton- 
nage duty,  at  the  first  Congress.  The  debate  was  long  and 
acrimonious.  The  feelings  of  the  House,  and  the  character 
of  the  debate,  may  be  judged  of  from  this  incident :  Mr. 
Ames  said,  the  resolutions  had  French  stamped  on  the  very 
face  of  them. 

Josiah  Parker,  of  Virginia,  replied,  that  he  wished  there 
was  a  stamp  on  every  forehead,  to  designate  whether  he  was 
for  France  or  Britain. 

The  two  parties  were  so  nearly  balanced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  that  measures,  deeply  affecting  the  per- 
manent interests  of  the  United  States,  might  be  settled  by 
majorities  not  exceeding  five.  In  the  Senate,  the  Vice 
President  had,  repeatedly,  to  settle  the  most  important  ques- 
tions by  his  casting  vote.  An  act  to  cut  off  all  intercourse 
with  Great  Britain,  passed  the  House  by  a  small  majority ; 
in  the  Senate  its  fate  depended  on  the  casting  vote  of  the 
Vice  President,  who  voted  against  it. 

Inquiry  into  the  official  conduct  of  Hamilton,  as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  was  renewed  at  this  session.  Mr.  Giles, 
Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Venable,  all  Virginians,  and  all  of  them 
personal  enemies  of  the  Secretary,  conducted  the  inquiry 
with  the  utmost  scrutiny ;  but  their  efforts,  even  in  these 
bitterest  times  of  party,  were  unavailing.  The  result  was 
most  honorable  to  the  Secretary. 

The  great  subjects  suggested  in  the  President's  message, 
and  in  official  reports,  at  the  early  part  of  the  session,  were 
under  consideration  in  the  two  branches,  from  the  beginning 
of  January  to  the  16th  of  April.  The  French  excitement 
could  rise  no  higher  among  the  people.  They  insisted  that 
the  friends  of  France  should  declare  themselves  by  wearing 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  49 

the  national  cockade.  They  insisted,  too,  on  war  against 
England  ;  and  that  every  motive  of  self-respect,  and  justice, 
forbade  a  moment's  delay  :  while  every  motive  of  gratitude 
to  the  nation  which  had  made  us  free,  and  were  now  strug- 
gling to  maintain  their  own  freedom,  demanded  all  our  aid. 
In  the  two  branches  of  Congress  the  war  of  words  disclosed 
a  state  of  feeling,  which  the  decorum  of  the  place  hardly 
restrained  from  full  expression. 

We  live  now  in  times  of  some  interest ;  and  which  ought 
to  be  far  more  interesting  than  they  are.  No  one,  not  old 
enough  to  remember  the  state  of  feeling  at  that  time,  can 
have  any  conception,  from  what  is  now  experienced,  of  the 
intense  excitement  which  then  prevailed. 


LETTER    XV. 

MARCH  9,  1833. 

IN  this  state  of  things,  Congress,  and  the  whole  country,  » 
were  brought  to  a  sudden  pause,  by  the  appointment  of  John  **\ 
Jay,  then  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  to  be  Envoy 
Extraordinary  to  Great  Britain.  This  was  an  unexpected 
blow  to  the  French  party.  As  soon  as  they  could  rally,  the 
administration  was  attacked,  not  only  for  the  measure  itself, 
that  is,  opening  a  negotiation  at  all,  but  especially,  that  the 
President  should  have  nominated  such  a  man  as  John  Jay, 
and  furthermore  a  judicial  officer.  It  may  be  some  relief  in 
recurring  to  these  dry  and  forgotten  facts,  to  state  what  is 
recollected  of  the  personal  appearance  and  conduct  of 
Mr.  Jay. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Jay's  appointment  to  the  office  of  Chief 
Justice,   he   came   to   Boston   to   hold   a   court.     As  now  \ 
remembered,  his  personal  appearance  indicated  his  origin,   j 
He  was  descended  from  one  of  the  French  Protestant  fami-"*S 
lies,  usually  called  Huguenots.     This  name,  which  is  of  un- 
certain derivation,  was,  like  Puritans,  given  to  a  certain  class 
of  Christians.     It  will  be  recollected  that  in  1698,  when  ~ 
Henry  IV.  fought   his   way  to  the  crown,  he  issued   the      ^ 
edict  of  Nantz,  by  which  he  assured  to  all  his  Protestant 
subjects,  the  rights  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  those  who  were 
5 


50  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Catholics.  In  1685,  this  edict  was  revoked  by  Louis  XIV. ; 
/  at  the  instigation,  it  is  said,  of  one  of  his  female  favorites, 
'  who  had  great  power  over  him. 

The  Huguenots  escaped  from  France,  and  carried  with 
\  •  them  skill,  talents,  industry  and  property,  and  established 
V  themselves  in  different  parts  of  Europe.    Many  families  found 
r  their  way  to  America  in  the  course  of  time.     France  is  sup- 
/    posed  to  have  lost,  by  persecution  and  emigration,  a  million 
of  its  best  subjects.     Mr.  Jay's  family  came  over,  and  settled 
|  in  New  York.   He  was  born  in  this  country.     He  was  forty- 
/  four  years  of  age  when  appointed  Chief  Justice  in  1790. 
His  height  was  a  little  less  than  six  feet ;  his  person  rather 
thin,  but  well  formed.     His  complexion  was  without  color, 
his  eyes  black  and  penetrating,  his  nose  aquiline,  and  his 
chin  pointed.     His  hair  came  over  his  forehead,  was  tied 
behind,  and  lightly  powdered.     His  dress  black.     The  ex- 
pression of  his  face  was  exceedingly  amiable.     When  stand- 
/  ing,  he  was  a  little  inclined  forward,  as  is  not  uncommon 
/   with  students  long  accustomed  to  bend  over  a  table.     His 
/    manner  was  very  gentle,  and  unassuming.     This  impres- 
sion of  him  was  renewed  in  1795,  in  New  York.     He  had 
/returned  from  his  mission  to  England  in  that  year,  and  had 
been  chosen  Governor  of  New  York,  which  office  he  assum- 
ed in  July.    He  was  then  about  fifty,  (December,  1795.)  His 
deportment  was  tranquil  and  unassuming  ;  and  one  who  had 
met  him,  not  knowing  who  he  was,  would  not  have  been 
led  to  suppose,  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  one  eminently 
gifted  by  nature  with  intellectual  power,  and  who  had  sus- 
tained so  many  offices  of  high  trust  and  honor.     About  six 
years  after  this  time,  he  retired  from  public  life,  and  almost 
from  the  world,  and  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  at  the 
family  estate  at  West  Chester.     He  took  no  part  in  political 
affairs,  and  was  not  publicly  heard  of,  except  in  two  or  three 
instances,   when   he   answered   inquiries   concerning    facts 
within  his  knowledge. 

/      History  will  assign  to  John  Jay  an  elevated  rank  among 

I    the  great ;  nor  only  so,  it  will  place  him  equally  high  among 

ly  the  pure  and  the  virtuous.     Throughout  his  useful  and  hon- 

/  arable  life,  he  was  governed  by  the  dictates  of  an  enlighten- 

{  ed  Christian  conscience.     He  thought  and  acted  under  the 

,  conviction,  that  there  is  an  accountability  far  more  serious 

than  any  which  men  can  have  to  their  fellow  men.     The 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  51 

bravest  soldiers,  and  the  worthiest  statesmen,  have  ever  been 
those  who  believed  in  such  accountability. 

Other  events  of  the  year  1794,  remain  to  be  mentioned. 
Congress  adjourned  June  9th,  in  very  ill  humor.  In  Feb- 
ruary before^  Mr.  Fauchet  had  arrived  as  minister  from 
France,  having  with  him  two  associates,  or  counsellors,  of 
consular  rank.  The  French  government  requested  the 
recall  of  Mr.  G.  Morris,  who  had  taken  no  pains  to  conceal 
his  disapprobation  of  the  revolutionary  proceedings.  This 
was  complied  with,  and  Mr.  Monroe,  to  whom  no  such 
objection  could  be  made,  was  his  successor. 

In  August,  1794,  the  whiskey  rebellion  had  taken  so  seri-  . 
ous  a  character  in  Pennsylvania,  that  an  army  was  formed, 
composed  of  volunteers  from  that  state,  and  detachments  of 
militia  from  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The 
Governor  (Mifflin)  exerted  himself  very  honorably  on  this 
occasion  ;  and  took  command  of  the  troops  of  his  state. 
The  Governor  of  New  Jersey  commanded  the  troops  of 
that  state.  Those  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  as  well  as  the 
others,  were  under  command  of  General  Henry  Lee,  then  \ 
Governor  of  Virginia.  When  these  troops  had  assembled  at 
two  respective  places  of  encampment,  Washington  visited"" 
them,  and  directed  Hamilton  to  accompany  them  to  the 
West.  The  insurgents  did  not  venture  to  meet  this  force ; 
and  the  rebellion  ceased  without  conflict.  Two  individuals 
were  tried  and  convicted,  and  afterwards  pardoned.  No 
further  opposition  was  then  made  to  the  excise  law.  It  is 
supposed  that  this  rebellion  was  instigated  by  some  men  of 
intelligence  and  influence  ;  but  there  is  no  such  certainty  of 
this,  as  would  justify  the  mention  of  names. 

During  this  year  the  democratic  societies,  or  Jacobin 
Clubs,  had  extended  themselves  over  the  whole  country,  and 
took  a  most  active  and  offensive  part  against  the  adminis- 
tration. They  assumed  that  "  the  people  "  had  the  right  to 
dictate  to  the  government  the  measures  to  be  pursued ;  and 
that  they  were  "  the  people."  These  societies  were  attacked 
in  various  ways  from  the  press  and  otherwise  ;  sometimes  by 
severe  reproach,  and  sometimes  by  satire.  They  gradually 
became  odious,  and  disappeared. 

In  1794  the   celebrated   Talleyrand   was   in   the  United  ^ 
States.     He  had  been  required  to  leave  England.     In  July 
and  August  he  was  in  Boston.     His  personal  appearance  was 


52  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

as    remarkable  as  his    character.      His  height  was    above 
middle  stature,  hair   light,  complexion  sallow,   eyes   blue ; 
louth  wide  and  far  from  handsome.     His  body  was  large, 
and  protuberant  in  front,  his  lower  limbs  remarkably  small 
and  his  feet  deformed.      He   declined   speaking  English, 
whether  he  could,  or  not.     He  may  have  been  about  forty 
years  of  age.     The  expression  of  his  face  was  tranquil, 
and  his  manner  that  of  a  cool  observer.     Little  is  known 
of  what  he  did  observe,  except  from  a  small  publication 
which  he  made  on  his  return  to  France.*   No  man  lives  who 
i    has  seen  a  greater  variety  of  fortune.     The  world  would  be 
his  debtor,  if  he  should  bestow  upon  it  his  knowledge  of  the 
secret  springs  of  political  events.     This  is  not  to  be  ex- 
!   pected.     He  will  probably  withdraw  with  little  solicitude  as 
f  to  what  is  said,  or  done  ;  believed  or  discredited,  after  he  is 
1    gone. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1794,  General  Knox  resigned 
his  place  as  Secretary  at  War,  and  came  to  Boston.  His 
successor  was  Timothy  Pickering,  who  was  at  that  time 
Postmaster  General.  When  Hamilton  returned  from  the 
western  expedition  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  he  gave 
notice  that  he  should  resign  on  the  31st  of  January  follow- 
ing. His  successor  was  Oliver  Wolcott. 

The  last  important  public  act  of  Hamilton,  and  perhaps 
not  inferior  to  any  one,  was  a  report  on  the  means  of  sus- 
taining the  public  credit,  embracing  a  comprehensive  view 
of  the  system  which  he  had  pursued.  The  present  unex- 
pected reduction  of  the  public  debt,  is  entirely  the  conse- 
quence of  Hamilton's  measures.  He  may  safely  rest  his 
Y  fame,  as  a  statesman,  on  his  labor  and  success  in  placing 
the  public  credit,  so  essential  in  war  and  peace,  on  a  firm 
foundation.  It  is  perfectly  in  keeping,  that  anti-federal 
rulers  should  assume  to  have  won  the  plumes  which  they 
found  in  the  seats  of  their  predecessors,  and  should  wear 
them  with  the  insolence,  which  is  the  privilege  of  plun- 
derers. 


*•  It  is  entitled,  Memoir  concerning  the  Commercial  Relations  of 
the  United  States  and  England ;  by  citizen  Talleyrand,  read  at  the 
National  Institute  ;  15  Messidor  year  V. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  53 

M 

.'    ** 

LETTER   XVI. 

MARCH  11,  1833. 

MR.  JAY  arrived  in  England  in  June,  1794.     In  Novem- 
ber a  treaty  was  signed.     It  arrived  in  the  United  States  on 
the  7th  of  March  following.     The  President,  to  prevent  the  "v 
preoccupation  of  the  public  mind  did  not  allow  its  provis-    * 
ions  to  be  known   by  any  person  but  Mr.  Randolph.     Yet 
within  two  days,  a  series  of  essays  was  commenced   in  a 
newspaper  in  Philadelphia,   condemning  the  treaty  in  the  * 
most  opprobrious  terms.     The  treaty  had  not  been  published  . 
in  England  ;  and  no  copy  had  been  received  by  the  British 
Minister.    The  President  was  astonished  at  the  publication,  — ^ 
and  had  no  suspicion  of  the  channel  through  which  it  oc- 
curred.    The  Senate  was  convened  on  the  9th  of  June. 
Pending  the  discussion  in  the  Senate,  one  of  the  opposition 
members,  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  took  a   copy  and  caused^ 
it  to  be  published  in  a  Philadelphia    paper.      The  whole 
country  was  immediately  inflamed.     Not  only  the  opposi- 
tion, but  a  large  portion  of  those  who  had  supported   the 
administration,  were  against  the  ratification.     The  former 
now  attacked  the  President  personally,  through  the  public  ^ 
papers.     They  denied  to  him  all  qualifications  of  a  states-    \ 
man  or  even  of  a  soldier.     They  charged  him  with  being     \ 
the  tool  of  England,  and  with  having  fraudulently   drawn 
money  from    the  treasury.     Addresses  were  sent  in  from 
nearly  all  the  seaports,  and  from  many  interior  towns,  stating 
the  reasons  why  the  treaty  should  not  be  ratified.     In  Bos-    * 
ton,  at  a  town-meeting,  there  was  but  one  man  who  raised  / 
his  voice  in  favor  of  it.     But  the  chamber  of  commerce,""} 
composed  of   all  the  respectable   merchants,    sent   almost  / 
unanimously,  their  address  of  approbation. 

Amidst  all  this  ferment  Washington  stood   as  firm  and  / 
undisturbed  as  he  had  ever  done,  relying  on  the  conscious-   '• 
ness  of  performing  his  duty,  with  all  the  intelligence  which 
could  apply  to  the  subject.     His  letter  to  the  Selectmen  of """] 
Boston,  is  worth  transcribing,  to   show  the  serenity  of  a 
great  and  good  mind,  under  as  trying  circumstances  as  can 
occur  tomny  man. 

5* 


54  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

UNITED  STATES,  28th  July,  1795. 
Gentlemen  : 

In  every  act  of  my  administration,  I  have  sought  the  hap- 
piness of  my  fellow-citizens.  My  system,  for  the  attain- 
ment of  this  object,  has  been,  to  overlook  all  personal, 
local,  and  partial  considerations ;  to  contemplate  the  United 
States  as  one  great  whole ;  to  confide,  that  sudden  impres- 
sions, when  erroneous,  would  yield  to  candid  reflection ; 
and  to  consult  only  the  permanent,  and  substantial  interests 
of  our  country.  Nor  have  I  departed  from  this  line  of 
conduct,  on  the  occasion  which  has  produced  the  resolu- 
tions contained  in  your  letter  of  the  13th  inst. 

Without  a  predilection  for  my  own  judgment,  I  have 
weighed,  with  attention,  every  argument  which  has  at  any 
time  been  brought  into  view.  But  the  constitution  is  the 
guide  which  I  never  can  abandon.  It  has  assigned  to  the 
President  the  power  of  making  treaties,  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate.  It  was  doubtless  supposed,  that 
these  two  branches  would  combine,  without  passion,  and 
with  the  best  means  of  information,  those  facts  and  prin- 
ciples on  which  the  success  of  our  foreign  relations  will 
always  depend ;  that  they  ought  not  to  substitute,  for  their 
own  convictions,  the  opinions  of  others  ;  or  to  seek  truth 
through  any  channel,  but  that  of  a  temperate  and  well 
informed  investigation. 

Under  this  persuasion  I  have  resolved  on  the  manner  of 
executing  the  duty  before  me.  To  the  high  responsibility 
attached  to  it,  I  freely  submit ;  and  you,  gentlemen,  are  at 
liberty  to  make  these  sentiments  known,  as  the  grounds  of 
my  procedure.  While  I  feel  the  most  lively  gratitude  for 
the  many  instances  of  approbation  from  my  country,  I  can 
no  otherwise  deserve  'it,  than  by  obeying  the  dictates  of 
my  conscience. 

With  due  respect,  I  am,  Gentlemen,  Your  Ob't. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

The  treaty  was  ratified  on  the  24th  of  June,  by  precisely 
the  constitutional  majority,  (two  thirds,)  after  an  investiga- 
tion continued  from  the  9th  of  the  same  month. 

At  the  very  time  when  these  addresses  were  pouring 
upon  the  President  from  all  quarters,  an  incident  occurred 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  55 

of  deep  interest  to  him,  to  his  Secretary  Mr.  Randolph,  and 
to  the  whole  country.  It  also  disclosed  the  character  of 
French  diplomacy,  under  the  new  republic,  in  a  very  unex- 
pected manner.  The  unfortunate  French  nation,  had  voted  • 
down  the  only  rational  support  of  public  and  private  morals. 
They  had  raised  a  deity,  whom  they  called  Reason,  and  to 
whom  they  rendered  their  worship.  With  such  creed, 
worship,  and  their  national  enthusiasm,  they  had  become 
a  terrible  people  to  the  civilized  world.  They  were  so 
thought  of,  by  the  considerate  people  of  the.  United  States. 
But  not  by  the  opposition  to  Washington,  and  his  measures. 
Clearly,  not  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  He,  on  the  contrary,  be- 
held in  the  success  of  French  power,  diplomatic  and 
martial,  the  overthrow  of  "  monarchists,  Anglomen,  and 
federalism ;  "  the  downfall  of  England,  and  the  fruition  of 
all  the  blessings,  which  he  and  his  associates  had  to  bestow 
on  his  country,  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  should  arrive. 


LETTER   XVII. 

MARCH  17,  1833. 

MR.  FAUCHET'S  instructions  and  authority,  appear  to  have 
been  much  of  the  same  import  with  those  of  Genet,  but  he 
was  much  more  of  a  diplomatist.  In  October  he  framed  a 
despatch,  giving  his  views  of  the  state  of  the  country,  and  of 
parties,  and  an  account  of  his  intercourse  with  the  friends 
of  France  in  the  United  States.  His  communication  was 
sent  by  the  Jean  Bart,  a  French  privateer,  which  was 
captured  by  a  British  frigate.  As  the  frigate's  boat  ap- 
proached the  privateer,  Fauchet's  despatches  were  thrown 
overboard.  There  was  an  English  captain  on  board  the 
privateer,  whose  ship  the  privateer  had  taken.  This  captain 
followed  the  despatches,  (supposing  them  to  be  his  own  ship's 
papers,)  seized  them,  and  kept  afloat  till  the  frigate's  boat 
came  to  him.  These  were  sent  to  Mr.  Hammond,  British 
minister  at  Philadelphia,  and  by  him  delivered  to  Mr.  Wol- 
cott,  who  carried  them  to  the  President  as  soon  as  he 
returned  from  Mount  Vernon,  the  llth  of  August.  Mr. 
Wolcott  had  received  them  the  28th  of  July. 


56  FAMILIAR  LETTERS 

0 

Every  one  who  remembers  any  thing  of  the  political 
events  of  that  day,  cannot  have  forgotten  "  the  precious 
confessions  "  of  Edmund  Randolph,  then  Secretary  of  State. 
Whether  Fauchet  told  the  truth  or  not,  this  is  his  language  : 
"  Two  or  three  days  before  the  proclamation  "  (of  the  Presi- 
dent on  the  western  insurrection)  "  was  published,  and  of 
'  course  before  the  cabinet  had  resolved  on  its  measures,  the 
'  Secretary  of  State  came  to  my  house.  All  his  countenance 
'  was  grief.  He  requested  of  me  a  private  conversation. 
'  It  is  all  over,  he  said  to  me ;  a  civil  war  is  about  to  ravage 
'  our  unhappy  country.  Four  men,  by  their  talents,  their 
'  influence,  and  their  energy,  may  save  it..  But,  debtors  of 
'  English  merchants,  they  will  be  deprived  of  their  liberty  if 
'  they  take  the  smallest  step.  Could  you  lend  them  instan- 
'  taneously  funds  sufficient  to  shelter  them  from  English 
'  prosecution  ?  This  inquiry  astonished  me  much.  It  was 
'  impossible  for  me  to  make  a  satisfactory  answer.  You 
know  my  want  of  power  and  deficiency  in  pecuniary 
'  means."  "  Thus  with  some  thousands  of  dollars  the  Re- 
'  public  could  have  decided  on  civil  war  or  peace.  Thus 
'  the  consciences  of  the  pretended  patriots  of  America  have 
1  already  their  prices."  "  What  will  be  the  old  age  of  this 
'  government,  if  it  is  thus  already  decrepit !  " 

When  the  despatches  of  Fauchet  were  made  known  to 
the  President,  he  was  still  deliberating  on  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty.  The  causes  of  Mr.  Randolph's  determined 
opposition,  and  of  the  advice  which  Randolph  had  so  often 
given  in  his  official  station,  were  now  fully  disclosed.  On 
the  12th  the  President  held  a  council  with  his  three  Secre- 
taries, (Pickering,  Wolcott,  and  Randolph,)  on  the  ratifica- 
tion, probably  to  see  for  himself,  among  other  things,  the 
manifestation  of  Mr.  Randolph's  views.  He  continued  to 
treat  Mr.  Randolph  with  his  usual  courtesy,  while  the  de- 
spatches were  in  the  hands  of  a  translator  ;  and  on  the  15th 
and  18th  received  Mr.  Randolph  at  his  table.  On  the  19th, 
while  the  President  was  conversing  with  Mr.  Pickering  and 
Mr.  Wolcott,  Randolph  came  in.  The  President  rose  and 
presented  to  him  the  intercepted  letter,  and  requested  him 
to  explain  it,  if  he  could.  Perceiving  his  confusion,  the 
President  proposed  to  him  to  step  into  another  room  and 
consider  of  it.  He  presently  returned,  and  said  he  would 
make  his  explanation  in  writing.  Soon  after  he  resigned. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  57 

Mr.  Randolph  published  a  defence,  after  following  Mr. 
Fauchet  to  Newport,  (Rhode  Island,)  whither  Fauchet  had  . 
gone  to  embark  for  France.  Mr.  Randolph  reached  New- 
port on  the  31st,  but  failed  to  obtain  a  countervailing  cer- 
tificate. Fauchet  promised  it,  but  sailed  without  giving  it. 
In  the  midst  of  all  these  vexations  the  President  ratified 
the  treaty  on  the  14th  of  August. 

The  general  sentiment  at  the  time  was,  that  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph had  abused  the  confidence  which  the  President  placed 
in  him,  and  that  his  party  devotion  had  subjected  him  to 
severe  reproach.  To  what  extent  Mr.  Randolph  was  cul- 
pable, it  is  not  material  to  inquire.  With  Mr.  Randolph,  as 
an  individual,  there  is  no  intention  to  interfere,  but  only  to 
show  what  the  state  of  the  country  was,  and  what  the 
influence  of  French  feeling  was. 

Mr.  Randolph  (at  Richmond)  in  the  autumn  of  1796 
had  returned  to  the  practice  of  the  law.  He  was  obviously 
under  a  cloud.  His  appearance  was  that  of  a  dejected 
being.  Mr.  Randolph  was  a  man  of  large  person,  with  a 
heavy,  grave  face.  His  reputation,  as  a  lawyer,  was  very 
respectable.  At  this  day,  candor  compels  us  to  say,  that 
Mr.  Randolph  had  no  treasonable  views  with  regard  to  his 
own  country.  He  may  have  been  so  misled  by  the  excite- 
ment of  the  times,  as  to  have  justified  to  himself  any  thing 
that  would  tend  to  the  injury  of  England,  and  to  the  benefit 
of  France.  But  how  far  he  could  justify  his  acts  on  this 
ground,  while  he  held  the  station  of  Secretary,  and  had  the 
confidence  of  the  President,  is  quite  another  consideration. 

Timothy  Pickering,  who  was  at  this  time  Secretary  of 
War,  was  charged  with  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State  on 
Mr.  Randolph's  resignation,  and  appointed  to  this  office 
in  December  following.  In  January  following,  James 
McHenry  was  appointed  to  the  office  which  Mr..  Pickering 
had  left.  Between  the  month  of  August  and  the  end  of  the 
year,  several  events  occurred  which  will  merely  be  men- 
tioned to  keep  up  the  connexion  with  those  more  interesting. 

Favorable  treaties  had  been  made  with  the  Indians  in  the 
west  and  in  the  south  ;  of  the  latter  we  have  lately  heard 
something  in  connexion  with  the  movements  in  Georgia. 
The  Algerines  had  taken  our  vessels,  and  held  many 
Americans  as  slaves.  A  treaty  was  made  with  them,  as 
the  United  States  had  no  maritime  force  to  prevent  their 


, 


58  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

aggressions.  There  had  been  indications  that  some  ar- 
rangement might  be  made  with  Spain  concerning  the  dis- 
puted rights  on  the  Mississippi,  and  on  the  navigation  of 
that  river.  William  Short,  of  Virginia,  was  minister  resi- 
dent in  Spain,  and  was  succeeded  the  next  summer  by  a 
gentleman  of  South  Carolina,  Thomas  Pinckney,  usually 
called  Governor  Pinckney,  to  distinguish  him  from  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  and  his  brother  Thomas,  then  minis- 
ter at  London.  Governor  Pinckney  was  not  of  the  family 
of  Charles  and  Thomas,  unless  by  some  remote  relation, 
and  was  a  very  different  character  from  either  of  them. 
There  was  a  fourth  gentleman  (William)  of  this  name,  of 
much  celebrity,  and  especially  in  the  profession  of  the  law. 
He  was  not  of  the  Pinckney  families  of  South  Carolina. 
He  was  of  Maryland,  and  his  name  was  written  Pinkney. 
The  two  brothers,  in  pursuance  of  their  father's  positive 
direction  by  will,  received  the  best  education,  and  were  at 
Westminster  School  in  England  and  at  Oxford  ;  and  were 
admitted  to  the  Bar  in  London.  Both  of  them  served  in 
the  war  of  the  revolution  ;  and  both  of  them  were  among 
the  most  honorable  and  excellent  of  the  land.  They  \fere 
afterwards  candidates  for  the  presidency.  Thomas  was  a 
man  of  about  six  feet  in  stature,  of  well  formed,  thin  person, 
of  tranquil,  modest  appearance,  and  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a  person  of  high  intellectual  cultivation,  and  was 
certainly  of  most  amiable  deportment.  Being  one  day  on 
the  edge  of  the  cliff,  which  overlooks  the  falls  of  the  Mohawk 
river,  he  employed  himself  in  loosening  some  large  stones 
to  roll  down  the  precipice.  As  they  descended,  he  repeated 
lines  from  the  Latin  and  Greek  poets  which  are  descriptive 
of  the  noise  made  by  the  rolling,  rapid  descent  of  a  stone. 

Charles,  the  elder  brother,  made  a  visit  to  the  east  in 
1804,  and  passed  the  summer  at  Boston  and  in  its  vicinity. 
He  was  of  middle  stature,  and  rather  a  full  person  com- 
pared with' his  brother.  He  was  quite  bald  on  the  top  of 
his  head  ;  his  hair  was  short  and  gray  at  the  sides.  His 
countenance  was  grave,  but  the  expression  was  intelligent 
and  amiable ;  his  manners  calm  and  dignified.  He  was 
one  of  those  who  carry,  in  their  appearance,  the  certificate  of 
having  always  been  gentlemen.  He  wore  boots  and  spurs 
constantly,  and  was  said  to  wear  them  even  on  ship  board. 
Thomas,  though  not  joined  in  the  commission,  was  Mr. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  59 

Jay's  assistant  and  counsellor  in  the  negotiation  at  London 
in  1794.  Of  Charles,  there  will  be  occasion  to  speak  again. 
He  was  probably  about  sixty  years  of  age  in  1804. 


LETTER    XVIII. 

MARCH  20,  1833. 

THE  year  1796  was  one  of  perplexing  embarrassment  to 
the  government  from  the  manner    in  which  England   and 
France  conducted  their  war.     It  was  made  still  more  so  by 
Mr.   Adet,  who  came  over  in  June,  1795,  as  successor  of 
Fauchet.     This  gentleman  was  incessantly  complaining  of 
infractions  of  the  treaty  with  France,  and  of  the  violation  of 
neutrality.     He  lost  no  opportunity  of  reminding  the  Ameri-    * 
cans  of  their  debt  of  gratitude  to  France,  though  if  the  true*< 
motives  of  the    French  in  giving  their  aid,  were  known,  it   j 
would  probably  deduct  essentially  from  the  moral  obligation,  / 
however  important    the  acts  done  may  have  been.     When\ 
Mr.  Monroe  went  to  France  he  had  a  most  brotherly  recep-  j 
tion  ;  tears  in  every  eye  ;  all  which  he  duly  reciprocated.  "S 
He  carried  with  him  the  American  flag  to  present  to  the    I 
National  Assembly  ;  by  what  authority  this  was  done,  doesv 
not  appear.     Mr.  Adet  brought  out  a  French  flag,  to  returnv 
the  compliment.     New  year's  day  was  appointed  for  the  pre-^. 
sentation  of  this  flag  to  the  President.     Among  other  things,    '• 
Mr.  Adet  said,    "  I  am  convinced    that   every  citizen  will 
"  receive,  with  a  pleasing  emotion,  this  flag,  elsewhere  the 
"  terror  of  the  enemies  of  liberty  ;  here,  the   certain  pledge 
"  of  faithful  friendship  ;  —  especially  when  we  recollect,  that 
"  it  guides  to  combat  men  who  have  shared  their  toils,  and    ; 
"  who  were  prepared  for  liberty,  by  aiding  them  to  acquire  j 
"  their  own."  This  speech  drew  from  Washington  that  mem-""^ 
orable  reply,  uttered  with  the  full  dignity  of  the  man,  and  of 
the  office  which  he  filled  :  "  Born,  sir,  in  a  land  of  liberty  ; 
"  having    early  learned    its    value ;  having    engaged    in    a 
"  perilous  conflict  to  defend  it ;  having,  in  a  word,  devoted 
"  the  best  years  of  my  life  to  secure  its  permanent  establish- 
"  ment  in  my  country  ;  my  anxious  recollections,  my  sympa- 
"  thetic  feelings,  and  my  best  wishes  are  irresistibly  excited, 


60  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  whensoever   in   any  country,  I  see   an  oppressed   nation 
"  unfurl  the  banners  of  freedom." 

He  finished  with  saying,  —  "  I  rejoice  that  liberty,  which 
"  you  have  so  long  embraced  with  enthusiasm,  now  finds  an 
asylum  in  the  bosom  of  a  regularly  organized  government." 
.      The  flag  so  presented,  and  so  accepted,  was  deposited  in 
^  the  "  archives,"  as  like  things  are,  and  not  in  view,  as  the 
French  minister  intended  it  should  be.     On  the  9th  of  the 
same  month  he  wrote  a  letter  of  complaint  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  that  the  flag  had  been  so  shut  up ;  and  demanded 
that  it   should   be  exalted   and  displayed  in   the  House  of 
Representatives ;    and    said   that  the   disposal   made   of  it 
"  would  be  looked  upon  by  the  Republic  as  a  mark  of  con- 
"  tempt  or   indifference."     But   he  had,    as   he   had  often 
f  occasion   to   know,   a  sturdy  old  Roman  to  deal  with  in 
'    Timothy  Pickering,  and  the  flag  remained  where  it  was. 
j.      Soon  after   Mr.  Adet  complained  of  the  impressment  of 
I   American  seamen  by  the  British,  as  a  wrong  done  to  France  ; 
and  that  the  United  States  were  thereby  voluntarily  strength- 
ening the   enemies   of  the  Republic,  and  endangering  the 
liberties  of  his  country.     And  again,  happening  to  see  an 
f  almanac,  in  which  the  order  of  foreign  rank,  therein  pub- 
Wlished,   placed  England   and   Spain   before   the    Republic, 
/he   sent   a   formal   letter   demanding   a   correction   of  this 
I  injustice,  or  a  disavowal  of  it,  by  the  executive.     Mr.  Pick- 
'ering  answered,  that  Americans  printed  almanacs  as  they 
I   pleased,  and  that  the  government  had  nothing  to  do  with  it ; 
-4)ut  added,  for   his   consolation,   that  there   was   an   alma- 
/  nac  printed  in  Boston,  in  which  the  Republic  was  ranked 
\  first. 

_^>  Such  trifles  show  the  temper  of  the  times ;  but  there  are 
'•  other  things  of  far  different  import.  The  controversies  about. 
armed  vessels,  public  and  private,  within  the  waters  of  the 
United  States,  both  English  and  French,  kept  the  cabinet  in 
constant  agitation.  Besides  these  occurrences,  French  priva- 
teers, which  had  the  right  by  treaty  to  come  in,  waylaid  and 
captured  American  vessels,  in  some  instances,  within  two 
hours  after  pilots  had  left  them,  and  carried  them  to  the 
West  Indies  for  consular  condemnation.  Controversies  arose, 
also,  on  the  construction  to  be  given  to  shipments  of  mer- 
chandise, by  the  law  of  nations,  and  by  the  existing  treaties, 
which  were  closely  argued  in  diplomatic  intercourse  with 

•' 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  61 

the  French  minister.  He  was  sustained  throughout,  by  the 
French  Americans,  who  considered  all  he  said  and  did  to 
be  right,  and  that  all  their  own  government  did  was  entirely 
British,  and  intended  to  be  so.  But  impartial  history  will 
show  that  never  did  any  executive  government  struggle 
harder,  and  with  good  temper  too,  to  adhere  to  the  principles 
of  strict  neutrality,  and  to  keep  out  of  the  war,  which  was 
overwhelming  Europe.  As  to  the  complaints  made  by  the 
French  minister,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  an- 
swered, these  may  be  found  (among  public  documents  ac- 
companying a  message  to  Congress,  January  17,  1797)  in 
the  very  able  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney,  at  that  time  minister  to  France. 

When  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  took  effect,  by  the 
interchange  of  ratifications,  the  whole  country  rung  with 
renewed  clamor,  in  which  Washington's  public  services 
were  remembered  only  as  matters  of  reproach.  At  the 
session  of  Congress  which  commenced  December,  1795, 
and  continued  into  the  summer  of  1796,  Theodore  Sedgwick, 
of  Massachusetts,  moved  a  general  proposition  for  making 
the  laws  necessary  for  carrying  the  treaties  into  effect  made 
with  Algiers,  the  Indians,  Spain,  and  Great  Britain.  The 
latter  was  soon  separated  from  all  the  others,  and  the  most 
ardent  and  most  eloquent,  and  at  the  same  time,  most  acri- 
monious debate  ensued,  ever  known  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. Mr.  Livingston,  then  of  New  York,  and  now 
minister  to  France,  began  by  moving  that  the  President 
should  be  called  on  for  all  the  papers  relating  to  the  negotia- 
tion of  the  treaty.  This  motion  was  vehemently  debated, 
and,  after  some  days,  carried  by  a  majority  of  fifty-seven  to 
thirty-five.  The  President  answered,  with  his  accustomed 
coolness  and  dignity,  stating  his  reasons  why  the  House  of 
Representatives,  which  has  no  part  in  the  treaty-making 
power,  cannot  be  constitutionally  entitled  to  the  papers 
called  for ;  and  concluded  with  saying,  "  a  just  regard  to  the 
"  constitution,  and  to  the  duties  of  my  office,  under  all  the 
"  circumstances  of  this  case,  forbid  a  compliance  with  your 
"  request."  This  refusal  was  received  with  an  indignation 
which  the  majority  were  at  no  pains  to  conceal.  The  same 
spirit  was  widely  disseminated  through  the  country,  and 
every  body  felt  wise  enough  to  settle  the  constitutional  ques- 
tion, whether  the  President  was  right  or  wrong,  in  this  refusal, 
6 


62  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

Most   fortunately   for   the   United   States,    as   afterwards 
appeared  from   the  operation  of  the  treaty,  public  opinion 
had   undergone    an    important   change.     Popular   meetings 
were  again  held,  and  though  many  of  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty  were  thought  to  be  objectionable,  and  though  omis- 
sions  were   thought   to   be   apparent,  yet   it  could   not  be 
doubted  that  a  majority,  composed  of  the  most  respectable 
'and  intelligent  citizens,  were  in  favor  of  carrying  the  treaty 
into  effect,  with  entire  good  faith.     It  is  worthy  of  remark 
j  that  Mr.  Fox,  in  the  British  Parliament,  complained  that 
I  the  treaty  was  very  unfavorable  to  England.     It  is  known, 
Wrom  Mr.  Jay's,  and  from  Mr.  Pinckney's  communications, 
/  that  the  treaty  was  as  favorable  to  this  country,  as  could 
\  have  been  obtained. 

The  popular  sentiment  was  felt  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and,  probably,  had  an  important  influence  on  the 
final  result.  The  debate  necessarily  took  the  widest  range. 
Europe  —  the  belligerents  —  the  character  of  the  war  —  our 
condition  —  inevitable  consequences  —  dissension  among  the 
branches  of  the  government  —  popular  enthusiasm  —  inter- 
est —  duty  —  honor  —  inflamed  party  spirit  —  war  —  means 
wholly  inadequate — confusion  and  anarchy  —  all  figure  in 
this  memorable  debate,  and  with  the  full  glow  of  party  ex- 
citement, which  seemed  to  have  been  gathering  from  the 
first  institution  of  the  government,  to  storm  forth  on  this 
occasion.  All  this  may  be  seen  in  the  mere  printed  skeleton 
of  debate,  which  is  silent  as  to  tones,  looks,  and  gestures. 
In  a  former  page,  the  part  which  Mr.  Ames  took,  on  this 
occasion,  has  been  noticed.  Notwithstanding  the  state  of 
his  health,  his  speech  comprises  thirty-five  closely  printed 
octavo  pages  in  Dr.  Kirkland's  compilation.  This  extract 
will  give  some  idea  of  the  character  of  the  discussion  :  "  Our 
"  understandings  have  been  addressed,  it  is  true,  and  with 
"  ability  and  effect ;  but,  I  demand,  has  any  corner  of  the 
"  heart  been  left  unexplored  1  It  has  been  ransacked  to 
"  find  auxiliary  arguments  ;  and  when  that  failed,  to  awaken 
the  sensibility  that  would  require  none.  Every  prejudice 
and  feeling  has  been  summoned  to  listen  to  some  peculiar 
style  of  address  ;  and  yet  we  seem  to  consider  a  doubt  as 
an  affront,  that  we  are  strangers  to  any  influence  but  that 
of  unbiassed  reason." 

In  committee  of  the  whole,  the  question  on  making  laws 
to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect,  rested  on  the  casting  vote  of 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  63 

the  chairman.     The  final  question  in  the  House  was  carried 
by  a  majority  of  three  only,  fifty-one  to  forty-eight.     It  may 
gratify   curiosity  to  mention   some  of  the   individuals  who^i. 
were  then  members  of  this  branch  of  the  legislature.    Amoncr 
those  who  voted  that  it  was  expedient  to  make   laws   for 
carrying  the  treaty  into  effect,  were,  Fisher  Ames,  Theophi- 
lus  Bradbury,    Nicholas   Oilman,    Roger  Griswold,   R.   G. 
Harper,    James    Hillhouse,   Theodore  Sedgwick,   Jeremiah 
Smith,    William  Smith.     Among  those   who  voted    in    the 
negative  were,  Abraham  Baldwin,  Thomas  Blount,  Thomas 
Claiborne,    Henry    Dearborn,    Albert  Gallatin,  William   B.  "** 
Giles,  Wade  Hampton,  Edward  Livingston,  Nathaniel  Ma-  7; 
con,  James  Madison,  Joseph  B.  Varnum.     In   all,  fifty-one  x 
for,  forty-eight  against  the  measure. 

With  a  view  to  make  known  to  France  the  true  state  of 
the  country,  and  to  remove  all  erroneous  impressions,   the 
President  contemplated  a  special  mission  thither.     He  had  \ 
the  further   inducement,  that  he  was  not  satisfied  with  the    > 
ministry  of  Mr.  Monroe.     But    finding    that    he    was  not 
authorized,  as  he  considered,  to  create  an  office,  without  the 
assent  of  the  Senate,  but  only  to  fill  vacancies  in  an  existing 
office,  the  design  was  relinquished.      Mr.  Monroe  was  re-  ^ 
called,  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  appointed  in 
September,  1796.     Mr.  Monroe  took  offence  at  being  dis-  N^ 
placed,  and  came  home,  published  a  volume  of  justification,  ••" 
which  probably  aided  him  in   attaining  to  the  presidency. 
He  therein  assumes  to  say,  that  if  a  rupture  should  happen 
with  France,  it  would  not  be  occasioned  by  the  misconduct 
of  France,  but  by  Washington's  policy,  which  Monroe  calls 
"  short-sighted  and  bad." 


LETTER   XIX. 

MARCH  22,  1833. 

SOON  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  (June  1,  1796,)    . 
the  President  engaged  himself  in  attempting  the  liberation  •> 
of  Lafayette.     It  will  be  remembered,  that  Lafayette,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  revolution,  considering  himself  unsafe  in 
France,  retired  from  it,  intending  to  find  safety  on  neutral 


64  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

ground ;  and  that  he  was  taken,  by  an  Austrian  patrol,  and 
detained  in  a  dungeon  several  years,  first  in  the  Prussian 
•^  dominions,  and  afterwards  within  those  of  Austria.  The 
President  directed  Mr.  Pinckney,  minister  in  London,  to 
speak  to  the  ministers  from  Prussia,  and  Austria,  concern- 
ing the  interest  felt  by  him,  in  the  fate  of  Lafayette.  Find- 
ing that  the  object  of  his  compassion  had  been  transferred 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  him  on  the 
subject.  What  effect  this  measure  had,  does  not  appear. 
In  1796  Dr.  Bollman  was  in  this  country.  He  had  made  a 
gallant  attempt  to  free  Lafayette,  together  with  a  young 
gentleman  of  South  Carolina,  (since  known  as  Colonel 
Huger,)  which  was  nearly  successful.  Bollman  was  a  Ger- 
man ;  he  had  nothing  in  his  common  deportment,  of  the 
zeal  and  enterprise,  which  such  an  attempt  would  imply. 
He  was  a  tranquil,  quiet  gentleman ;  with  the  air,  neverthe- 
less, of  a  very  determined  man.  In  the  same  year,  the  pres- 
ent Lord  Lyndhurst  was  in  the  United  States,  by  the  name 
•of  Copley.  He  was  a  tranquil,  quiet  gentleman,  also.  He 
had  the  reputation  of  being  a  good  scholar,  but  he  gave  no 
indication,  at  that  time,  that  he  was  thereafter  to  be  Lord 
Chancellor.  He  was  rather  above  common  stature  —  of 
thin  person,  light  complexion,  and  large  blue  eyes ;  and  of 
very  courteous  manners.  He  was  born  in  Boston,  and  was 
carried  to  England  when  about  two  years  old,  before  the 
revolution.  He  made  many  friends  here,  and  in  other  places 
at  the  south  ;  and  was  much  esteemed. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  the  third  election  of  presi- 
/dent   engaged   the   national    attention.      Washington    was 
/  earnestly  solicited  to  be  a  candidate  again.     All  who  had 
I  opposed  his  administration,  were  still  more  earnest  that  he 
r  should  not.     Every  measure,  that  party  feeling  and  malice 
could  resort  to,  was  taken  to  render  him  odious.     It  is  pain- 
ful to  recur  to  any  of  these  measures,  but  the  character  of 
^    the  times  cannot  be  understood  without  doing  it. 

Thomas  Paine,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  came  to  this 
„  country  in  1774,  and  was  here  during  the  war.  He  was  a 
powerful  writer  for  the  popular  eye.  A  pamphlet  called 
"  Common  Sense  "  gave  him  some  celebrity.  The  legisla- 
ture of  Pennsylvania  voted  him  .£500  for  this  production. 
He  was  secretary  to  the  committee  of  foreign  affairs  :  but 
was  dismissed  for  misconduct.  In  1787  he  went  to  France, 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  65 

and  thence  to  England,  where  he  wrote  "The  Rights  of% 
Man,"  in   answer  to  Burke's  Reflections  on  the   French 
Revolution  ;    for  which  he  was  indicted,  but  escaped  to 
France.     He  was  a  member  of  the  convention,  which  voted 
for  the  death  of  the  king.     He  voted   for  banishment.     In«J 
1793  he  wrote  "  The  Age  of  Reason"  in  derision  of  Chris- | 
tianity ;  and  in  the  same  year,  having   fallen    under  the  * 
displeasure  of  the  rulers  in  France,   he  was  imprisoned  ; 
and  so  continued  to  be,  till  the  fall  of  Robespierre,  in  1795. 
He  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  died  near  the  city  of  N 
New  York,  in  1809,  at  the  age  of  seventy-three.     His  true"\ 
character  may  be  inferred  from  his  writings.     Among  the 
pieces  of  defamation  circulated  in   1797,  was  a  letter  of 
Paine,  addressed  to  General  Washington,  though  not  intend-* 
ed  for  his  eye,  but  through  the  press.     It  is  dated  at  Paris,    * 
July   30,    1796.     This   letter   Benjamin   Franklin   Bache, 
editor  of  the  "  Aurora,"  considered  sufficiently  valuable  to 
be  protected  by  a  certificate  of  copy-right.     From  this  letter 
one  may  learn  what  sort  of  opinions  some  of  our  country- 
men, and  especially  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  considered  it  proper 
to  circulate.    In  relation  to  the  funding  system,  Paine  says  — 
"  The   Chief  of  the   army  became   the  patron   of  fraud." 
"  Elevated  to  the  chair  of  the  presidency,  you  assumed  the 
"  merit  of  every  thing  to  yourself,  and  the  natural  ingratitude 
"  of  your  constitution  began  to  appear.     You  commenced 
"  your  presidential  career  by  encouraging,  and  swallowing, 
"  the  grossest  adulation  ;  and  travelled  America,  from  one 
"  end  to  the  other,  to  put  youreslf  in  the  way  of  receiving 
"  it."     Speaking  of  John  Adams  and  John  Jay,  (pages  11 
and  12,)  Paine  says,  "  these  are  the  disguised  traitors,  who 
"  call  themselves  federalists.     John  Adams  is  one  of  those 
"  men  who  never  contemplated  the  origin  of  government,  or 
"  comprehended  any  thing  of  the  nature  of  first  principles." 
In  page  15  :  "  Mr.  Washington  is  known  to  have  no  friend- 
"  ships,  and  to  be  incapable  of  forming  any  —  he  can  serve 
"  or  desert  a  cause,  or  a  man,  with  constitutional  indiffer- 
"  ence."     In  page  63  :  —  "  As  to  you,  sir,  treacherous  in 
"  private  friendship,  (for  so  you  have  been  to  me,  and  that 
"  in  the  day  of  danger,)*  and  a  hypocrite  in  public  life,  the 

*  Paine  applied  to  Washington  to  aid  him  to  get  out  of  Robespierre's 
dungeon ;  which  was  declined  on  the  ground  that  Paine  had  made 
himself  a  French  citizen. 
6* 


66  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  world  will  be  puzzled  to  decide,  whether  you  are  an  apos- 
"  tate,  or  an  impostor  ;  whether  you  have  abandoned  good 
"  principles,  or  whether  you  ever  had  any."  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  Mr.  Jefferson,  (who  was  one  of  Bache's  pa- 
trons, as  appears  from  his  recommendation  to  Mr.  Madison, 
to  have  Bache's  paper  supported,  see  vol.  iii.  p.  387,)  was 
ignorant  of  this  national  insult  offered  to  Washington  by 
Thomas  Paine.  Yet  among  the  earliest  acts  of  power,  after 
Mr.  Jefferson  arrived  at  the  presidency,  was  to  invite  this 
unworthy  person  to  take  passage  in  a  national  ship  to  the 
United  States.  Within  a  fortnight  after  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
taken  his  oath  of  office,  he  wrote  to  Paine  (vol.  iii.  459) :  — 
"  The  return  of  our  citizens  from  the  phrenzy  into  which 
they  had  been  wrought,  partly  by  ill  conduct  in  France, 
partly  by  artifices  practised  on  them,  is  almost  entire,  and 
will,  I  believe,  become  quite  so.  But  these  details,  too 
long  and  minute  for  a  letter,  will  be  better  developed  by 
Mr.  Dawson,  the  bearer  of  this,  a  member  of  the  late  Con- 
gress, to  whom  I  refer  you  for  them.  He  goes  in  the 
Maryland,  a  sloop  of  war,  which  will  wait  a  few  days  at 
Havre  to  receive  his  letters,  to  be  written  on  his  arrival  at 
Paris.  You  expressed  a  wish  to  get  a  passage  to  this 
country,  in  a  public  vessel.*  Mr.  Dawson  is  charged  with 
orders  to  the  captain  of  the  Maryland,  to  receive,  and  ac- 
commodate you  with  a  passage  back,  if  you  can  be  ready  to 
depart  at  such  short  warning.  I  am  in  hopes  you  will  find 
us  returned,  generally,  to  sentiments  worthy  of  former 
times.  In  these,  it  will  be  your  GLORY  steadily  to  have 
labored,  and  with  as  much  effect  as  any  man  living.  That 
you  may  long  live  to  continue  your  useful  labors,  and  to 
reap  their  reward  in  the  thankfulness  of  nations,  is  my 
sincere  prayer." 
Among  other  things,  Washington  was  charged  with  com- 
mitting murder  in  the  French  war,  in  1757  ;  the  circum- 
stance alluded  to,  justified  the  accusation  no  more,  than  if 
he  had  been  so  charged  for  what  he  did  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth  in  the  revolutionary  war. 

*  That  he  might  be  protected  from  British  capture  and  earned  to 

England,  where  he  knew  public  punishment  awaited  him.     The  con- 

/  sistent  Wm.  Cobbett,  who  has  lately  been  employed  in  writing  the 

life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  caused  Paine's  bones  to  be  taken  up,  and 

carried  to  England. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  67 

The  forged  letters,  which  had  been  circulated  during  the 
war,  (purporting  to  have  been  written  to  family  friends  by 
Washington,)  to  make  him  suspected  by  his  countrymen  of 
being  favorably  disposed  to  the  British,  were  revived,  and 
circulated. 

The  National  Gazette,  before  mentioned  as  having  been 
edited  by  Freneau,  a  clerk  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  office,  but  more 
especially  the  Aurora,  edited  by  Bache,  daily  came  forth 
teeming  with  abuse  and  invective. 

The  French  minister  seems  to  have  thought  it  his  official 
duty  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  under  date  of 
the  27th  October,  1796,  containing  the  most  explicit  charges 
of  breach  of  neutrality  ;  and  adds,  at  the  close  —  "that  he 
"  will  cause  this  note  to  be  printed,  in  order  to  make  pub- 
"  licly  known  the  motives  which,  at  the  present  juncture, 
"  influenced  the  French  Republic."  This  note  was  accord- 
ingly printed  in  a  Philadelphia  paper,  and  came  forth  as 
soon  as  the  Secretary  could  have  read  the  original. 


LETTER    XX. 

MARCH  25,  1833. 

ON  the  15th  of  November,  1796,  the  French  minister 
wrote  another  letter,  which,  though  in  diplomatic  form,  and 
addressed  to  the  Secretary,  he  caused  to  be  published  at  the 
same  time,  that  it  might  have  the  effect  intended  on  the 
public  mind  ;  and  which  might,  also,  be  an  impressive 
monition  to  the  successor  of  the  President.  Mr.  Adet 
calls  the  wise  measure  of  the  administration  in  1793  "  the 
insidious  proclamation  "  (of  neutrality).  This  letter  of  the 
15th  of  November  is  so  descriptive  of  the  fraternization 
of  Republican  France,  of  which  Europe  was  destined  to 
feel  the  full  effect,  while  the  Republic  continued,  and  while 
the  Emperor  reigned,  that  some  extracts  from  it  may  be 
acceptable  :  "  The  undersigned  minister  plenipotentiary, 
"  moreover  declares,  that  the  Executive  Directory  regards  the 
"  treaty  of  commerce,  concluded  with  Great  Britain,  as  a 
"  violation  of  the  treaty  made  with  France  in  1778,  and 
"  equivalent  to  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Great  Britain  ;  and 


68  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  that,  justly  offended,  at  the  conduct  which  the  American 
"  government  has  held  in  this  case,  they  have  given  him 
"  orders  to  suspend,  from  this  moment,  his  ministerial  funo 
"  tions  with  the  Federal  Government." 

"  What  joy  did  not  the  American  flag  inspire  when  it 

s,  "  waved  unfurled  in  the  French  Senate.  Tender  tears 
"  trickled  from  each  eye  ;  every  one  looked  at  it  with  amaze- 
"  ment.  There,  said  they,  is  the  symbol  of  the  independ- 
"  ence  of  our  American  brethren  !  Behold  there,  the  pledge 
"  of  their  liberty.  May  victory  always  attend  it.  May  it 
"  lead  to  glory  none  but  a  free  and  happy  people  !  These 
"  words,  which  escaped  from  a  thousand  mouths,  were  the 
"  expression  of  the  sentiments  of  the  whole  nation.  Was 
"  not  an  American  to  each  Frenchman,  another  French- 
"  man  ?  He  was  more  —  he  was  a  friend  ;  and  that  sacred 
"  name,  amidst  civil  dissensions,  was  equally  respected  by 
"  all. 

•        "  Alas !    time  has  not  yet  demolished    the   fortifications 

i  "  with  which  the  English  roughened  this  country ;  nor 
"  those  tjie  Americans  raised  for  their  defence  ;  their  half 
"  rounded  summits  still  appear  in  every  quarter,  amidst 
"  plains,  on  the  tops  of  mountains.  The  traveller  need  not 

I  "  search  for  the  ditch,  which  served  to  encompass  them ; 
"  it  is  still  open  under  his  feet.  Scattered  ruins  of  houses 
"  laid  waste,  which  the  fire  had  partly  respected,  in  order 
"  to  leave  monuments  of  British  fury,  are  still  to  be  found. 
"  Men  still  exist,  who  can  say,  here  a  ferocious  English- 
"  man  slaughtered  my  father ;  there  my  wife  tore  her  bleed- 

j»."ing  daughter  from  the  hands  of  an  unbridled  English- 
"  man.  Alas !  the  soldiers  who  fell  under  the  sword  of 
"  the  Britons,  are  not  yet  reduced  to  dust :  the  laborer,  in 
"  turning  up  his  field,  still  draws  from  the  bosom  of  the 
"  earth  their  whitened  bones ;  while  the  ploughman,  with 
"  tears  and  gratitude,  still  recollects  that  his  fields,  now 

,    "  covered  with    rich   harvests,  have  been   moistened  with 

'  "  French  blood,  while  every  thing  around  the  inhabitants  of 
"  this  country  animates  them  to  speak  of  the  tyranny  of 
"  Great  Britain  and  of  the  generosity  of  Frenchmen ;  when 
"  England  has  declared  a  war  of  death  to  that  nation,  to 
"  avenge  herself  for  its  having  cemented,  with  its  blood, 
"  the  independence  of  the  United  States.  It  was  at  this 
"  moment,  their  government  made  a  treaty  of  amity  with 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  69 

"  their  ancient  tyrant,  the  implacable  enemy  of  their  ^/ 
"  ancient  ally.  O  !  Americans,  covered  with  noble  scars  ! 
"  O  !  you  who  have  so  often  flown  to  death  and  to  victory, 
"  with  French  soldiers !  You,  who  know  those  generous 
"  sentiments  which  distinguished  the  true  warrior :  whose 
"  hearts  have  always  vibrated  with  those  of  your  compan- 
"  ions  in  arms  !  Consult  them  to-day  to  know  what  they 
"  experience ;  recollect  at  the  same  time,  that  if  magnani- 
"  mous  souls,  with  liveliness,  resent  an  affront,  they  also 
"  know  how  to  forget  one.  Let  your  government  return  to 
"  itself,  and  you  will  still  find  in  Frenchmen  faithful  friends,  \ 
"  and  generous  allies. 

"  Done  at  Philadelphia,  the  25th  Brumaire,  5th  year  of  V 
"  the  French  Republic,  one  and  indivisible  (15th  Novem- 
"  ber,  1796,  O.  S.)  P.  A.  ADET." 

This  eloquent  appeal,  appearing  as  it  did,  and  when  it 
did,  was  undoubtedly  intended  as  a  French  invitation  to 
American  citizens,  to  elect  Thomas  Jefferson,  President. 
It  was  nearly  successful.  But  complete  success,  required 
the  lapse  of  four  years  more.  To  promote  the  object  in 
view,  another  measure  was  adopted,  namely,  the  publication 
of  the  queries  which  Washington  had  proposed  to  his 
cabinet,  on  the  eve  of  issuing  his  proclamation  of  neutral- 
ity, in  1793  ;  and  to  which  written  answers  were  required. 
It  seems  to  have  been  his  practice  to  obtain  the  separate 
and  deliberate  opinions  of  his  ministers,  and  then  to  form 
his  own.  As  the  queries  were  entirely  confidential,  and  as 
the  publication  of  them  could  not  have  been  made  by  Ham- 
ilton, or  Knox,  they  must  have  been  made  by,  or  with  the 
assent  of  Jefferson,  or  Randolph.  Jefferson  thought  proper 
to  write  to  Washington  to  exculpate  himself.  Washington, 
in  answering  him,  uses,  among  others,  these  words  :  "  If  I 
"  had  entertained  any  suspicion  before,  that  the  queries 
"  Which  have  been  published  in  Bache's  paper  proceeded 
"  from  you,  the  assurances  you  have  given  of  the  contrary, 
"  would  have  removed  them,  .  .  But  the  truth  is,  I  har- 
"  bored  none.  I  am  at  no  loss  to  conjecture  from  what 
"  source  they  flowed,  through  what  channel  they  were  con- 
"  veyed,  nor  for  what  purpose  they,  and  similar  publica- 
"  tions,  appear. 

"  As  you  have  mentioned  the  subject  yourself,  it  would 


70  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  not  be  frank,  candid,  or  friendly  to  conceal,  that,  your 
"  conduct  has  been  represented  as  derogating  from  that 
"  opinion  I  conceived  you  entertained  of  me ;  that  to  your 
"  particular  friends  and  connexions  you  have  described, 
"  and  they  have  denounced  me,  as  a  person  under  a  dan- 
"  gerous  influence,  and  that,  if  I  would  listen  more  to  some 
"  other  opinions,  all  would  be  well.  My  answer  invariably 
"  has  been,  that  I  had  never  discovered  any  thing  in  the 
"  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  raise  suspicions  in  my  mind 
"  of  his  sincerity  ;  that  if  he  would  retrace  my  public  con- 
"  duct  while  he  was  in  the  administration,  abundant  proofs 
"  would  occur  to  him,  that  truth,  and  right  decisions,  were 
"  the  sole  objects  of  my  pursuit ;  that  there  were  as  many 
"  instances,  within  his  own  knowledge,  of  my  having  de- 
"  cided  against,  as  in  favor  of  the  person  evidently  alluded 

C"  to  ;  and  moreover,  that  I   was  no  believer   in  the  infalli- 
"  bility  of  the   politics,   or  measures   of  any  man    living.  „ 
"  In  short,  that  I  was   no  party  man  myself,  and  that  the 
"  first  wish  of  my  heart  was,  if  parties  did  exist,  to  recon- 
"  cile  them. 

"  To  this  I  may  add,  and  very  truly,  that  until  the  last 
"  year  or  two,  I  had  no  conception  that  parties  would,  or 
"  even  could,  go  the  lengths  I  have  been  witness  to ;  nor 
"  did  I  believe,  until  lately,  that  it  was  within  bounds  of 
'probability,  .  .  hardly  within  those  of  possibility,  —  that 
while  I  was  using  my  utmost  exertions  to  establish  a 
'  national  character  of  our  own,  independent,  as  far  as  our 
'  obligations  and  justice  would  permit,  of  every  nation  on 
1  the  earth  ;  and  wished,  by  steering  a  steady  course,  to 
preserve  this  country  from  the  horrors  of  desolating 
war,  I  should  be  accused  of  being  the  enemy  of  one 
'  nation,  and  subject  to  the  influence  of  another ;  and  to 
prove  it,  that  every  act  of  my  administration  would  be 
tortured,  and  the  grossest  and  most  insidious  misrepre- 
sentations of  them  be  made,  by  giving  one  side  only  of  a 
subject ;  and  that  too  in  such  exaggerated  and  indecent 
terms  as  could  scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero  ....  to 
a  notorious  defaulter  ....  or  even  to  a  common  pick- 
pocket. 

"  But  enough  of  this  ....  I  have  already  gone  further 
in  the  expression  of  my  feelings  than  I  intended." 
Let  it  not  be  forgotten,  that  though  Washington  seems, 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  71 

to  some  extent,  to  exculpate  Mr.  Jefferson,  yet,  that  the  base 
and  wicked  slanders  and  criminations  of  which  he  com- 
plains, appeared  in  the  newspaper  edited  by  Mr.  Jefferson's 
clerk,  Freneau,  and  in  that  edited  by  Bache.  It  will  be 
seen,  hereafter,  that  on  one  occasion,  Washington  com- 
plained to  Mr.  Jefferson  of  the  publications,  which  ap-  • 
peared  in  Freneau's  paper,  and  also  in  what  manner  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  pleased  to  treat  that  complaint. 


LETTER    XXI. 

MARCH  30,  1833. 

ON  the  7th  of  December,  1796,  Washington  met  Con- 
gress  for  the  last  time,  and  commended  to  their  attention 
many  highly  important  subjects,  some  of  which  have  been 
attended  to,  and  others  neglected.  He  adverted,  modestly, 
to  the  course  which  he  had  pursued  in  conducting  the 
government,  but  did  not  condescend  to  notice  the  slanders 
which  had  been  poured  out  against  him.  He  had  published 
his  memorable  Farewell  Address,  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber, 1796. 

It  is  characteristic  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  he  makes   an 
attempt  to  rob  Washington,  in  some  degree,  of  the  author- 
ship of  this  precious  legacy ;  and  to  transfer  it  to  his  friend 
Mr.  Madison.      There  is  not   the  slightest  evidence    any 
where,  that  Washington  had   any  such  regard,  or  respect 
for  Mr.  Madison,   politically  or  individually,   as  to  lead  to 
the  belief  that  this  gentleman  would  have  been  the  selected 
object  of  confidence,  on  this  delicate  and  serious  occasion.' 
Mr.  Jefferson  says,  —  (in  a  letter   to  Judge  Johnson,   of 
South   Carolina,   vol.  iv.   p.  370,)  "  With  respect  to    his 
'  farewell  address,  to  the  authorship  of  which,   it  seems, 
'  there   are  conflicting    claims,  I    can  state  to   you    some 
'facts.     He  had  declined   a  re-election,  at  the  end  of  his 
'  first  term,  and  so  far  determined,  that  he  had  requested 
'  Mr.  Madison  to  prepare  for  him  something  valedictory,  to 
'  be    addressed    to    his    constituents    on    his   retirement." 
'  When  at  the  end  of  his  second  term,  when  his  valedictory 
'  came  out,  Mr.  Madison  recognised  in  it  several  passages 


72  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

'  of  his  draught ;    several  others,  we  were  both  satisfied, 
'  were  from  the  pen  of  Hamilton  ;  and  others  from  that  of 
'  the  President  himself.     These  he,  probably,  put  into  the 
'  hands  of  Hamilton  to  form  into  a  whole ;  and   hence  it 
'  may  all  appear  in  Hamilton's  hand-writing,  as  if  it  were 
'  all  his  composition."     That  is,  Hamilton  took  Madison's 
manuscript,  and  adopted  it  as  his,  but  to  appear  as  Wash- 
ington's !     The  truth,  in  this  matter,  is  now  known  from 
the  pen  of  John  Jay. 

Until  the  close  of  his  administration,  Washington  had 
never  publicly  noticed  the  "  forged  letters ;  "  he  then 
thought  it  proper  to  address  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  to 
be  filed  in  his  office,  a  solemn  declaration  that  they  were 
forged. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1797,  the  citizens  of  Philadel- 
phia asked  Washington's  presence  at  a  ball,  intended  as  a 
mark  of  their  respect.  At  that  time,  there  was  a  circus, 
and  an  hotel,  (known  as  O'Ellers',)  on  the  south  side  of 
Chestnut  Street,  between  Fifth  and  Sixth  Streets.  The 
circus  was  floored  over  for  dancing,  and  otherwise  suitably 
prepared  ;  and  a  settee,  with  a  canopy  over  it,  arranged  in 
an  elevated  position  for  Mr.  and  Mrs  Washington.  He 
did  not  confine  himself  to  this,  but  moved  about  the  circus, 
conversing  freely  with  the  company,  consisting  of  citizens, 
distinguished  members  of  Congress,  all  foreign  ministers, 
and  invited  strangers.  An  opening  was  made  through  the 
wall  of  the  hotel,  from  the  circus,  and  the  company  passed 
through  this  into  the-  hotel  to  sup.*  On  the  fourth  of 
March  (1797)  he  was  present  when  John  Adams  took  the 
oath  of  office  ;  and  he  appeared  to  be  sincerely  glad,  in  the 
manner  of  his  congratulations  to  the  new  President,  that 
the  care  and  responsibility  of  that  station,  were  no  longer 
his  own.  In  two  or  three' days  he  withdrew  from  Philadel- 
phia to  Mount  Vernon,  to  leave  it  no  more  for  the  residue 
of  his  life.t  He  was  sixty-five  years  of  age  the  22d  of  the 
preceding  February. 

The  following  are  recollections  of  Washington,  derived 
from  repeated  opportunities  of  seeing  him  during  the  three 


*  This  hotel  was  shortly  after  destroyed  by  fire  ;  and  the  circus  has 
long  since  given  place  to  other  buildings. 

t  He  appeared  once  as  a  grand  juror  and  served  as  foreman. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  73 

last  years  of  his  public  life.    He  was  over  six  feet  in  stature  ;  ,/ 
of  strong,  bony,  muscular  frame,  without   fulness  of  cover-    ;\ 
ing,  well  formed  and  straight.     He  was  a  man  of  most  ex-  / 
traordinary  physical  strength.     In  his  own  house  his  action 
was  calm,  deliberate,  and  dignified,  without  pretension  to 
gracefulness,  or  peculiar  manner,  but  merely  natural,  and 
such  as  one  would  think  it  should  be  in  such  a  man.     When 
walking  in  the  street,  his  movement  had  not  the  soldierly~\ 
air   which  might   be  expected.     His  habitual  motions  had    l 
been  formed  long  before  he1  took  command  of  the  American  J 
armies,  in  the  wars  of  the  interior,  and  in  the  surveying  of 
wilderness  lands,  employments  in  which  grace  and  elegance 
were  not  likely  to  be  acquired.     At  the  age  of  sixty-five, 
time  had  done  nothing  towards   bending  him  out  of   his 
natural  erectness.     His   deportment  was  invariably  grave  ; 
it  was  sobriety  that  stopped  short  of  sadness.     His  presence  ^ 
inspired  a  veneration,   and  a  feeling  of  awe,  rarely  experi- *i 
enced  in  the  presence  of  any  man.     His  mode  of  speaking   ) 
was  slow  and  deliberate,  not  as  though  he  was  in  search  of 
fine  words,  but  that  he  might  utter  those  only  adapted  to  his 
purpose.     It  was  the  usage  for  all  persons,  in  good  society, 
to    attend    Mrs.  Washington's    levee  every  Friday  evening.  •= 
He  was  always  present.     The  young  ladies  used  to  throng    \ 
around  him,  and  engage  him  in  conversation.     There  were 
some  of  the  well  remembered  belles  of  that  day  who  imagined 
themselves  to  be  favorites  with  him.      As  these  were    the 
only  opportunities  which  they  had  of  conversing  with  him, 
they  were  disposed  to  use  them.     One  would  think,  that  a 
gentleman   and  a  gallant  soldier,  if  he  could  ever  laugh,  or 
dress    his  countenance    in  smiles,  would  do  so  when   sur- 
rounded  by  young  and  admiring    beauties.     But    this  was~-s 
never  so  ;  the  countenance  of  Washington  never  softened  ; 
nor  changed  its  habitual  gravity.     One  who  had  lived  always 
in  his  family,  said,  that  his  manner  in  public  life,  and  in  the 
seclusion  of  most  retired  life,  was  always  the  same.     Being 
asked  whether  Washington  could  laugh  ;  this  person  said, 
that  this  was  a  rare  occurrence,  but  that  one  instance  was    . 
remembered  when  he  laughed  most  heartily  at  her  narration     < 
of  an  incident  in  which  she  was  a  party  concerned  ;  and  in    j 
which  he  applauded  her  agency.     The  late  General  Cobb,  J 
who  was  long  a  member  of  his  family  during  the  war,  (and 
who  enjoyed  a  laugh  as  much  as  any  man  could,)  said,  that 
7 


74  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

he  never  saw  Washington  laugh,  excepting  when  Dr.  Tho- 
mas of  Massachusetts  came  to  dine  at  head-quarters.  This 
gentleman  had  a  fund  of  ludicrous  anecdotes,  and  a  manner 
of  telling  them,  which  relaxed  even  the  gravity  of  the  com- 
mander in  chief. 

General  Cobb  also  said,  that  the  forms  of  proceeding  at 
head-quarters  were  exact  and  precise  ;  orderly  and  punctual. 
At  the  appointed  moment,  Washington  appeared  at  the 
breakfast  table.  He  expected  to  find  all  the  members  of  his 
family,  (Cobb,  Hamilton,  Humphreys,  were  among  them,) 
awaiting  him.  He  came  dressed  for  the  day,  and  brought 
with  him  the  letters  and  despatches  of  the  preceding  day, 
with  short  memoranda  of  the  answers  to  be  made  ;  also  the 
substance  of  orders  to  be  issued.  When  breakfast  was  over, 
these  papers  were  distributed  among  his  aids,  to  be  put  into 
form.  Soon  after,  he  mounted  his  horse  to  visit  the  troops, 
and  expected  to  find,  on  his  return  before  noon,  all  the  papers 
prepared  for  his  inspection  and  signature.  There  was  no 

r  familiarity  in  his  presence  ;  it  was  all  sobriety  and  business. 

s  His  mode  of  life  was  abstemious  and  temperate.  He  had  a 
decided  preference  for  certain  sorts  of  food,  probably  from 
early  associations.  Throughout  the  war,  as  it  was  under- 
stood in  his  military  family,  he  gave  a  part  of  every  day  to 
private  prayer  and  devotion. 

While  he  lived  in  Philadelphia,  as  President,  he  rose  at 

.  four  in  the  morning ;  and  the  general  rule  of  his  house  was 
that  the  fires  should  be  covered,  and  the  lights  extinguished 
at  a  certain  hour  ;  whether  this  was  nine  or  ten,  is  not  recol- 
lected. 

In  the  early  part  of  his  administration,  great  complaints 

^  were  made  by  the  opposition,  of  the  aristocratic  and  royal 

(demeanor   of  the   President.     Mr.   Jefferson   makes   some 

%  commentaries  on  this  subject,  which  do  no  credit  to  his  head 
or  his  heart.  These  are  too  little  to  be  transcribed  from  the 
works  of  this  "  great  and  good  man."  (See  vol.  iv.  p.  487.) 
Dr.  Stuart,  of  Virginia,  wrote  to  him  of  the  dissatisfaction 
which  prevailed  on  this  subject  in  Virginia.  In  the  5th  vol. 
of  Marshall,  page  164,  will  be  found  an  extract  of  Washing- 

1   ton's  vindication  of  his  conduct;  and  a  most  satisfactory 

one,  and  which  shows  the  proper  character  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 

"  Anas."     These  complaints  related,  in  particular,  to  the 

.manner  of  receiving  such  visiters  as  came  from  respect,  or 


ON    PUBLIC    CHAUACTERS.  75 

from  curiosity,  of  which  there  were  multitudes.  The  purpose 
of  Washington  was,  that  such  visiters  should  accomplish  their 
objects,  without  a  sacrifice  of  time,  which  he  considered  in- 
dispensable to  the  performance  of  his  public  duties. 

He  devoted  one  hour  every  other  Tuesday,  from  three  to 
four,  to  these  visits.  He  understood  himself  to  be  visited  as 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  not  on  his  own 
account.  He  was  not  to  be  seen  by  any  body  and  every 
body ;  but  required  that  every  one  who  came  should  be  in- 
troduced by  his  secretary,  or  by  some  gentleman,  whom  he 
knew  himself.  He  lived  on  the  south  side  of  Market 
Street,  just  below  Sixth.*  The  place  of  reception  was  the 
dining  room  in  the  rear,  twenty-five  or  thirty  feet  in  length, 
including  the  bow  projecting  into  the  garden.  Mrs.  Wash- 
ington received  her  visiters  in  the  two  rooms  on  the  second 
floor,  from  front  to  rear. 

At  three  o'clock,  or  at  any  time  within  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  afterwards,  the  visiter  was  conducted  to  this  dining 
room,  from  which  all  seats  had  been  removed  for  the  time. 
On  entering  he  saw  the  tall  manly  figure  of  Washington 
clad  in  black  velvet ;  his  hair  in  full  dress,  powdered  and 
gathered  behind  in  a  large  silk  bag ;  yellow  gloves  on  his 
hands ;  holding  a  cocked  hat  with  a  cockade  in  it,  and  the 
edges  adorned  with  a  black  feather  about  an  inch  deep. 
He  wore  knee  and  shoe  buckles ;  and  a  long  sword,  with  a 
finely  wrought  and  polished  steel  hilt,  which  appeared  at  the 
left  hip  ;  the  coat  worn  over  the  sword,  so  that  the  hilt,  and 
the  part  below  the  folds  of  the  coat  behind,  were  in  view. 
The  scabbard  was  white  polished  leather. 

He  stood  always  in  front  of  the  fire-place,  with  his  face 
towards  the  door  of  entrance.  The  visiter  was  conducted 
to  him,  and  he  required  to  have  the  name  so  distinctly  pro- 
nounced, that  he  could  hear  it.  He  had  the  very  uncom- 
mon faculty  of  associating  a  man's  name,  and  personal 
appearance,  so  durably  in  his  memory,  as  to  be  able  to  call 
any  one  by  name,  who  made  him  a  second  visit.  He  re- 
ceived his  visiter  with  a  dignified  bow,  while  his  hands  were 
so  disposed  of  as  to  indicate  that  the  salutation  was  not  to 
be  accompanied  with  shaking  hands.  This  ceremony  never 
occurred  in  these  visits,  even  with  his  most  near  friends, 
that  no  distinction  might  be  made. 

*  This  was  the  house  of  Robert  Morris  before  Washington  occupied  it. 


76  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

As  visiters  came  in,  they  formed  a  circle  around  the 
room.  At  a  quarter  past  three,  the  door  was  closed,  and 
the  circle  was  formed  for  that  day.  He  then  began  on  the 
right,  and  spoke  to  each  visiter,  calling  him  by  namei  and 
exchanging  a  few  words  with  him.  When  he  had  com- 
pleted his  circuit,  he  resumed  his  first  position,  and  the 
visiters  approached  him,  in  succession,  bowed  and  retired. 
By  four  o'clock  this  ceremony  was  over. 

On  the  evenings  when  Mrs.  Washington  received  visiters, 
he  did  not  consider  himself  as  visited.  He  was  then  as  a 
private  gentleman,  dressed  usually  in  some  colored  coat  and 
waistcoat,  (the  only  one  recollected  was  brown,  with  bright 
buttons,)  and  black,  on  his  lower  limbs.  He  had  then 
neither  hat  nor  sword ;  he  moved  about  among  the  company, 
conversing  with  one  and  another.  He  had  once  a  fortnight 
an  official  dinner,  and  select  companies  on  other  days.  He 
sat  (it  is  said)  at  the  side,  in  a  central  position,  Mrs.  Wash- 
ington opposite ;  the  two  ends  were  occupied  by  members  of 
his  family,  or  by  personal  friends. 


LETTER    XXII. 

APRIL  2,  1833. 

AT  this  day,  the  conduct  and  character  of  Washington 
spoken  of  with  respect  and  veneration  by  most  men. 
:  We  have  seen  several  sorts  of  administration  of  public  affairs 
L  since  his  time ;  it  is  not  too  soon  to  consider,  calmly  and 
dispassionately,  the  worth  of  that  conducted  by  himself.     It 
may  be,  that  the  efforts  made  in  Washington's  lifetime,  by 
Paine,  Bache,  and  Freneau,  (to  say  nothing  of  any  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  may  have  made,  paid  for,  or  approved  of,)  to 
deprive  him  of  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen,  have  still  some 
effect  on  the  public  mind.     But  the  day  will  come  when 
^  Washington  and  Jefferson  will  both  be  remembered,  by  all 
who  seek  correct  information,  as  they  should  be. 

Washington  brought  into  office  the  reputation  of  a  suc- 
cessful military  chief.  Not  that  which  depends  on  personal 
courage  ;  nor  that  which  arises  from  the  able  use  of  the  best 
means  for  conducting  warfare ;  but  the  reputation  of  having 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  77, 

used  means  which  we  now  look  back  upon  with  astonish-) 
ment,  as  having  been  capable  of  effecting  the  independence    / 
of  the  country.     In  all  his  agency,  then,  and  ever  after,  _^ 
wisdom,   firmness,  perseverance,  great  ability,   unimpeach- 
able integrity,  are  admitted  to  be  his  attributes.     Infamous 
slanders  have  been  forgotten  in   the   lapse   of  time  ;    and 
some  of  those  who  paid  for  them,  and  circulated  them,  find 
their  own  interests  promoted,  in  having  them  forgotten. 

Washington  was  not  a  successor.  He  had  no  path  before  *< 
him,  marked  out  by  time,  and  experience.  He  had  a  nation 
to  rule,  who  were  to  receive  rules  for  the  first  time,  under  a 
voluntary  government,  obtained  with  great  exertion,  and 
against  the  will  of  an  able,  and  irreconcilable  minority. 
There  was  no  reverence  for  ancient  usages,  no  affection  for 
a  system,  which  its  subjects  had  been  born  under,  and  had 
grown  up  with.  No  cherished  recollections  of  evils  averted, 
and  benefits  secured,  under  a  faithful  exercise  of  power. 
There  were  the  abstract  rules  of  a  constitution  ;  no  laws,  no 
officers,  no  application  of  its  force,  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
country.  There  were  all  the  complicated  and  embarrassing 
concerns  of  the  late  war ;  craving  creditors  to  the  amount 
of  many  millions  ;  a  pervading  sense  of  gratitude  to  France ; 
the  memory  of  bitter  sufferings  under  the  cruel  exercise  of 
British  warfare,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other"; 
and  most  especially  in  the  south. 

The  memory  of  suffering  in  the  south,  particularly  in  > 
South  Carolina,  was  deep  and  eradicable.  War  there,  was 
bereft  of  all  the  magnanimity  and  forbearance,  which 
modern  usages,  under  Christian  influence,  have  introduced 
to  mitigate  its  horrors.  It  was  vindictive,  unsparing,  merci- 
less civil  war.  It  was  worse  yet ;  it  was  a  wanton  exercise 
of  force,  which  was  infamous,  even  when  attempted  to  be 
palliated  by  calling  it  the  lawful  exercise  of  power  against 
rebels.  A  correspondent  feeling  and  action,  followed  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans.  Besides  the  evils  of  such  war,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  were  divided  into  whig  and  tory 
parties,  and  carried  all  the  bitterness  of  the  times  into  these 
distinctions.  Among  the  most  disgraceful  and  mournful 
tragedies  ever  acted  among  men,  was  the  execution  of  the 
gallant  and  honorable  Colonel  Isaac  Hayne  on  the  4th  of 
August,  1781,  at  Charleston.  The  names  of  the  two  British 
officers  who  had  the  heart  to  order  this,  shall  not  be  mention- 
7* 


78  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

.*  * 

ed.  They  resisted  such  an  appeal,  as  ought  to  have  softened 
the  hardest  substance  that  can  be  called  a  human  heart. 
The  second  Gothic  king  that  wore  a  Roman  crown,  died  of 
remorse,  that  he  had  put  a  fellow  man  to  death,  under  cir- 
cumstances more  excusable  than  those  which  carried  Colonel 
Hayne  to  a  place  of  execution.  No  time,  no  distance  should 
ever  permit  the  oblivion  of  such  scenes  ;  that  they  may 
serve  to  moderate  the  exercise  of  power,  and  warn  the 
soldier  that  future  generations  will  judge  of  him  with  im- 
partial justice.  Such  feelings  towards  the  British,  were, 
from  like  causes,  prevalent  in  Virginia.  The  elements  of 
opposition,  needed  only  some  combining  and  exciting  cause, 
to  be  felt  in  all  their  force. 

To  the  high  responsibility  of  giving  motion  and  effect  to 
the  new  system,  among  all  these  discordant  elements,  it  was 
the  lot  of  Washington  to  be  called.  Without  going  minutely 
into  measures,  let  us  glance  at  the  prominent  ones,  and 
judge,  by  the  light  of  experience,  whether  he,  and  his  politi- 
cal associates,  were  right  or  wrong. 

Was  it  right  or  wrong  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the 
public  debt,  justly  called  "  the  price  of  liberty  ?  "  Who  can 
answer  in  the  negative  1  Was  the  manner  of  this  provision 
right  or  wrong?  If  wrong,  it  must  have  been  so  from  not 
paying  the  holders  of  securities,  which  had  changed  hands 
innumerable  times,  at  the  rate  of  purchase.  How  could 
this  be  ascertained  ;  and  was  every  bargain  made,  in  the 
United  States,  to  be  traced  through  all  its  steps  to  the  origi- 
nal holder  ?  If  some  men  thought  better  of  eventual  solven- 
cy of  the  nation  than  others  did,  and  chose  to  take  the  risk, 
was  this  a  reason  why  they  should  not  be  paid  1  If  one  man 
could  purchase  an  article,  of  uncertain  value,  at  a  rate 
which  the  owner  was  disposed  to  take,  what  law  of  justice, 
or  honor,  forbade  the  purchase?  It  is  true  that  the  poor 
soldier  and  the  war-worn  officer,  had  parted,  in  their  poverty 
and  necessity,  with  the  paper  payment  for  their  services,  for 
an  almost  nominal  consideration.  But  what  was  this  to  the 
creditor  ?  To  these  soldiers  and  officers,  there  was  still  a 
national  debt  in  gratitude  and  justice.  It  has  been  poorly 
paid  to  survivors,  after  most  of  the  whole  number  had  found 
their  graves.  Gratitude  is  a  fruitless  claim,  in  most  cases, 
when  presented  to  the  conscience  of  a  nation.  Not  to  have 
done  what  was  done,  would  have  been  injustice,  for  which 
there  could  have  been  no  palliation. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  79 

The  manner  of  this  provision  —  was  this  right  or  wrong  ? 
The  amount  of  the  revolutionary  debt,  estimated  at  specie 
value,  in  1790,  was  ($135,190,703)  more  than  one  hundred 
and  thirty-five  millions  of  dollars.  It  was  to  be  liquidated 
and  funded,  and  provision  made  for  interest  and  principal. 
To  this  end,  the  commercial  regulations,  now  in  force,  com- 
prising the  whole  system  of  shipping  interests,  and  insensi- 
ble taxation  by  duties  on  importation,  were  established. 
These  regulations  have  been  adhered  to,  in  all  the  hostility 
manifested  in  later  times,  to  the  Washington  administration. 
But  it  was  not  for  the  occasion  of  the  day,  that  they  were 
established  ;  it  was  to  make  a  sure  foundation  (united  with 
other  subjects)  for  national  credit  and  security  in  all  future 
times.  When  the  government  has  been  well  conducted, 
and  has  deserved  public  confidence,  these  regulations  have 
answered  the  intended  purpose.  From  this  system  of  things 
arises  now,  the  vital  strength  of  the  national  government ;  a 
strength  which  may  be  safely  relied  on  in  every  emergency 
when  the  national  rulers  have  justly  the  confidence  of  the 
country.  We  hear,  at  this  day,  proud  boastings  of  the 
extinction  of  the  national  debt  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the 
one  hundred  millions  of  debt  accumulated  in  the  late  war. 
By  whose  wisdom  and  foresight  was  it,  that  the  extinction 
of  the  debt  has  been  effected  ?  By  those  who  founded  the 
financial  system,  or  those  who,  since  that  time,  have  applied 
it,  well  or  ill,  as  the  case  may  be  ? 

Was  Washington's  administration  right  or  wrong,  towards 
France  and  England,  during  their  vindictive  and  exter- 
minating  war  ?  No  man  ever  had  a  more  delicate  and  diffi- 
cult task  to  perform  than  in  relation  to  these  belligerents. 
To  both  of  them,  this  country,  situated  at  the  distance  of 
three  thousand  miles  from  the  cabinets  of  each,  and  near 
colonies  of  both,  was  a  subject  of  unceasing  jealousy.  Each 
desired  to  prevent  this  country  from  becoming  adversely  a 
party  in  the  war  ;  and  France  was  resolutely  determined,  by 
every  art  of  corruption,  and  intrigue,  and  by  open  menace, 
that  it  should  become  a  party,  in  alliance  with  her.  What 
could  this  country  gain,  and  how  much  was  it  sure  to  lose, 
by  engaging  in  the  war,  on  either  side !  Surely  the  true 
policy  of  the  country  was  strict  neutrality.  To  preserve 
this,  the  most  forbearing  and  conciliatory  measures  were 
adopted  towards  each ;  ministers  were  sent,  and  instructions 


80  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

given  to  show,  that  the  United  States  were  and  meant  to  be 
neutral. 

When  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  became  intolerable  in 
the  capture  of  American  ships,  was  it  best  to  go  to  war,  and 
take  the  chances  of  French  fraternity,  or  to  send  a  special 
messenger  to  make  explanations,  and  demand  reparation? 
The  good  sense  of  the  country  came  to  the  relief  of  the 
administration  in  this  measure  ;  and  the  country  was  saved 
from  the  calamities  which  threatened  it,  by  the  ratification 
of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  and  by  popular  approval. 

To  the  last  hour  of  his  administration,  Washington  per- 
severed in  his  neutrality ;  and  was  able  to  countervail  the 
popular  clamor  in  favor  of  France.  We  can  look  back 
calmly,  on  the  policy  of  that  peculiar  country  ;  we  now 
know  what  the  fate  of  all  countries  was  that  submitted  to 
French  alliance,  whether  republican  or  imperial ;  and  we 
can  plainly  see  what  would  have  been  the  fate  of  this 
country,  if  Washington  had  yielded  to  the  hollow  assurances 
and  open  menaces  of  Genet,  Fauchet,  and  Adet,  sustained 
as  they  were,  by  an  unfaithful  or  deluded  portion  of  our 
country,  and  sometimes  amounting  to  a  popular  majority. 

In  the  discretionary  exercise  of  executive  power,  the 
"  r-  Washington  administration  was  wise  and  tolerant.  In 
'  filling  offices  the  President  preferred,  when  he  could,  the 
revolutionary  chiefs,  of  whose  integrity,  and  ability,  he  had 
ample  proofs.  No  one  will  say  that  such  men  did  not 
deserve  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  office,  which  their 
own  perilous  efforts  helped  to  establish.  He  did  not,  like 
some  of  his  successors,  profess  to  ask,  Is  he  honest,  is  he 
capable,  is  he  faithful  to  the  constitution.  He  appointed 
men  that  were  so.  He  displaced  no  man  for  the  expression 
of  his  opinions,  even  in  the  feverish  excitement  of  French 
delusion. 

With  regard  to  all  other  foreign  governments  ;  the  judi- 
ciary ;  the  national  bank  ;  the  Indian  tribes  ;  the  mint ;  in 
his  deportment  to  his  own  ministers ;  his  communications 
to  Congress ;  his  construction  of  the  constitution ;  his 
sacred  regard  for  it ;  his  devotion  to  the  whole  Union  ;  his 
magnanimity  and  forbearance  ;  his  personal  dignity  ;  in  all 
these,  and  in  relation  to  all  other  subjects,  how  great  and 
honorable  was  his  example,  how  transcendently  above  all 
praise  that  man  can  bestow ;  and  yet  how  utterly  have  his 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  81 

views,  and   his    example   been    disregarded   within    these 
thirty  years ! 

As  successive  events,  and  new  agents,  arise  in  our  na- 
tional progress,  and  means  of  comparison  are  lost  in  the 
lapse  of  time,  we  are  in  great  danger,  by  taking  those 
which  are  most  recent,  of  descending  by  steps,  to  the  end 
of  republican  freedom.  The  state  of  our  country  now, 
freed  as  it  is  from  debt,  disentangled  as  it  is  from  European 
alliances,  fearless  as  it  is  from  Indian  aggressions,  presents 
an  humiliating  contrast  with  its  condition  at  the  close  of  the 
last  century.  On  the  disheartening  difficulties  of  that  day, 
time  has  rolled  its  tide.  Not  one  in  a  thousand  of  those 
who  were  then  minors,  or  born  since,  has  given  a  serious 
thought  to  them,  with  a  view  to  know,  as  to  all  that  is  now 
doing,  what  is  right  or  wrong.  These  real  difficulties  are 
gone ;  and  what  have  succeeded  to  them  ?  Those  of  do- 
mestic creation ;  the  jealousies  and  enmities  fomented 
among  the  members  of  the  same  family ;  the  cravings  for 
power  and  distinction ;  the  reign  of  selfishness,  and  of  pas- 
sion. By  these  the  strength  of  the  government  is  to  be 
tried,  as  its  founders  predicted ;  and  not  by  the  combined 
strength  of  all  Europe,  while  we  are  united  among  our- 
selves. 


LETTER    XXIII. 

APRIL  5,  1833. 

IT  is  time  to  relieve  this  narration  of  political  events  by 
some  description  of  public  men,  at  the  close  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. It  must  be  remembered,  that  there  are  friends  and 
descendants  of  these  men,  now  living,  whose  feelings  are  to 
be  respected ;  and  also,  that  the  remarks  to  be  made  are 
those  of  one  individual  who  narrates  from  memory,  and  his 
own  notice  of  men  and  things,  and  who  may  not  have  seen 
and  observed,  as  others  did.  The  inducement  to  make  any 
remarks  of  this  nature,  is,  that  the  time  is  at  hand,  when 
all  power  to  speak  of  men  who  were  busy  at  the  close  of 
the  last  century,  from  personal  knowledge,  will  cease. 
Who  and  what  they  were,  who  were  Washington's  military 


) 
II 


82  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

and  political  associates,  friends  or  foes,  must  be  interesting 
—  especially   as   they    lived  when   European   governments 
were  shaken  to  the   centre  by  the  force  of  revolution,  suffi- 
ciently powerful  to  be  felt  and  dreaded,  in  this  far  western 
world  ;  and  also,  that  they  lived  and  acted  at  a  time,  when 
fear  of,  or  devotion  to,  revolutionary  notions,  brought   all 
minds,  strong  or  feeble,  into  incessant  action.     Reason  and 
/   good   sense  were  then,  as   now,  impotent  agents,  against 
'»x  that  popular  excitement  which  makes  law  for  itself. 

Mr.  Jefferson  mentions  in  his  writings,  "  the  Essex  Junto" 
with  much  reproach.  What  persons  he  meant  by  this  party 
distinction,  he  did  not  know  himself.  It  seems  to  have 
been  his  practice  to  throw  out  defamatory  remarks,  to  fix 
as  they  might.  It  is  well  remembered,  that  there  were 
intelligent  men  in  the  county  of  Essex,  who  were  steadfast 
friends  of  the  Washington  administration,  and  who  sup- 
ported that  of  Mr.  Adams,  though  without  unqualified 
approbation.  These  men  had  intimate  friends  and  asso- 
ciates in  Boston,  who  thought  as  they  did.  They  were, 
unitedly,  sincere  and  uncompromising  opponents  of  Jeffer- 
sonism,  in  all  its  forms.  Their  political  merits  and  de- 
merits may  depend  on  this.  If  the  administrations  of 
Washington  and  Adams  were  right,  they  were  right.  If 
devotion  to  France,  merely  because  it  was  France,  and 
hatred  of  England,  merely  because  it  was  England,  re- 
gardless of  duty  or  interest,  as  to  their  own  country,  was 
wrong,  they  were  right,  as  subsequent  events  most  clearly 
proved.  They  were  men,  and  like  other  men,  might  feel 
and  express  indignation  at  the  abuse  and  perversion  of 
power  to  mere  party  purposes ;  and  might  have  desired  to 
see  power  properly  restrained,  and  rightly  applied;  and 
may  have  expressed  more  decidedly,  than  some  others  did, 
their  own  opinions.  But  Mr.  Jefferson  was  the  real  cause 
of  these  opinions.  If  he  was  a  wise  and  honest  states- 
man, and  deserved  the  confidence  and  gratitude  of  his 
countrymen,  the  Essex  Junto  were  wrong.  If  he  was  prac- 
tically the  enemy  of  the  national  constitution,  and  merely 
the  chief  of  a  party,  and  not  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  they  were  right. 

.      Among  the  distinguished  men,  at  the  close  of  the  last 

^f  century,   was  Benjamin  Lincoln ;    a  revolutionary   officer, 

*  Secretary  at  War,  the  General  in  the  Massachusetts  insur- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  83 

rection,  and  first  Collector  of  the  port  of  Boston.     In  1794, 
he  was  about  sixty  years  of  age.     He  had  received  only 
an  inferior   education,  but  had  done  much  to  compensate 
for  its  defects.     Before  the  war,  he  had  been  town  officer, 
member  of  the  legislature,   and    militia  colonel.     He  was 
about  five  feet  riine  inches  in  stature,  and  of  so  uncorn-  *V 
monly  broad  person,  as  to  seem  to  be  of  less  stature  than 
he  was.     His  gray  hair  was  combed  back  from  his  forehead, 
unpowdered,  and  gathered  in  a  long  queue.     His  face  was 
round  and  full,   his  eyes  blue,  and  his  complexion  light. 
He  was  usually  dressed  in   a  blue  coat,   and  light   under 
clothes,  and  wore  a  cocked  hat.     He   always  appeared  in 
boots,  in  consequence  of  the  deformity  of  his  left  leg,  oc- 
casioned by  a  wound  received  at  the  capture  of  Burgoyne. 
His    speech   was    with  apparent   difficulty,    as  though   he 
were  too   full.     The   expression  of  his   countenance  was 
exceedingly   kind  and    amiable.      His   manner   was   very 
gracious ;  like  those  of  all  the  high  officers  of  the  revolu-****^ 
tion,   his   deportment   was    dignified  and  courteous.      He 
wrote  essays  on  several  subjects,  commercial,  agricultural, 
and   philosophical,    some   of  which  were   published.      He 
employed  some  one  to  read  these  essays,  and  assigned  for 
a  reason,  that  being  entirely  ignorant   of  the  grammatical 
construction  of  language,  he  could  judge  only  by  the  sound, 
of  its  correctness. 

General    Lincoln  was  one   of  the  few  persons  who  are  j 
afflicted  with   somnolency.     This  was   not   occasioned  by    j 
age,  but  was  constitutional.     In  the  midst  of  conversation,    j 
at  table,  and  when  driving  himself  in  a  chaise,  he  would    i 
fall  into  a  sound  sleep.     While  he  commanded  the  troops 
against  the  Massachusetts  insurgents,  he  dictated  despatches  I 
and  slept  between  the  sentences.     His  sleep  did  not  appear  *\ 
to  disturb  his  perception  of  circumstances  that  were  passing      1 
around   him.     He   considered   this   an   infirmity,    and   his 
friends  never  ventured  to  speak,  to  him  of  it.     He  was  a  -y 
man  of  exemplary  morals,  and  of  sincere   piety,  carrying 
fully  into  practical  life,  the  ethics  of  the  religion  which  he 
professed.     He  enjoyed  the  high  respect  arid  confidence  of 
Washington,  and  the  affectionate  regard  of  his  fellow  officers. 
He    performed    his  various  trusts   with    ability,  and    incor- 
ruptible  integrity.     He  was  a  member   of  the   American 
Academy,  and  President  of  the  Cincinnati. 


84  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

He  died  in  1810,  at  an  advanced  age.  He  was  one  of 
'the  very  few  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  turn  out  of  office. 
But  so  many  persons  were  placed  in  the  collectorship,  of 
the  new  order  of  public  officers,  that  it  was  disagreeable  to 
him  to  remain  in  office.  From  this  cause,  as  well  as  in- 
creasing years,  he  retired. 


LETTER  XXIV. 

APRIL  10,  1833. 

HENRY  KNOX  was  a  bookseller,  and  bookbinder,  at  Bos- 
P  ton,  when  the  war  began,  at  which  time  he  was  about  twenty- 
five  years  old.  He  had  been  captain  of  a  grenadier  com- 
pany ;  and  was  a  volunteer  at  Bunker  Hill  battle.  He 
Tmet  Washington  at  Cambridge,  in  1776  ;  and  was  immedi- 
ately made  chief  of  artillery,  in  which  relation  he  contin- 
ued during  the  war,  and  always  near  head-quarters.  He 
served  throughout  the  war,  and  left  the  service  with  the 
t  rank  of  Major  General.  When  he  resigned  the  office  of  Sec- 
'  retary,  at  the  close  of  1794,  he  removed  to  Boston,  and  for 
some  years  afterwards  resided  there.  He  was  a  large,  full 
man,  above  middle  stature  ;  his  lower  limbs  inclined  a  very 
little  outward,  as  though  they  had  taken  a  form  from  the 
long  continued  use  of  the  saddle.  His  hair  was  short  in  front, 
standing  up  and  powdered,  and  queued.  His  forehead  was 
low,  his  face  large  and  full  below  ;  his  eyes  rather  small, 
gray  and  brilliant.  The  expression  of  his  face  altogether, 
was  a  very  fine  one. 

When  moving  along  the  street,  he  had  an  air  of  grandeur, 
and  self-complacency,  but  it  wounded  no  man's  self-love. 
He  carried  a  large  cane,  not  to  aid  his  steps,  but  usually 
under  his  arm ;  and  sometimes,  when  he  happened  to  stop 
and  engage  in  conversation  with  his  accustomed  ardor,  his 
cane  was  used  to  flourish  with,  in  aid  of  his  eloquence.  He 
was  usually  dressed  in  black.  In  the  summer  he  common- 
ly carried  his  light  silk  hat  in  his  hand,  when  walking  in 
f  the  shade.  His  left  hand  had  been  mutilated,  and  a  part 
/  of  it  was  gone.  He  wore  a  black  silk  handkerchief  wrapt 
around  it,  from  which  the  thumb  and  forefinger  appeared. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  85 

When  engaged  in  conversation  he  used  to  unwind  and  re- 
place this  handkerchief,  but  not  so  as  to  show  his  disfigured 
hand. 

When  thinking,  he  looked  like  one  of  his  own  heavy 
pieces,  which  would  surely  do  execution  when  discharged  ; 
when  speaking,  his  face  had  a  noble  expression,  and  was 
capable  of  displaying  the  most  benignant  feeling.  This 
was  the  true  character  of  his  heart.  His  voice  was  strong^- 
and  no  one  could  hear  it  without  feeling  that  it  had  been 
accustomed  to  command.  The  mind  of  Knox  was  power- 
ful, rapid,  and  decisive  ;  and  he  could  employ  it  continu- 
ously, and  effectively.  His  natural  propensity  was  highly 
social,  and  no  man  better  enjoyed  a  hearty  laugh.  He  said  \ 
that  he  had,  through  life,  left  his  bed  at  the  dawn,  and  had  , 
been  always  a  cheerful,  happy  man. 

He  had  a  brilliant  imagination,  and  not  less  brilliant  modes 
of  expression.     His  conceptions  of  the  power  and  glory  of 
the  Creator  of  the  universe,  were  of  an  exalted  character. 
That  he  might  give  scope  to  this  sentiment,  he  chose  the 
region  of  Blue  Hill,  that  he  might  there  witness  the  great  / 
solar  eclipse  of  June  the  16th,  1806.     His  expressions,  at\ 
the  decline  of  the  light,  in  the  moment  of  almost  total  dark-   J 
ness,  and  on  the  effulgence  of  the  returning  beams  of  the 
sun,  were  worthy  of  the  occasion,  and  of  his  own  glorious  ^ 
mind.     The    immortality  of  the  soul  was    not  with  him  a     | 
matter  of  induction,  but  a  sentiment,  or  fact,  no  more  to  be  / 
questioned,  than  his  own  earthly  existence. 

His  noble  hospitality,  and  exuberant  generosity,  and  too 
confident  a  calculation  on  the  productiveness  of  sales  of 
extensive  tracts  of  land  in  Maine,  led  him  into  some  em- 
barrassments, towards  the  close  of  his  life.  His  life  ended 
at  the  splendid  mansion  which  he  erected  at  Thomaston,  in 
Maine,  in  the  year  1896,  from  an  unfortunate  accident,*  in 
the  56th  year  of  his  age. 

When  President  Adams  concluded  to  form  an  army  in    / 
1798,  Washington  accepted  the  chief  corvmand  with  the   jr* 
right  of  naming  his  chiefs.     He  named  Hamilton  Inspector 
General,  and  first  in  command  under  him,  Charles  Cotes- 
worth  Pinckney,  second,  and  Knox,  third.     Knox  was  ex- 

*  He  swallowed  a  piece  of  chicken  bone,  which  produced  a  fatal 
mortification. 

8 


f 


86  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

ceedingly  hurt  at  this,  as  he  was  Hamilton's  senior,  in  years, 
/and  rank.     He  hesitated,  for  some  time,  whether  to  accept. 
But  his  own  manly  feelings,  and  the  nature  of  the  call  on 
1  him,  suppressed  the  natural  sensibility  of  a  soldier,  and  he 
accepted. 

The  manners  of  the  revolutionary  officers   among  them- 

Y[  selves  (there  were  several  in  Boston  at  the  time  now  spoken 

f  of)  were  exceedingly  affectionate,  and  familiar.     They  spoke 

to  each  other  by  their  Christian  names,  or  surnames  only  ; 

but  yet  there  was  a  courtesy  and  dignity  which  always  made 

it  the  intercourse  of  gentlemen.     All  of  them  were  in  the 

habit  of  using  expressions,  (no  doubt  acquired  in  the  army,) 

which  hardly  seemed  to  be  profaneness  in  them,  though  it 

*  would  now  be  such,  if  used  by  any  one.     They  were  in 

Cjnany  respects  a  noble  set  of  men.     It  is  to  be  hoped,  that 

/the  race  is  not  extinct.     Perhaps  the  occasion  made  them 

I  what  they  were ;  for  there  seems  to  be  few  such  men  in 

\  these  days. 

It  was  of  this  same  Henry  Knox,  that  Thomas  Jefferson 
has  published  to  his  countrymen,  and  for  the  benefit  of  pos- 
terity, as  follows  :  (vol.  iv.  page  484  :)  "  Knox  subscribed  at 
"  once  to  Hamilton's  opinion,  that  we  ought  to  declare  the 
"  treaty  void,  (French  treaty  of  1778,)  acknowledging,  at 
"  the  same  time,  like  a  fool  as  he  is,  that  he  knew  nothing 
"  about  it."  "  There  having  been  an  intimation  by  Randolph, 
"  that  in  so  great  a  question  he  should  choose  to  give  a  writ- 
"  ten  opinion,  and  this  being  approved  by  the  President,  I 
"  gave  in  mine  April  the  28th.  Hamilton  gave  in  his.  I 
"  believe  Knox's  was  never  thought  worth  offering,  or  ask- 
"  ing  for."  (In  the  same  vol.  page  491,)  "  Knox,  in  a 
"  FOOLISH,  incoherent  sort  of  a  speech,  introduced  the  pas- 
"  quinade,  lately  printed,  called  the  funeral  of  George 

"  W n,  and  James  W n,"  (Judge  Wilson,  of  the 

Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  one  of  the  framers  of 

.  the  constitution,)  "  King  and  Judge,  &c.  where  the  Presi- 

/  "  dent  was  placed  on  a  guillotine.    The  President  was  much 

\  "  inflamed  ;  got  into  one  of  those  passions  when  he  cannot 

"  command  himself;  defied  any  man  on  earth  to  produce 

"  one  single  act  of  his,  since  he  had  been  in  the  government, 

"  which  was  not  done  on  the  purest  motives."     In  this  page 

fr.  Jefferson  records  Washington  as  using  an  oath  ;  "  that 
by  God,  he  had  rather  be  in  his  grave  than  in  his  present 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  87 

"  situation."  Thus,  Mr.  Jefferson  is  the  American,  who  X 
has  taken  pains  to  record  for  the  public  eye,  (true  or  false,)  ' 
that  Washington  was  guilty  of  profaneness ! 

"  Some  officers  of  the  army,"  (vol.  iv.  page  444,)  "  as  it  has 
"  always  been  said,  and  believed,  (and  Steuben  and  Knox  \£ 
"  have  ever  been  named  as  the  leading  agents,)  trained  to  ' 
"  monarchy  by  military  habits,  are  understood  to  have  pro- 
"  posed  to  General  Washington,  to  decide  this  great  question 
"  by  the  army,  before  its  disbandment,  and  to  assume,  him- 
"  self,  the  crown,  on  the  assurance  of  their  support."  It  is 
well  known,  that  anonymous  letters  were  circulated  in 
camp,  to  the  above  effect ;  but  this  is  the  only  case  in  which 
the  names  of  Knox  and  Steuben  are  so  connected  there- 
with. On  the  contrary,  two  men  (who  afterwards  figured 
eminently,  in  the  ranks  of  democracy)  have  ever  been 
"  named, "  truly  or  otherwise,  as  the  authors  of  these  let- 
ters. As  to  Knox,  this  is  certain,  that  when  the  officers 
were  assembled,  to  consider  these  letters,  he  was  Chairman 
of  the  Committee,  which  prepared  the  report  of  indignant 
disapprobation  of  them. 

Mr.  Jefferson  may  have  been  of  the  number  of  those 
who  believed  with  Rochefoucauld,  a  French  philosopher, 
and  maxim-writer,  that  there  is  something  in  the  misfor- 
tunes of  our  best  friends  which  does  not  displease  us.  It  is 
quite  certain  that  the  misfortunes  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  political 
adversaries  gave  him  no  pain.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Madison, 
(January  3,  1799,  vol.  iii.  page  406,)  he  says,  "  General 
"  Knox  has  become  bankrupt  for  four  hundred  thousand  dol- 
"  lars,  and  has  resigned  his  military  commission.  He  took  in 
"  General  Lincoln  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dol- 
"  lars,  which  breaks  him.  Colonel  Jackson  also  sunk  with 
"  him."  The  manner  of  this  annunciation  may  be  some 
indication  of  the  sort  of  heart,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had.  It 
is  to  be  hoped,  that  he  did  some  injustice  to  that  of  Mr. 
Madison,  in  so  addressing  him.  It  was  undoubtedly  true, 
that  General  Knox,  from  causes  before  stated,  was  a  debtor, 
and  embarrassed  ;  and,  in  some  degree,  from  like  causes, 
with  those  which  occasioned  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  embar- 
rassments ;  (a  circumstance  in  his  life  which  gave  no  pleas- 
ure to  his  political  adversaries  ;)  but  it  was  never  known, 
in  this  part  of  the  country,  that  General  Lincoln  was 
broken,  nor  that  Colonel  Jackson  had  sunk.  Both  of  them 


88  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

befriended  Knox,  and  the  fortunes  of  both  may  have  been 
in  some  degree  impaired.  But  both  ever  entertained  for 
him  the  most  affectionate  attachment. 

In  making  such  assertions  as  are  found  in  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's volumes,  and  in  recording  what  he  calls,  "  false 
facts, "  has  Mr.  Jefferson  erred  ?  One  can  speak  to  another 
such  things,  as,  if  believed,  would  deprive  the  person  spoken 
to,  of  the  esteem  and  respect  of  his  fellow  men,  and  per- 
haps subject  him  to  public  punishment.  The  speaker,  in 
such  case,  must  be  presumed  to  have  weighed  consequen- 
ces. One  can  speak  of  another,  those  things  which  would, 
if  believed,  produce  like  effects  as  to  the  person  spoken  of. 
There  may  be  cases  where  it  is  justifiable  and  dutiful  so  to 
speak.  Suppose  one  to  speak  such  things,  as  are  adapted 
to  produce  such  effects,  and  that  these  things  are  false,  and 
that  the  speaker  hopes  these  effects  will  be  produced,  but 
that  he  shall  not  be  known  as  the  speaker  ;  what  says  the 
true  law  of  honor,  the  law  of  the  land,  and  the  precepts  of 
Christianity  in  such  case  ?  Suppose  one  to  write  deliberate- 
ly, and  calmly  to  revise  falsehoods  of  the  dead,  and  of  the 
living,  and  to  reserve  these  falsehoods  for  publication,  when 
he  should  be  beyond  personal  accountability  to  the  living, 
and  to  the  representatives  of  the  dead,  what  is  the  sentence 
which  impartial  justice  must  pronounce  on  his  own  fame  ? 
Whether  Mr.  Jefferson  has  or  has  not  erred,  in  any  of  these 
respects,  is  a  question,  on  which  he  has  appealed  to  posterity. 
Let  posterity  pronounce  its  judgment. 


LETTER    XXV. 

APRIL  15,  1833. 

v'    THERE  were  several  distinguished  persons  visiting  in  the 

f  United  States,  in  the  last  five  years  of  the  last  century,  and 

among  them  some  of  royal  blood.     The  Duke  of  Kent,  son 

^j  of  George  the  Third,  was  here,  father  of  the  young  princess, 

7   now  heiress  to  the  throne.     He  was  a  tall  man,  of  light 

J    complexion ;  no  opportunity  occurred  to  describe,  in  him, 

any   peculiar   traits  of   character.      The   present  King  of 

France  was  here,  by  the  name  of  Mons.  d'Orleans,  accom- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  89 

panied  by  his  two  brothers,  who  were  called,  before  the  revo- 
lution, by  the  respective  names  of  the  Duke  de  Montpensier 
and  the  Duke  de  Beaujolois.  Both  the  latter  are  long 
since  deceased.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  a  man  rather 
above  middle  stature,  dark  complexion,  rather  sunken  eyes, 
and  of  very  dignified  deportment.  He  kept  aloof  from  the 
agitation  of  politics.  The  friends  of  France,  apparently, 
did  not  think  that  his  possible  destiny  could  affect  their 
interests.  He  made  extensive  excursions  in  this  country, 
and  was  well  informed,  probably  from  his  own  observation, 
of  its  condition  and  prospects.  He  was  in  the  best  society 
in  the  several  cities.  The  instability  of  human  fortune  has- 
been  strongly  illustrated  in  the  life  of  this  person.  Born  to 
high  distinction,  he  had  the  affliction  of  seeing  it  all  disap- 
pear as  a  vision,  and  himself  reduced  to  the  necessity  of- 
toiling  for  subsistence.  He  bore  his  reverses  with  magna- 
nimity, and  profited  from  them,  and  may  now  be  the  better 
monarch  from  these  causes.  Since  his  exaltation  to  the 
throne  he  has  done  honor  to  his  own  heart  by  recognising 
the  courtesies  and  kindness  experienced  in  this  country. 

A  gentleman  now  known  as  one  of  the  first  merchants  in 
the  world,  and  as  a  member  of  Parliament,  Mr.  Alexander 
Baring,  was  then  in  this  country.  He  was  a  man  of  mid- 
dle stature,  of  light  complexion  and  blue  eyes.  He  was 
considered  to  be  a  well  informed  person,  and  of  highly 
respectable  manners.  As  to  the  former,  this  has  since  been 
verified  by  useful  and  intelligent  performances  in  parlia- 
mentary debate.  He  married  an  American  lady,  the 
daughter  of  Mr.  Senator  Bingham,  who  built  and  dwelt  in 
the  house  now  known  as  the  "  Mansion  House  "  in  Phila- 
delphia. This  was  one  of  the  places  at  that  time  of  elegant 
hospitality  in  the  "  beautiful  city,"  as  it  was  called.  "  Beau- 
tiful," however,  should  have  been  applied  to  what  is  intel- 
lectual and  social,  in  that  day,  no  less  than  to  that  which 
has  not  yielded  to  the  unsparing  hand  of  time.  Certainly, 
the  social  intercourse  of  Philadelphia,  at  the  close  of  the 
last  century,  was  as  delightful  and  interesting  as  could  be 
found  on  the  globe.  There  may  have  been  elsewhere,  more 
names,  places  of  assembly,  titles,  and  distinctions,  than  in 
Philadelphia,  at  this  period.  But  being  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment,  and  place  of  Washington's  abode,  and  Congress  being 
then  an  object  of  attraction  to  visitors,  and  this  city  the 
8* 


90  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

attractive  point  for  all  distinguished  foreigners,  the  society 
of  Philadelphia  was  well  entitled  to  the  praise  of  elegant, 
and  refined. 

Volney,  the  correspondent  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  cele- 
brated traveller,  philosopher,  and  contemner  of  Christianity, 
(as  his  works  show,)  figured  here  at  this  time.  He  had  a 
genuine  French  physiognomy,  which  no  one  could  misun- 
derstand. He  was  a  tall,  straight,  well  formed  person  ;  high 
forehead,  blue  eyes,  small  mouth,  and  peculiar  expression 
of  face.  He  asked  Washington  to  give  him  letters  of 

v-frecommendation,  to  be   used  in  his  excursion  in  the  states. 

/  He  was  probably  understood.     The  letter  given  contained 

(j  only  these  words :    "  C.  Volney  needs  no  recommendation 

7  "  from  George  Washington." 

The  foreign  ministers,  then  in  Philadelphia,  made  their 
houses  places  of  agreeable  resort.  They  usually  gave  a 
dinner  once  a  fortnight,  and  an  evening  entertainment, 
commonly  a  ball,  once  in  the  same  space  of  time.  Mr. 
Liston  was  then  the  British  minister.  He  was  a  Scotchman, 
of  common  size,  dark  complexion,  and  not  distinguised  for 
courtly  manners.  He  wore  a  wig  with  curls  at  the  sides. 
He  had  an  amiable,  knowing  face.  He  was  much  esteemed. 
The  Spanish  minister  was  named  d'Yrujo,  then  or  after- 
wards a  duke,  and  who  has  since  made  some  figure  in 
Spanish  affairs.  He  was  a  short,  full  man.  He  married  a 
lady  of  that  city,  a  daughter  of  Chief  Justice  McKean,  a 
lady  of  celebrity  for  beauty.  Among  the  members  of  Con- 
gress who  made  part  of  the  fashionable  world,  was  William 
Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  a  gentleman  much  distinguished 
in  debate,  on  the  federal  side :  and  Robert  Goodloe  Harper,  y 
also  of  South  Carolina,  who  came  into  Congress  on  the  / 
other  side,  but  who  conscientiously  felt,  in  a  short  time,  that 
he  was  on  the  wrong  side,  and  gave  it  up.  He  made  a 
celebrated  speech  on  the  French  Revolution,  which  was 
printed  in  England,  and  very  generally  distributed.  This 
speech-  was  prepared  in  Boston,  where  he  passed  a  part  of 
the  summer  of  1795.  Mr.  Harper  was  a  well  formed  man, 
of  middle  stature,  and  uncommonly  full  chest ;  and  then 
much  in  fashion  in  his  personal  appearance.  He  was  a 
man  of  strong  mind,  a  fluent  orator,  of  respectable,  but  not 
adorned  manner.  In  his  private  intercourse  he  was  ex- 
ceedingly amiable  and  pleasant.  He  was  a  man  of  excel- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  91 

lent  heart,  and  friendly  disposition,  and,  as  a  public  man, 
one  of  the  most  respectable  of  that  time.  He  settled  after- 
wards in  Baltimore,  and  married  the  daughter  of  the  survi- 
vor of  those  who  signed  the  declaration  of  independence. 
He  held  the  rank  of  general,  and  distinguished  himself 
honorably,  in  repelling  the  attack  of  the  British  on  Balti- 
more in  the  late  war.  General  Harper  and  William  Smith, 
are  among  the  number  of  those  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  will 
introduce  to  posterity  as  monarchists,  and  as  being  among 
"  the  worthless  and  disaffected." 

Mr.  Carroll  (just  now   alluded  to)  was  rather  a  small  and     *, 
thin  person,  of  very  gracious   and   polished  manners.     At  J~ 
the  age  of  ninety,  he   was  still  upright,  and  could  see  and 
hear  as  well  as  men  commonly  do.     He  had  a  smiling  ex- 
pression when  he  spoke ;  and  had  none  of  the  reserve  which 
usually  attends  old  age.     He  was  said  to  have  preserved  his  \ 
vigor,  by  riding  on  horseback,  and  by  daily  bathing  in  cold 
water.     He   was  a  gentleman  of  the  "  old  school  "  of  de-    , 
portment,  which  is  passing  away,  if  not  gone. 

Mr.  Gallatin  made  a  distinguished  figure  in  the  House,  in  \^ 
these  days,  on  the  opposition  side.  He  indicated  his  origin  * 
by  his  pronunciation  of  our  language,  in  a  manner  not  to 
be  mistaken.  It  appears  from  the  records  of  the  Senate, 
when  his  right  to  a  seat  there  was  objected  to  in  1795,  on 
the  ground  of  defect  in  citizenship,  that  he  was  born  in 
Geneva,  in  January,  1761,  and  was  for  some  time  a  teacher 
of  the  French  language  at  Cambridge.  He  was  considered 
to  be  a  very  able  man,  and  has  proved  to  be  such  in  the 
stations  and  writings  of  subsequent  time.  He  was  rather 
above  the  common  size,  of  intelligent  face  and  brilliant 
black  eye.  He  was  a  frequent  speaker  in  the  House,  an 
argumentative,  and  not  a  graceful  one.  Mr.  Madison  was  T" 
then  in  Congress,  and  an  efficient  member  on  the  opposition  • 
side.  A  man  of  small  stature,  and  g&ave  appearance.  At 
the  close  of  his  presidency,  he  seemed  to  be  a  care-worn 
man,  and  seemed,  by  his  face,  to  have  attained  to  a  more 
advanced  age  than  was  the  fact.  He  had  a  calm  expres- 
sion, a  penetrating  blue  eye,  and  looked  like  a  thinking 
man.  He  was  dressed  in  black,  bald  on  the  top  of  his 
head,  powdered,  of  rather  protuberant  person  in  front,  small 
lower  limbs  ;  slow  and  grave  in  speech.  Mr.  Madison  was 
a  warm  advocate  for  the  Union,  and  the  associate  of  Jay 


92  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

and  Hamilton,  in  the  effort  to  make  it  acceptable  to  the 
public.  But  he  early  became  an  opponent  of  the  adminis- 
tration, and  closely  allied  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  It  would  be 
exceedingly  interesting  to  know  what  this  eminent  man's 
opinions  are,  now  that  he  can  look  back,  dispassionately,  on 
a  long,  active,  and  responsible  political  life ;  and  what  acts 
of  his  public  life,  if  any,  he  disapproves ;  and  whether  in 
his  calm  retrospection,  he  is  satisfied  with  his  pretensions 
to  be  ranked  among  the  truly  worthy  successors  of  Wash- 
ington. 

However  it  may  have  been  with  Mr.  Madison,  he  may 
have  discerned,  since  his  time,  that  public  office  in  the 
United  States  'is  not  always  a  solemn  trust  to  be  executed, 
according  to  enlightened  conscience,  for  the  common  good  : 
but  may  be  a  mere  convenience  to  carry  into  effect  the  un- 
worthy purposes  of  party  allegiance. 

Among  the  eminent  men  who  lived  in  Philadelphia  at  the 
close  of  the  last  century,  was  Robert  Morris.  He  was  born 
I  in  England,  in  1733,  and  came  to  America  when  he  was 
fifteen  years  of  age.  He  was  placed  in  the  counting-house 
of  Mr.  Willing,  father  of  Thomas  Willing,  who  was  the  first 
President  of  the  United  States  Bank.  On  coming  of  age, 
he  was  copartner  with  the  latter  gentleman,  and  continued 
to  be  so  for  nearly  forty  years.  Though  Robert  Morris  was 

\  of  English  birth,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  patriot  side,  in 
the  revolutionary  contest.  He  had  acquired  great  wealth  as 
a  merchant,  but  he  cheerfully  risked  the  whole  of  it  to  gain 
the  independence  of  his  adopted  country.  The  final  suc- 

,"  cess  of  the  revolution  depended  no  less  on  the  ability  and 
/•industry  of  this  one  man,  than   on    all   the   armies,  with 

i  Washington  as  their  chief.  When  Congress  had  exhausted 
their  means,  all  other  means  depended  on  Robert  Morris. 

,     At  one  time  he  had  used  his  own  personal  credit  to  the  ex- 

~-f  tent  of  one  million  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  to  sustain 
the  credit  of  the  United  States.  The  records  of  these  times 
are  the  honorable  proofs  of  the  esteem  and  respect  in  which 
both  Congress,  and  Washington,  regarded  his  patriotic 
labors  and  services. 

tHe  was  the  founder  of  the  first  bank  in  this  country,  a 
signer  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  member  of  the 
convention  which  framed  the  constitution,  for  some  years  a 
senator  in  the  national  government,  and  the  personal  friend 
of  Washington. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  93 

In  1784,  under  the  old  confederation,  he  resigned  his 
office  of  "  Financier,"  and  when  the  new  government  went 
into  operation,  he  was  solicited  to  take  the  place  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  but  declined,  and  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  Hamilton. 

After  leaving  all  public  employment,  he  exercised  the 
same  inventive  genius  and  indefatigable  industry,  which  he 
had  devoted  to  the  public  service,  in  his  own  affairs,  and 
engaged  deeply  in  many  and  extensive  enterprises ;  and 
especially  in  the  purchase  of  lands.  Massachusetts  had  a 
claim  to  extensive  tracts  within  the  limits  of  New  York,  of 
which  he  became  the  purchaser. 

In  1795-6,  he  was  in  the  splendor  of  prosperity,  and 
then  about  sixty-three  years  of  age.  His  house  was  at  the 
corner  of  Sixth  and  Market  Streets,  and  he  had  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  palace  in  the  square,  on  the  south  side  of 
Chestnut  Street  next  above  Sixth,  (if  rightly  remembered,) 
with  the  intention  of  making  the  whole  of  that  space  his 
residence.  His  home  was  the  abode  of  noble,  cordial  hos- 
pitality, abounding  in  every  thing  that  tended  to  make 
hospitality  delightful.  In  his  person  (as  now  recollected) 
he  was  nearly  of  six  feet  in  stature,  of  large,  full,  well- 
formed,  vigorous  frame,  with  clear,  smooth,  florid  complexion. 
His  loose  gray  hair  was  unpowdered.  His  eyes  were  gray, 
of  middle  size,  and  uncommonly  brilliant.  He  wore,  as 
was  common  at  that  day,  a  full  suit  of  broadcloth,  of  the 
same  color,  and  of  light  mixture.  His  manners  were  gra- 
cious and  simple,  and  free  from  the  formality  which  generally 
prevailed.  He  was  very  affable,  and  mingled  in  the  common 
conversation,  even  of  the  young. 

Within  the  three  years  following,  his  very  extended 
concerns  became  embarrassed,  and  his  prosperity  declined. 
The  extraordinary  talents  which  were  able  to  manage  the 
monied  concerns  of 'the  nation,  under  the  most  desperate 
circumstances,  were  incompetent  to  extricate  himself  from 
the  difficulties  which  surrounded  him.  It  is  painful  to 
know,  that  this  able  and  commanding  person,  in  the  affairs 
of  his  country,  and  of  society,  closed  his  life  under  exceed- 
ingly depressed  circumstances.  Still  more  painful  to  know, 
that  the  turn  of  the  times,  and  means  which  Morris  would 
have  abhorred,  raised  some  men  to  places  of  high  distinc- 
tion, and  put  them  in  the  way  to  be  long  remembered, 


94  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

while  this  generous,   high-minded  patriot,  Morris,   will  be 
known  to   few  only,  to  have  ever  lived.     He    should  be  re- 
membered  and  honored,  as  among  the  earliest,  and  most 
\v  persevering,  and   faithful  worthies  of  this  land  ;  while  some 
;      men,  who  will  be  so   held,  should  be  regarded  with  proper 
sentiments,   not  for  the  good,  but  for  the  mischief  which 
,    they  achieved.     Though  Morris   had  leisure,  at  the  close  of 
-/his  protracted  life,  to  have  laid  in  his  claims  to  the  respect, 
/  and    to  the    gratitude   of   future   ages,  he   left  no  memoir, 
;    letters,  opinions,  or   Anas,  by  which  his  worth   can  be  dis- 
[    closed  to  the  country,  which  he  so  truly  adorned,  and  so 
\^  faithfully  labored  to  save. 


LETTER    XXVI. 

APRIL  20,  1833. 

IN  1795;  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  was  the  cele- 
V  brated  Samuel  Adams.  He  came  in  after  Hancock,  May, 
1794,  and  was  then  seventy-two  years  of  age.  He  remained 
three  years  in  office.  He  was  one  of  the  most  ardent  of 
the  patriots,  before  and  during  the  revolution  ;  a  popular 
writer  and  energetic  speaker.  He  was  of  common  size, 
of  muscular  form,  light  blue  eyes,  light  complexion,  and 
erect  in  person.  He  wore  a  tie  wig,  cocked  hat,  and  red 
cloak.  His  manner  was  very  serious.  At  the  close  of  his 
life,  and  probably  from  early  times,  he  had  a  tremulous 
motion  of  the  head,  which  probably  added  to  the  solemnity 
of  his  eloquence,  as  this  was,  in  some  measure,  associated 
with  his  voice.  He  was  in  favor  of  adopting  the  federal 
constitution,  but  became  an  opponent  to  the  administration. 
Though  he  and  Hancock  were  the  only  two  men  excepted 
/  in  the  British  proclamation  of  amnesty,  they  were,  at  one 
time,  on  very  ill  terms  with  each  other  from  differences  in 
opinion.  He  died  in  1803.  Samuel  Adams  was  a  sincere, 
•xdevoted,  and  most  effective  agent  in  the  revolutionary  cause, 
j  with  his  pen,  his  tongue,  and  by  example.  He  put  every 
thing  dear  to  him  upon  the  issue. 

He  was  succeeded  in  1797,  by  Increase  Sumner,  taken 
from  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court.     Governor  Sumner 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  95 

was  of  large  person,  a  sensible  man,  of  truly  amiable  char- 
acter. He  took  an  active  part  in  the  convention  in  favor 
of  the  constitution.  He  died  in  June,  1799,  much  re- 
gretted. 

He  was  buried  with  the  formal  ceremonies,  which  have 
been  observed  here,  on  such  occasions,  ever  since  Han- 
cock's time.  Four  chief  magistrates  have  died  in  office. 

The  Chief  Justice  was  Francis  Dana,  who  was  sent  to 
Russia  as  minister  during  the  war,  and  was  absent  three 
years.  He  was  a  man  of  common  stature,  thin  person, 
stooping  a  little,  and  of  studious  face.  He  was  called  an 
able  lawyer,  and  was  a  very  direct,  clear,  forcible  speaker, 
but  his  manner,  on  the  bench,  was  severe.  In  winter,  he 
wore  a  white  corduroy  surtout,  lined  with  fur,  and  a  large 
muff;  probably  Russian  acquisitions.  Robert  Treat  Paine* 
was  also  on  the  bench.  He  was  a  signer  of  the  declaration 
of  independence.  He  was  a  man  of  common  stature,  but 
very  thin  person  ;  and  of  quick,  ardent  temper,  as  his  black 
and  sparkling  eye  might  indicate.  He  did  not  hear  easily. J 
The  manners  of  the  court  to  the  bar  were,  in  those  days, 
far  from  courteous  ;  which  occasioned  the  remark  of  Mr.  1 
Ames,  that  a  lawyer  should  come  prepared  wilh  a  club  in 
one  hand,  and  a  speaking  trumpet  in  the  other.  In  his 
private  life,  he  was  a  kind-hearted,  and  affectionate  man. 
He  was  long  in  public  life,  and  in  responsible  stations,  but 
there  is  not  a  speech,  nor  a  word  of  his,  preserved.  He 
was  a  strong,  earnest  speaker,  but  could  not  be  ranked 
among  the  eloquent. 

In  1800,  Theodore  Sedgwick  took  his  seat  on  the  bench 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  He  was  a  zealous  advocate  for  the 
adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  is  frequently  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Jefferson,  as  one  of  the  monarchists;  and  is  included 
among  the  disaffected  and  worthless.  He  had  been  for  many 
years  in  Congress,  and  Speaker  of  the  House.  He  moved 
that  the  House  should  pass  the  necessary  laws  to  carry  the 
British  treaty  into  effect.  He  was  a  man  of  large  size,  of 
good  face,  of  dignified  and  courteous  deportment,  but  with 
something  of  display  of  manner.  From  the  time  of  his  ap- 
pointment to  the  bench,  the  conduct  of  the  court  towards 
the  bar  underwent  an  entire  revolution,  and  the  former 
causes  of  complaint  soon  disappeared.  He  was  supposed  to 
have  induced  this  important  change.  Judge  Sedgwick  had 


96  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

the  reputation  of  being,  a  good  lawyer,  and  a  gentleman,  in 
every  meaning  of  that  term. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  last  century,  among  the  men  who 
were  then  juniors,  and  who  were  afterwards  to  take  a  very 
important  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  country,  were  Christopher 
Gore,   (then  District  Attorney,)   Samuel    Dexter,  Harrison 
Gray  Otis,  and  John  Quincy  Adams.     There  was  also  at  the 
bar  John  Lowell,  who,  though  he  was  not  in  Congress,  nor 
in  the  national    government  in  any  station,  had  great  in- 
fluence on  public  opinion,  as  an  undaunted  and  powerful 
writer  in  subsequent  days,  as  there  will  be  occasion  to  show. 
Among  the  known  writers  on  the  opposition  side,  was  the 
indefatigable  Benjamin  Austin,  author  of  a  long  series  of 
V»  essays  signed  "  Old  South,"  and  many  others.     They  have 
1    ceased  to  be  remembered ;  but  they  may,  at  some  distant 
day,  be  worth  an  historian's  perusal,  as  indicative  of  the 
temper  of  the  times.     On  the  other  hand,  there  was  a  very 
*     able    writer  who  signed    himself   "  Laco."       His    writings 
/attracted  great   attention  ;    but  the   author  kept  his   own 
•.  secret ;  and  it  is  not  known  who  he  was. 

About  the  end  of  the  century,  the  forms  of  society  under- 
V?    went  considerable  change.     The  levelling  process  of  France 
began  to  be  felt.     Powder  for  the  hair  began  to  be  unfash- 
ionable.    A  loose  dress  for  the  lower  limbs  was  adopted. 
Wearing  the  hair  tied,  was  given  up,  and  short  hair  became 
common.     Colored  garments  went  out  of  use,  and  dark  or 
black,  were  substituted.     Buckles  disappeared.     The  style 
of  life  had   acquired  more  of  elegance,  as  means  had  in- 
creased.     Crowded  parties,  in  the    evening,   were   not   as 
common  then  as  they  are  now.     There  was  more  of  socia- 
bility, and  less  form  and  display,  than  there  is  now.     Some 
of  these  changes  may  be  referred  to  the  increase  of  numbers, 
t  and  of  wealth.     The  Americans  are  not  a  people  of  light, 
.spiritual  amusement,  as  the  French  and  Germans  are.     In 
I  this  part  of  the  country,  they   are  much  more  like  what  the 
"^English  are  represented  to  be.     There  must  be  many  still 
living    who   remember   the  frank,  friendly,  social,  uncere- 
\  monious  intercourse  which  prevailed  thirty  or  forty  years 
ago.     Has  it  disappeared  ?     If  it   has,  from   what  cause ; 
'  and  is  the  present  state  of  things  a  better  one  ? 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  97 


LETTER    XXVII. 

APRIL  30,  1833. 

THE  retirement  of  General  Washington  was  a  cause  of 
sincere,   open,    and    indecent  rejoicing  among  the  French 
party   in  the  United  States.      In  France  it  was  an  event 
long  desired,  and  cordially  welcomed.     The  real   friends  of  f 
this  country,  and  who  were   intelligent  enough  to   compre--4 
hend  the  probable    consequences,  considered    the   loss   of  » 
Washington's  personal  influence  a  public  calamity. . 

At  the  time  when  the  necessity  of  finding  a  new  candi- 
date for  the  presidency  engaged  the  general  attention,  the 
relations  of  the  United  States  with  France  were  never  more 
vexatious  and  embarrassing.  President  Washington  had 
recalled  Mr.  Monroe,  and  sent  over  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney,  as  his  successor.  The  government  of  France 
was  then  vested  in  a  Directory  of  five  ;  a  Council  of  An- 
cients, and  an  Assembly  of  five  hundred.  Mr.  Monroe 
was  allowed  a  very  gracious  and  complimentary  retirement, 
from  the  presence  of  the  French  dignitaries  ;  he  was  told 
at  the  same  time,  what  an  abominable  government  his  own 
countrymen  had,  yet  how  ardently  the  French  loved  them. 
But  Mr.  Pinckney  was  refused  a  reception,  threatened 
with  police  custody,  and  at  length,  peremptorily  ordered  to 
quit  the  French  territory.  About  this  time,  orders  were 
issued  to  capture  American  vessels,  wherever  found,  and 
bring  them  in  as  prize.  These  orders  were  faithfully  exe- 
cuted. The  French  colonies  in  the  West  Indies  sent  out 
great  numbers  of  privateers  ;  and  that  of  St.  Domingo  alone, 
sent  out  eighty-seven. 

Before  this  change  in  the  French  policy  was  known  in 
the  United  States,  the  election  of  President  came  on. 
There  was  great  difference  of  opinion  among  the  federal 
party,  whether  to  seek  the  election  of  John  Adams,  or 
Thomas  Pinckney.  As  the  constitution  then  was,  both 
were  voted  for,  by  that  party,  expecting  that  one  of  them 
would  be  President,  and  the  other  Vice  President.  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  Mr.  Clinton,  of  New  York,  were  the  two 
opposing  candidates.  Most  unexpectedly  the  result  was,  V 
that  Mr.  Adams  stood  highest,  Mr.  Jefferson  next,  and  Mr. 
9 

*    . 

* 


98  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

Pinckney  third.  It  was  supposed  that  so  many  of  the 
eastern  electors,  as  preferred  Mr.  Adams  to  Mr.  Pinckney, 
placed  the  latter  candidate  lower  than  they  intended  to  do, 
and  thereby  gave  a  result  which  was  exceedingly  unwel- 
come, as  to  the  Vice  President. 

Mr.  Adams,  on  the  day  of  his  inauguration,  (March  4, 
^  1797,)   was  in  his  62d  year.     He   was  dressed  in   a  full 
suit  of  pearl-colored  broadcloth ;  with  powdered  hair.     He 
was  then  bald  on  the  top  of  his  head.     Mr.-  Adams  was  of 
,   middle  stature,  and  full  person  ;    and  of  slow,  deliberate 
manner,  unless  he  was  excited ;    and  when  this  happened, 
'he  expressed  himself  with  great  energy.     Mr.  Adams  was 
a  man  of  strong  mind,  of  great  learning,   and  of  eminent 
i   ability  to  use  knowledge,  both  in  speech  and  writmg.     He 
was  ever  a  man  of  purest  morals :  and  is  said  to  have  been 
1  a  firm  believer  in  Christianity,  not  from  habit  and  example, 
_  but  from  diligent  investigation  of  its  proofs.     He  had  an 
.. uncompromising   regard    for   his   own   opinion;    and   was 
strongly  contrasted  with  Washington,  in  this  respect.     He 
I  seemed  to   have  supposed  that  his  opinions  could  not  be 
corrected  by  those  of  other  men,  nor  bettered  by  any  com- 
parison.    He   had    been,   from   early  manhood,  a   zealous 
patriot,  and  had   rendered  most  essential  services   to   his 
country,  at  home,  and  abroad.     These  he  always  seems  to 
have  had  in  mind.     He  well  remembered  the  painful  strug- 
gles experienced  in  Europe,  to  obtain  aid  for  the  patriots  at 
home,  and  an  acknowledgment  of  independence,  from  gov- 
ernments there,  while  the  war  was  yet  regarded,  by  England, 
as   rebellion.     He  ought  to  have  known,   as  would  seem 
from  his  own  writings,  in  what  manner  public  services  are 
estimated.     An  individual  can  easily  remember  how  much 
'  good  he  has  done  to  a  community  ;  but  those  who  are  ben- 
efited, as  easily  forget.     If  public  ingratitude  is  common,  it 
is  very  natural.     It  is  not  improbable  that  Mr.  Adams  was 
impatient  in  finding  how  much  more  the  easily  understood 
services  of  military  men  were  appreciated,  than   were  the 
secluded,  though    no    less  important  ones,  of  diplomatic 
agency  and  cabinet  counsel.     So  made  up,  from   natural 
propensities,  and  from  the  circumstances  of  his  life,  Mi. 
^Adams  came  to  the  presidency  at  the  time  when  more 
forbearance,  and  discretion  were  required,  than   he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  had.     He  seems  to  have  been  deficient  in 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  99 

the  rare  excellence  of  attempting  to  see  himself  as  others 
saw  him ;  and  he  ventured  to  act  as  though  every  body  saw 
as  he  saw  himself.  He  considered  only  what  was  right  in 
his  own  view ;  and  that  was  to  be  carried  by  main  force, 
whatever  were  the  obstacles. 

He  found  Mr.  Pickering  in  the  department  of  state,  and 
continued  him  there.     This  gentleman  was  intelligent,  hon- 
est, and,  like  himself,  disposed  to  respect  his  own  opinion.- 
Mr.  Pickering  had  been  most  confidentially  relied  upon  by 
Washington,   and  expected  the  like  intercourse  with  Mr. 
Adams.     But,  perhaps,  no  two  men,  who  had  been  asso-" 
ciated  in  the  national  councils,  except  Jefferson  and  Ham- 
ilton, were  less  likely  to  harmonize  than  these  two ;    but 
from  what  causes,  others  must  judge,  from  better  means  of 
information  than  can  be  herein  pretended  to. 

Mr.  Pinckney's  treatment  in  France  was  among  the  first 
objects  that  engaged  the  attention  of  the  new  President ; 
and  connected  with  it,  the  seizure  and  condemnation  of 
American  vessels,  and  the  harsh  treatment  of  their  navi- 
gators. Mr.  Adams  thought  the  state  of  affairs  demanded 
the  deliberations  of  Congress,  and  its  members  were  as- 
sembled on  the  15th  of  May,  1797.  In  his  speech,  he 
commented  on  the  expressions  of  the  French  government 
when  Mr.  Monroe  took  leave,  as  being  highly  derogatory 
to  this  country  ;  he  said  he  should  make  a  new  attempt  to 
conciliate;  but,  thought  it  indispensable  that  Congress 
should  put  the  country,  in  such  a  state,  as  to  enable  it  to 
vindicate  its  honor,  and  independence. 

Mr.  Adams  united,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  El- 
bridge  Gerry,  and  John  Marshall  (now  Chief  Justice)  in 
a  mission  to  France,  with  very  ample  powers.  These 
envoys  were  assembled  at  Paris  in  the  month  of  October 
following ;  and  immediately  attempted  to  execute  their 
commission.  They  gave  the  usual  notice  of  their  presence, 
and  of  their  readiness  to  be  accredited.  Scenes  followed 
of  most  exasperating  character.  Overtures,  proposals,  and 
demands  were  made,  which  excited  an  almost  universal 
indignation  in  the  United  States,  and,  for  a  time,  even 
silenced  the  devoted  friends  of  France.  The  despatches 
of  these  Envoys  are  the  authority  for  the  occurrences  at 
Paris.  The  first  of  these  was  received  at  the  close  of  the 
year  1797,  and  others,  later  during  the  winter.  On  the 


100  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

3d  of  April,  1798,  all  the  despatches,  then  received,  were 
communicated  to  Congress,  and  made  public. 


LETTER   XXVIII. 

MAY  5,  1833." 

FROM  such  authority  it  appears,  that  Mr.  Osmond,  pri- 
vate Secretary  of  Mr.  Talleyrand,  then  minister  for  foreign 
affairs,  made  known  that  the  American  Envoys  could  not 
be  received  until  certain  expressions  in  Washington's  last 
speech  to  Congress,  concerning  the  conduct  of  France, 
were  disavowed,  and  atoned  for,  and  that  certain  other 
things  must  be  done  before  the  Envoys  could  be  received, 
and  treated  with  ;  that  with  a  view  to  such  arrangements, 
unofficial  individuals  would  confer  with  the  Envoys,  and 
make  known  the  views  of  the  Directory.  Such  individuals 
presented  themselves.  Who  they  were  was  not  then  known  ; 
as  their  names  were  written  in  cipher,  and  not  communi- 
cated to  Congress.  Instead  of  their  names,  the  letters 
X,  Y,  Z,  were  used.  In  Mr.  Jefferson's  volumes  he  has 
many  remarks  on  the  X,  Y,  Z,  affair.  He  seems  to  have 
been  insensible  to  the  conduct  and  character  of  the  French 
government.  He  discerned  nothing  humiliating,  insolent, 
or  offensive,  in  the  treatment  of  our  Envoys.  He  says, 
(vol.  iii.  p.  402,)  "  the  X,  Y,  Z,  fever  has  abated  considera- 
"  bly  through  the  country,  as  I  am  informed,  and  the  alien 
"  and  sedition  laws  are  working  hard."  Elsewhere  he 
calls  it,  "  the  X,  Y,  Z,  delusion." 

Such  conferences  could  only  have  been  permitted  from 
the  earnest  solicitude  of  the  Envoys  to  conciliate  with 
France,  and  avoid  hostilities.  They  knew  that  if  war  en- 
sued, the  United  States  had  to  create  its  maritime  force,~"*S 
and  that  before  this  could  be  done,  the  commerce  of  the 
country,  then  extensive,  and  valuable,  might  suffer  still 
more  than  it  had.  They  endured,  therefore,  an  irregular 
intercourse,  which  they  supposed  would  find  an  apology  in 
the  necessity  of  the  case. 

Four  things  seem  to  have  been  positively  demanded  by 
Messrs.  X,  Y,  Z.     First,  atonement  for  so  much  of  Wash- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  101 

ington's  speech  as  the  Directory  disliked ;  secondly,  the 
placing  of  France  on  the  same  privileged  footing  with  Eng- 
land ;  thirdly,  a  loan  in  a  covert  and  disguised  manner,  of  a 
large  sum  of  money  to  France,  so  as  to  evade  the  appear- 
ance of  a  belligerent  act,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
towards  England ;  fourthly,  to  give  Mons.  Talleyrand,  to  be 
divided  between  himself  and  his  friends,  1200,000  francs, 
equal  to  about  two  hundred  and  twenty-three  thousand  dollars. 
These  propositions  were  met,  and  rejected,  in  a  dignified,  * 
and  manly  spirit,  though  urged  in  every  variety  of  form,  and 
presented  with  menaces  of  the  power  of  victorious  and  tri- 
umphant  France.  In  one  of  these  interviews,  Mons.  Y 
said  :  — "  Gentlemen,  I  will  not  disguise  from  you,  that,  this 
1  satisfaction  being  made,  the  essential  part  of  the  treaty 
'  remains  to  be  adjusted  :  II  faut  de  1' argent ;  beaucoup 
'  de  1'argent."  (You  must  pay  money;  you  must  pay  a~ 
great  deal  of  money.  "  He  spoke  much  of  the  force,  the 
'  honor,  and  the  jealous  republican  pride,  of  France,  and 
'  represented  to  us  strongly,  the  advantages  which  we  should 
'  derive  from  neutrality,  thus  purchased.  He  said  that 
'  the  receipt  of  the  money  might  be  so  disguised  as  to  prevent 
'  its  being  considered  a  breach  of  neutrality  by  England, 
'  and  thus  save  us  from  being  embroiled  with  that  power. 
1  Concerning  the  1200,000  francs,  little  was  said,  that  be- 
'  ing  completely  understood,  on  all  sides,  to  be  required  for 
'  the  officers  of  government,  and,  therefore,  needing  no 
'  further  explanation."  In  this  manner  this  negotiation  was 
prolonged  during  about  five  months,  but  without  making 
any  impression  on  the  Envoys  ;  at  the  end  of  which  time 
Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Marshall  were  ordered  to  leave 
France,  but  Mr.  Gerry  was  invited  to  remain,  and  continue 
the  negotiation.  He  did  so  ;  and  did  not  return  till  Octo- 
ber following. 

When  these  despatches  were  made  public,  as  already 
observed,  there  was  a  general  indignation  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  common  cry,  was,  "  millions  for  defence, 
not  a  cent  for  tribute."  Mr.  Gerry  was  severely  censured 
for  not  having  left  France  with  his  colleagues.  There  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  meant  well ;  and  that  he  thought 
he  could  do  alone,  what  he,  and  his  two  associates,  Pinck- 
ney and  Marshall,  could  not  do  jointly.  He  must  have 
assumed  that  his  better  esteem  individually,  with  the  French 
9* 


102  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

rulers,  would  enable  him  to  effect  the  purposes  of  the  mis- 
sion. He  found  himself,  however,  in  the  hands  of  adroit 
managers,  and  was  compelled,  at  last,  to  withdraw,  without, 
of  course,  effecting  any  thing  ;  and  in  a  manner  which 
added  nothing  to  his  reputation  as  a  diplomatist,  though  it 
did  nothing  to  impair  his  integrity. 

At  the  summer  session  of  Congress,  in  1798,  provision 
was  made  for  defence,  by  authorizing  the  organization  of  an 
army,  and  for  borrowing  money.     Loans  were  negotiated 
at  eight  per  cent.,  which  was  afterwards  made  a  topic  of 
complaint,  and    abuse  of  Mr.  Adams.      The    young  men 
took  up  the  subject  of  the  country's  affairs  with  great  zeal ; 
V*and  in  Boston,  Robert  T.  Paine,  the  celebrated  poet,  wrote 
f    the  well  known  song  of  "  Adams  and  Liberty."     On  the  8th 
\  of  July,  1798,  he  delivered  a  highly  wrought  oration  to  his 
young  associates.     Addresses  were  sent  to  the  President, 
V  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  glowing  with  patriotism,  and 
/  with  defiance  of  the  great  Republic.     Mr.  Adams  had  good 
Lreason  to  think,  that  he  stood  strong  in  the  respect  and 
f  affection  of  the  people  ;  and  may  well  have  considered  this, 
/  the  proudest  period  of  his  public  life. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  intended  military  force,  all  eyes 
S  were  turned  to  Washington  as  the  chief.  Mr.  Adams 
made  known  his  intention  to  appoint  him  ;  and  in  answer, 
without  intimating  a  willingness  to  accept,  he  expressed 
his  full  approbation  of  the  President's  measures.  He  was 
afterwards  appointed,  with  the  condition  that  he  might 
select  his  officers  next  in  command.  Some  troops  were 
embodied,  and  there  was  one  encampment  at  Oxford,  in 
Massachusetts. 

kl       On  the  ocean,  war  began  in  earnest.     The  frigate  Con- 
Pstellation,  of  thirty-eight  guns,  was  immediately  built,  and 
command  given  to  Thomas  Truxton,  who,  on  the  9th  of 
February,   1799,    after    an    engagement  of  an  hour  and  a 
quarter,    captured   the   French    frigate  1'Insurgent  (in  the 
West   Indies)  of  fifty-four  guns.     The  Constellation  came 
home  to  refit,  and  on  the  1st  of  February,  1800,  met  1'Ven- 
geance,  of  fifty-four  guns.     The  battle  lasted  five  hours,  at 
the    end    of   which    time,    1'Vengeance    was    completely 
silenced,  but  not  captured.     A  squall  enabled  her  to  escape, 
\     with  the  loss  of  one    hundred  and  sixty  men,  killed  and 
\  wounded. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  103 

In  the  early  part  of  1799,  Mr.  Adams  contemplated  a 
new  attempt  at  negotiation  with  France,  in  Paris.  All 
those  who  had  so  far  supported  Mr.  Adams's  measures, 
considered  it  inconsistent  with  the  honor  and  dignity  of 
the  nation,  to  make  any  such  attempt ;  and  that  proposals 
to  treat  should  come  from  France.  Mr.  Adams  did  not 
consult  his  cabinet  on  this  occasion.  When  Mr.  Pickering, 
and  Mr.  McHenry,  (Secretary  at  War,)  were  informed  that 
he  intended  a  new  mission,  they  remonstrated,  and  this 
made  the  breach,  which  had  long  been  widening,  irrepara- 
ble. On  the  26th  of  February,  1799,  the  President  ap- 
pointed Oliver  Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut,  Patrick  Henry,  "\ 
of  Virginia,  and  William  Vans  Murray,  of  Maryland,  (then 
minister  at  the  Netherlands,)  Envoys  Extraordinary,  and 
drew  up  his  own  instructions.  Mr.  Henry  declined,  and  \ 
William  Richardson  Davie,  of  North  Carolina,  was  substi- 
tuted. 

France  was  surprised  by  the  hostility  of  America  ;  more 
so  that  their  influence  in  the  United  States  was  incompe- 
tent to  prevent  it.  War  was  not  her  object.  It  could  do 
her  no  good,  and  there  was,  undoubtedly,  a  disposition  on 
her  part  to  recede.  The  President,  probably,  took  this 
view  of  the  case,  though  it  had  not  the  approbation  of  his 
most  intelligent  supporters.  Hamilton  was  much  opposed 
to  it,  and  is  said  to  have  written  to  the  President  to  dis- 
suade him  from  sending  Envoys.  This  dissent  only  made 
the  President  more  determined  to  persevere.  The  breach 
occasioned  by  this  measure,  between  the  President  and  his 
two  ministers,  Pickering  and  McHenry,  (and  some  other 
opinions,  as  it  is  said,  expressed  by  the  latter  favorably  to 
Washington,)  made  the  cabinet  relation  of  these  persons 
too  unpleasant  to  be  endured ;  and,  in  April  or  May,  1800, 
the  President  abruptly  dismissed  both  these  ministers.  This 
event  excited  much  sensation.  It  probably  had  some  in- 
fluence in  reducing  the  federalists  to  a  minority.  But 
another  measure,  then  thought  to  be  highly  impolitic,  was  a 
letter  written  by,  and  in  the  name  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  *yi 
and  published  in  1800,  "  concerning  the  public  conduct 
and  character  of  John  Adams."  This  letter,  disclosing,  as 
it  did,  and  from  an  eminent  man,  a  determined  aversion 
from  the  continuance  of  Mr.  Adams's  official  power,  may 
be  considered  as  among  the  operative  causes  of  Mr.  Adams's 


104  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

failure,  at  the  ensuing  election.  This  publication,  what- 
ever may  be  thought  of  it  as  to  the  time  in  which  it  ap- 
peared, as  to  motives,  and  manner,  may  have  hastened  the 
fall  of  federalism.  Nothing,  it  is  believed,  would  have 
prevented  it,  in  no  very  distant  time.  There  was  not  then, 
and  never  has  been  since,  a  majority  who  were  disposed  to 
administer  the  government  according  to  the  true  standard 
established  by  Washington,  and  conformed  to  by  Mr. 
Adams,  so  far  as  his  circumstances  permitted ;  although, 
when  pressed  by  necessity,  subsequent  administrations  have 
always  returned  to  it. 

The  first  subject  of  complaint  against  Mr.  Adams, 
among  the  friends  of  the  government,  resulted  favorably  to 
the  country.  It  prevented,  for  that  time,  the  continuance 
of  the  United  States  in  a  war,  for  which  they  were  unpre- 
pared, and  in  which  they  had  much  to  lose,  and  nothing  to 
gain.  So  far  as  mere  interest  was  concerned,  one  would 
think  Mr.  Adams's  policy  was  right.  So  far  as  honor  and 
dignity  were  involved,  there  seem  to  have  been  different 
opinions.  When  the  Envoys  arrived,  the  Directory  had 
disappeared,  and  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  First  Consul. 
They  were  respectfully  received ;  a  satisfactory  "  conven- 
tion, "  or  treaty,  was  framed,  and  duly  ratified  by  both  par- 
ties. Thus  Mr.  Adams  had  the  honor  and  gratification,  of 
bringing  the  long  continued  controversy  with  France  to  a 
conclusion,  within  his  four  years:  —  at  least,  until  new 
difficulties  arose. 

Besides  the  mission  to  France,  and  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Hamilton,  there  were  other  circumstances,  in  his  four 
years,  which  were  turned  to  account  against  Mr.  Adams, 
with  great  success.  Among  these  were  certain  legislative 
measures,  severely  reprobated  by  those  whom  they  were 
intended  to  affect.  They  furnished  materials  for  abundant 
invective,  as  they  were  thought  to  be  adverse  to  personal 
liberty,  and  freedom  of  speech.  That  they  may  be  judged 
of,  with  the  calmness  which  comes  with  the  lapse  of  time,  as 
to  past  events,  it  is  worth  while  to  speak  of  them  more  fully. 

Among  the  legislative  movements,  intended  to  affect  the 
official  reputation  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  the  motion  of  Edward 
Livingston,  made,  originally,  in  February,  1800,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  to  call  on  the  President  for  his 
reasons,  for  having  delivered  up  to  the  British,  Jonathan 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  105 

Robbins,  a  native,  and  impressed  American.  The  call 
having  been  answered,  the  motion  was  extended,  February 
20th,  and  made  to  inculpate  the  President,  for  a  dangerous 
interference  of  the  executive  power,  with  judicial  decisions; 
that  the  compliance  of  the  Judge  (Bee,  of  South  Carolina) 
was  a  sacrifice  of  the  constitutional  independence  of  the 
judiciary,  and  exposed  the  administration  thereof  to  suspicion 
and  reproach.  Mr.  Livingston  supported  his  motion,  in  a  X 
speech  of  three  hours ;  Mr.  Gallatin  and  Mr.  Nicholas  did 
their  best  to  sustain  him. 

On  the  other  side,  Mr.  Bayard,  Mr.  Harper,  Mr.  Otis, 
Mr.  Dana,  and  others,  resisted  the  motion.  On  the  6th  of 
March,  John  Marshall  made  his  masterly  and  conclusive  \ 
speech  against  the  motion,  which  has  been  deemed  equiva- 
lent to  a  judicial  authority,  and  has  been  bound  up  in  books 
of  reports,  and  is  referred  to  as  such.  The  motion  was 
finally  rejected  by  a  vote  of  about  sixty-four  to  thirty-eight. 

This  was  a  mere  party  effort,  whether  the  mover,  and  his      « 
political  friends,  so  intended  it  to  be  or  not.     The  unques-  \l 
tionable  facts  are,  that  this  Jonathan  Robbins  was  born  at 
Waterford  in  Ireland ;  that  his  name  was  Thomas  Nash ; 
that  he  shipped  on  board  the  British  frigate  Hermoine  ;  that 
in  September,  1797,  he,  with  others,  murdered  one  or  more 
of  the  officers,  and  among  others  Lieutenant  Foreshaw ;  that 
he   escaped,    and  got    to  Charleston,    and  was  there    July 
1st,  1799.     He  pretended  that  he  was  born   in  Danbury, 
(Connecticut,)  but  the  selectmen  certified,  that  they  knew 
of  no  such  person,  nor  any  one  of  the  name  of  Robbins,  in 
the  town.     Admiral  Parker  applied  to  Mr.  Liston,  the  Brit- 
ish minister,  to  request  of  the  President  to  deliver  up  Nash, 
pursuant  to  the  27th  article  of  the  British  treaty  with  the 
United    States.      The    President   wrote   to    Judge    Bee   to 
deliver  him  up,  he  then  being  in  custody.     Proper  evidence 
of  his  identity,  and  of  his  crime,  being  presented   to  the    « 
judge,  he  was  delivered  up,  tried,  and  executed.     He  con- 
fessed  (it  is  said)  at  the  time  of  execution,  that  he  was  J 
Thomas  Nash,  born  in  Ireland. 

Mr.  Marshall's  speech  (now  Chief  Justice)  went  to  prove, 
that  this  was  a  proper  exercise  of  executive  power  under 
the  treaty,  as  the  crime  was  committed  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Great  Britain.  His  speech  was  a  most  satisfactory 
answer  to  the  position  taken  on  the  other  side,  that  Nash 


10G  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

was  punishable  in  the  United  States,  if  punishable  at 
all,  as  a.  pirate.  The  cause  for  demanding  Nash  was,  that 
he  had  committed  murder;  an  offence  against  British,  and 
not  against  American  law  ;  that  whether  he  had  also  com- 
mitted piracy,  or  not,  (which  crime,  wheresoever  committed, 
may  be  punished  by  any  nation,  among  whom  the  culprit 
may  be  found,)  he  was  a  proper  subject  for  delivery  under 
the  27th  article  of  the  treaty,  as  a  murderer.  So  the  House 
decided. 

This  incident  is  strongly  illustrative  of  the  times.  It  is 
remembered,  that  the  impression  sought  to  be  made  on 
the  public  mind,  was,  that  the  President  had  delivered  up 
one  of  Ms  own  countrymen,  in  obedience  to  British  requisi- 
tion, to  be  hung;  notwithstanding,  the  accused  citizen,  had 
done  no  more  than  he  lawfully  might  do,  to  escape  from  the 
tyrannical  impressment  of  the  mistress  of  the  seas.  It  is 
not  surprising  that  any  administration  should  be  overthrown, 
when  such  calumnies  were  easily  received  as  truths. 


LETTER    XXIX. 

MAY  7,  1833. 

OTHER  legislative  measures  referred  to,  were  the  alien 
and  sedition  laws.  In  1797,  there  were  computed  to  be 
thirty  thousand  Frenchmen  in  the  United  States,  all  of 
whom  were  devoted  to  their  native  country,  and  all  of  whom 
were,  in  some  way,  associated,  through  clubs,  or  otherwise, 
and  who  had  a  strong  fellow  feeling.  This  number  does  not 
refer  to  the  emigrants  who  had  fled  on  the  commencement  of 
the  revolution ;  but  to  men  of  very  different  order,  who  had 
left  France,  (after  the  monarchy  had  fallen,)  from  necessity 
or  choice.  Besides  these,  there  were  computed  to  be  fifty 
thousand  who  had  been  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  some  of 
whom  had  found  it  unsafe  to  remain  at  home.  They  fled  to 
a  country,  as  they  understood  it,  where  they  should  be  free  to 
do  any  thing  which  they  thought  fit  to  do,  in  the  name  of 
"  liberty,"  and  where  its  enemies  might  be  encountered, 
whether  in  office,  or  not.  A  combination  was  formed,  and 
organized  with  more  detail  than  is  common  in  military 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  107 

usage,  and  prepared  to  act  with  union  and  effect,  in  any 
"  emergency."  Philadelphia,  at  that  time  the  seat  of 
government,  was  the  head-quarters  of  this  combination. 

"  The  American  Society  of  United  Irishmen, "  was  at 
this  time,    a    very  formidable   body.     In    the   troubles 
Ireland,    the   United    Irishmen    there,    had   revived   their 
associations  under  the  impulse  of  the  French  Revolution, 
and  the  British  government  encountered  them  with  civil  and 
military  force.     Some  eminent  men  had  joined  the  Union,  \ 
and  entertained  the  hope  of  securing  an  independent  govern--^ 
ment.     Thomas  Addis  Emmett  engaged  in  this  enterprise, 
which  was  wholly,  and  disastrously  unsuccessful.     After  a 
long    imprisonment,  that    gentleman    came  to   the   United 
States  in  1804,  at  the  age  of  about  forty,  and  rose  to  high 
professional  eminence.     He  was  of  amiable  character,  and 
was  highly  esteemed.     When  the  British  government  had 
entirely  defeated  the  objects  of  the  United  Irishmen,  it  was 
proposed  that  they  should   be   allowed  to  emigrate  to  the 
United  States.     This  measure,  Mr.  King,  then  minister  at 
London,  strenuously  opposed.     After  Mr.  Emmett  came  to 
this  country  he  discussed  publicly,  with  some  severity,  this 
opposition.     It  is  believed  that  Mr.  Emmett  did  not  other- 
wise interpose,  in  any  respect,  in  political  movements,  on 
this  side.     Some  who  had  been  involved  in  the  troubles  of 
Ireland  came  to  the  United  States  in  1795,  and  the  two  fol-  / 
lowing  years,  bringing  with  them,  of  course,  a  bitter  hostil- 1 
ity  to  the  English  government ;  and  a  devotion  to  France,  *\ 
naturally  arising  from   the  belief,  that  the  great  Republic 
was   prevented   only   by   British   superiority    at   sea,    from 
sending  over  a  force  competent  to  establish  liberty  in  their 
native   land.     It   was   easy   for  such   emigrants   to   learn, 
and  believe,  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  was 
the  proper   object  of  their  hatred,  as  identified   with   the 
government  at  home  ;  and  that  every  thing  tending  to  up- 
hold and  honor  republican  France,  demanded  their  zealous 
attachment.     The  combinations  of  the  United  Irish  could 
not  be  misunderstood  by  our  government ;  and  they  were 
sufficiently  alarming  to  require  preventive  measures.     The 
Jacobin  Clubs  in  the  United  States,  if  not  then  existing  in 
name,  were  still  so  sympathetic  with  these  alien  combina- 
tions, as  to  be  a  most  effective  auxiliary.      It  is  believed 
that  they  were  still  organized,   and  in  full  vigor ;  though 
they  were  put  down  in  France  after  the  fall  of  Robespierre. 


108  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

In  the  then  state  of  the  country,  in  relation  to  France, 
(which  might  intend  to  send  over  a  military  force,  relying 
on  the  aid  to  be  found  within  our  own  territories,)  these 
powerful  allies  were,  very  justly,  a  subject  of  alarm,  and 
were  so  considered  by  the  President. 

In  the  official  speech  made  to  Congress,  at  the  May 
session,  1797,  the  President  makes  these  remarks :  "  It  is 
"  impossible  to  conceal  from  ourselves  or  the  world,  that 
"  endeavors  have  been  employed  to  foster  and  establish  a 
"  division  between  the  government,  and  .the  people,  of  the 
"  United  States.  To  investigate  the  causes  which  have  en- 
"  couraged  this  attempt,  is  not  necessary  ;  but  to  repel,  by 
"  united  and  decided  councils,  insinuations  so  derogatory 
"  to  the  honor,  and  the  aggressions  so  dangerous  to  the 
"  constitution,  union,  and  even  independence  of  the  states, 
"  is  an  indispensable  duty. 

"  It  must  not  be  permitted  to  be  doubted,  whether  the 
"  people  of  the  United  States  will  support  the  government 
"  established  by  their  voluntary  consent,  and  appointed  by 
"  their  free  choice ;  or  whether,  surrendering  themselves  to 
"  the  direction  of  foreign  and  domestic  factions,  in  opposi- 
"  tion  to  their  own  government,  they  will  Jbrfeit  the  hon- 
"  orable  station  which  they  have  hitherto  maintained." 

Congress  passed  a  law,  which  was  approved,  on  the  18th 
of  June,  1798,  providing,  among  other  things,  for  the 
manner  in  which  aliens  might  become  citizens,  whereby 
the  facility  with  which  citizenship  had  before  been  ac- 
quired, was  much  restricted.  2.  It  empowered  the  Presi- 
dent to  order  all  such  aliens,  as  he  should  judge  to  be  dan- 
gerous to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  United  States,  or 
concerned  in  treasonable  measures,  to  leave  the  United 
States.  3.  To  grant  licenses  to  aliens  to  remain  during 
the  President's  pleasure.  4t.  It  provided  imprisonment,  not 
exceeding  three  years,  to  such  aliens  as  remained  without 
license,  and  perpetual  disqualification  to  become  citizens. 
5.  It  authorized  the  President  to  require  bonds  of  aliens 
for  good  behavior.  6.  Masters  of  vessels  arriving  in  the 
United  States,  were  required  to  report  the  names  of  aliens, 
if  any  were  on  board,  under  penalty  of  three  hundred  dol- 
lars. 

It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Madison, 
(vol.  Hi.  p.  389,)  that  the  mere  discussion  of  this  law  had  a 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  109 

salutary   effect.     He    says,    "  the    threatening    appearances 

from  the  alien  bills,  have  so  alarmed  tho  French  who  are 

among  us,  that  they  are  going  off.     A  ship,  chartered   by 

'  themselves  for  this  purpose,  will  sail  in  about  a  fortnight 

'  for  France,  with  as  many  as  she  can  carry.    Among  these, 

'  I  believe,  will  be  Volncy,  who  has,  in  truth,  been  the  prin- 

'  cipal    object    aimed    at    by    the   law."       This   gentleman 

(Volney)    has    been    before    mentioned.      He    was    a   long 

time  in  this  country,  and  was  thought  to  be  an  emissary  of 

France. 

As  this  law  was  made  at  the  suggestion  of  the  President, 
(John  Adams,)  it   furnished  a  new  and  prolific  theme  of  re- 
proach.   It  was  called  by  the  opposition  a  British  measure  ; 
a  servile  copying  of  the  forms  of  kingly  despotism ;  and  an  \T 
incontestable  proof  of  design  to  assimilate  our  government   / 
to  that  of  England,  and  eventually  to  arrive  at  monarchy. 

This  law  was  considered,  (and  especially  in  Virginia,)  by 
all  opponents  of  the  administration,  as  vesting  in  the  Presi- 
dent an  authority  capable  of  perversion  to  a  most  alarming 
extent.  Although  it  was  expressly  limited  to  aliens,  yet  it 
was  pretended,  that  it  might  be,  and  would  be,  applied  to 
native  citizens.  The  opposition  presses  poured  out  their 
invective  with  renewed  vigor,  and  were  able  to  make  a 
deep  and  lasting  impression.  Yet,  when  considered  in  itself,  J 
independently  of  party  excitements,  every  one  must  admit^N 
that  all  governments  ought  to  exercise  the  power  of  sending 
aliens  from  their  territories,  whenever  their  presence  is,  or  / 
may  be,  incompatible  with  the  public  peace  and  security. 
There  can  be  no  distinction  between  a  monarchy,  and  a 
republic,  in  this  respect.  The  clamor  against  this  law,  un- 
doubtedly, had  an  effect  in  impairing  the  President's  popu- 
larity ;  though  it  is  not  recollected  to  have  been  carried  into 
effect,  in  a  single  instance. 

The  other  law  alluded  to,  was  called  the  sedition  law  ;   \A 
and,  among  the  opposition,  the  "  gag  law."     These  were  its 
principal  provisions  ;  it  made  punishable  these  offences,  viz. 
1.  Defaming  or   bringing    into  contempt,  the  Congress,  or 
President.  2.  Exciting  the  hatred  of  the  people  against  them. 
3.  Stirring  up  sedition  in  the    United    States.     4.  Raising 
unlawful   combinations  for  resisting   the  laws,   and  lawful 
authorities.     5.  Aiding  and  abetting  foreign  nations  against 
the  United  States,  their  people,  or  government. 
10 


110  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Looking  back  dispassionately,  to  these  days,  with  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  designs  of  France,  and  at  the  perils  of 
the  country,  from  its  internal  enemies,  (though  they  did  not 
so  consider  themselves,  and  therefore  the  more  dangerous,)  it 
is  inconceivable  that  such  a  law  should  have  been  unwelcome 
to  any,  whom  it  was  not  intended  to  restrain.  The  alien  law, 

/  it  was  said,  if  limited  to  aliens,  was  an  exclusion  of  suffer- 
ing patriots  from  the  only  asylum  left  to  them  on  earth. 

^  This  was  odious  enough,  to  be  sure.  But  to  make  a  law 
which  prevented  the  free  citizens  of  the  United  States  from 
discussing  the  conduct  and  character  of  their  own  servants, 
and  the  nature  of  their  public  acts,  was  utterly  intolerable. 
The  complainants  made  no  account  of  the  fact,  that  punish- 
ment could  not  be  inflicted  under  this  law,  but  through  the 
agency  of  a  grand  jury,  in  the  first  place ;  and  then  by  the 
result  of  a  trial  by  jurors,  impartially  selected  from  among 
the  people.  They  disregarded,  or  knew  not,  how  important 
a  change  was  made  of  the  English  law  of  libel,  then  in  force, 
by  this  very  law,  in  the  provision  therein  contained,  that  it 
should  be  lawful  for  the  defendant  to  give  in  evidence,  the 
truth  of  the  matter  contained  in  the  publication  charged  as 
a  libel ;  and  that  the  jury  should  have  the  right  to  determine 
the  law,  and  the  fact,  under  the  direction  of  the  court. 

There  can  be  no  stronger  proof  of  the  delusion  which 
prevailed,  than  is  found  in  the  clamor  against  this  law, 
from  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other.  Intelligent  Ameri- 
can citizens  joined  in  this  clamor,  and  some  eminent  men 
of  the  opposition,  gave  their  able  support  to  it.  An  alien, 
by  the  name  of  James  Thompson  Callender,  was  indicted 

.  under  this  law  for  the  publication  of  a  book,  entitled  "  The 
\  Prospect  before  Us,"  comprising  a  series  of  calumnies,  and 
libels,  against  the  measures  of  the  government.  Callender 
was  convicted  at  Richmond,  in  May,  1800,  on  trial  before 
Judge  Chase.  The  manner  of  this  trial,  constituted  one 
article  of  impeachment  against  this  magistrate.  It  was  said, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  knew  of  this  publication,  before  it  ap- 
peared, and  approved  of  it.  However  this  may  be,  Mr. 
Jefferson  admits,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  (vol.  iii.  p.  494,) 
that  he  knew  Callender,  and  considered  him  "  a  man  of 

(science  fled  from  persecution,"  and  that  he  contributed  to 
his  relief.  He  afterwards  contributed  a  second  time  ;  and 
gave  him  fifty  dollars  as  a  third  relief;  and  again  fifty  dol- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  Ill 

lars.  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  that  Callender  then  asked  the 
office  of  Postmaster  at  Richmond,  which  being  refused, 
Callender  became  his  enemy ;  and  published  that  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson helped  him  to  print  his  book. 

Whether  a  sedition  law  was  necessary  or  not,  may  be 
judged  of  from  these  extracts  from  Callender's  "  Prospect 
before  Us."  "  The  reign  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  one  con- 
'*  tinned  tempest  of  malignant  passions.  He  has  never 
'  opened  his  lips,  or  lifted  his  pen,  without  threatening  and 
'  scolding.  Mr.  Adams  has  labored,  with  melancholy  suc- 
'  cess,  to  break  up  the  bonds  of  social  affection."  "  Adams 
'  and  Washington  have  since  been  shaping  a  series  of  these 
'  paper  jobbers,  into  judges  and  ambassadors,  as  their  whole 
'  courage  lies  in  want  of  shame.  These  poltroons,  without 
'  risking  a  manly  and  intelligent  defence  of  their  own 
'  measures,  raise  an  affected  yelp  against  the  corruption  of 
'  the  French  Directory  ;  as  if  any  corruption  would  be 
'  more  venal,  more  notorious,  more  execrated  than  their 
own."  "  Mr.  Adams  has  only  completed  the  scene  of 
'  ignominy,  which  Mr.  Washington  began."  "  By  sending 
'  these  ambassadors  to  Paris,  Mr.  Adams,  and  his  British 
'  faction,  designed  to  do  nothing  but  mischief."  "  This 
'  hoary  headed  incendiary,  (Adams,)  this  libeller  of  the 
'  Governor  of  Virginia,  bawls  out,  to  arms !  then  to  arms !  " 
'  He  is  not  an  object  of  envy,  but  of  compassion  and  hor- 
'  ror."  "  When  a  chief  magistrate  is,  both  in  his  speeches 
'  and  newspapers,  constantly  reviling  France,  he  cannot 
'  expect,  nor  desire,  to  live  long  in  peace  with  her." 
'  Take  your  choice,  then,  between  Adams,  war,  and  beg- 
gary ;  and  JEFFERSON,  peace,  and  competency."  These 
are  only  a  small  portion  of  similar  expressions,  which  "  The 
Prospect  before  Us"  contains. 

This  unfortunate  disagreement  between  this  "  man  of 
science  "  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  did  not,  probably,  occur  until 
the  latter  became  President ;  because  one  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
first  official  acts  was  the  release  of  Callender  from  prison. 
The  reason  which  Mr.  Jefferson  gives  for  this  interposition, 
is  a  remarkable  one  ;  it  is  contained  in  a  letter  to  George 
Hay,  Esq.  (in  vol.  iv.  p.  75,  written  while  Burr  was  on  trial,) 
which  shows  how  Mr.  Jefferson  construed  constitutional 
power.  He  says,  "  In  the  cases  of  Callender  and  others, 
"  the  judges  determined  the  sedition  act  was  valid,  under 


112  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

'  the  constitution  ;  and  exercised  their  regular  powers  of 
'  sentencing  them  to  fine  and  imprisonment.  But  the  ex- 
'  ecutive, "  (that  is,  Thomas  Jefferson,)  "  determined  that 
'  the  sedition  act  was  a  nullity  under  the  constitution,  and 
'  exercised  his  regular  power  of  prohibiting  the  execution 
'  of  the  sentence,  or  rather  of  executing  the  real  law,  which 
'  protected  the  acts  of  the  defendants.  From  these  different 
'  constructions  of  the  same  act,  by  different  branches,  less 
'  mischief  arises,  than  from  giving  any  one  of  them  a  con- 
'  trol  over  the  others."  Thus  it  is  seen  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
asserted  the  right  of  declaring  any  law  a  nullity,  although 
the  judicial  power,  which  has  the  exclusive  constitutional 
right  to  decide,  had  determined  otherwise.  This  was  not  a 
perversion  on  his  part,  but  was  his  notion  of  right  and 
wrong.  Duane,  or  Bache,  it  is  not  recollected  which,  (both 
of  whom  published  papers  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  approved,) 
was  one  of  the  "  others  "  to  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  alludes. 
This  editor  was  under  an  indictment,  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  Senate,  for  a  libel  on  that  body.  Mr.  Jefferson  ordered 
this  prosecution  to  be  dropped,  as  soon  as  he  became  Presi- 
dent. He  also  ordered  the  marshal  of  Virginia  to  pay  back 
to  Callender  the  fine  of  two  hundred  dollars  imposed  on 
him  ;  though  Mr.  Jefferson  might  as  lawfully  have  ordered 
the  whole  contents  of  the  treasury  to  be  paid  to  him. 

The  expediency,  and  even  the  necessity  of  the  alien  and 
vVsedition  laws,  cannot  be  doubted  by  any  reasonable  man,  in 
the  condition  of  the  country  at  the  close  of  the  last  century. 
Unless  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  disposed  to  see 
their  own  government,  and  their  own  public  officers,  sub- 
mitted to  the  dominion  of  foreign  and  internal  combinations, 
1  such  laws  ought  to  have  had  their  respect,  and  approbation. 
There  may  have  been  some  provisions,  in  these  laws,  which 
were  inexpedient ;  that  of  vesting  certain  powers  in  the 
President,  may  be  thought  so.  It  would  have  saved  him 
from  some  odium,  perhaps,  if  the  power  to  order  aliens  out 
of  the  country,  had  been  vested  in  some  judicial  officers. 
It  is  not  obvious  how  the  President  was  to  acquire  that 
knowledge  of  facts,  which  would  enable  him  to  exercise  his 
powers  without  oppression.  It  was  an  authority  which  an 
executive  officer  could  hardly  desire  ;  and  one  which  subse- 
quent experience  of  official  aptitudes,  would  not  incline  one 
to  see  renewed.  These  were  perilous  days,  originating  in 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  113 

the  distempered  state  of  Europe  ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  that 
the  like  will  not  recur  from  such,  or  any  other  cause. 

Among  other  legislative  movements  in  the  summer  of 
1798,  was  a  proposition  made  by  Mr.  Griswold,  (afterwards 
Governor  of  Connecticut,)  to  amend  the  sedition  law,  by 
providing  for  the  punishment  of  such  persons  as  interfered 
in  the  diplomatic  affairs  of  the  United  States,  and  foreign 
nations.  Early  in  this  year  a  certain  Dr.  Logan  departed 
from  Philadelphia  for  Paris,  charged  with  a  private  mission 
on  public  affairs  to  the  Directory.  By  whom  sent,  was  no 
secret.  The  House  addressed  the  President,  two  to  one,  on 
this  very  serious  subject ;  and  a  like  address  passed  the 
Senate,  with  only  five  dissentients.  In  this  address  it  is  said, 
"  We  deplore  that  there  are  those  who  call  themselves  by 
"  the  American  name,  who  have  daringly  insulted  our 
"  country,  by  an  usurpation  of  powers  not  delegated  to  them, 
"  and  by  an  obscure  interference  in  our  concerns." 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  said,  at  the  time,  to  have  sent  Logan 
to  Paris.  In  one  of  his  letters,  he  answers  some  inquiry  on 
this  subject ;  and  says,  that  the  accusation  is  groundless  ; 
that  Logan  was  self-appointed,  and  that  he  (Mr.  Jefferson) 
did  no  more  than  to  give  him  some  sort  of  passport. 


LETTER  XXX. 

MAY  17,  1833. 

AN  act  of  Congress,  re-organizing  the  judiciary,  passed 
on  the  13th  of  February,  1801,  was  considered  almost  uni- 
versally, by  the  profession  of  the  law,  as  a  wise  and  expe- 
dient measure.  It  proved  to  be  among  the  acts  of  Mr. 
Adams's  administration  which  attracted,  especially,  Mr. 
Jefferson's  disapprobation.  The  details  of  this  act  show  it 
to  have  been  prepared  with  great  ability,  and  of  all  the 
objects  of  vindictive  demolition,  this,  certainly,  was  best 
entitled  to  be  spared.  It  divided  the  United  States  into  six 
circuits,  and  provided  for  the  appointment  of  three  judges 
in  each,  leaving  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  exercise 
power  as  a  court  of  appeals,  and  for  the  correction  of  errors. 
Between  the  13th  of  February  and  the  4th  of  March  all  the 
judges  were  appointed  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  commissions 
10* 


114  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

issued.  The  individuals  selected  for  these  offices  were  men 
of  high  standing,  and  worthy  of  all  confidence.  But  the 
•  popular  cry  was  set  up,  and  the  measure  vehemently  con- 
demned by  all  the  Jeffersonian  party.  The  judges  were 
called  "  the  midnight  judges  of  John  Adams,"  in  allusion 
to  the  supposed  time  of  appointment,  at  the  close  of  his 
official  duties.  It  will  hereafter  be  seen  what  Mr.  Jefferson 
thought  of  this  measure.  He  said,  though  one  can  hardly 
credit  that  he  did  so,  that  he  regarded  all  Mr.  Adams's 
appointments  after  the  14th  of  February,  (while  the  House 
of  Representatives  were  balloting  for  President,)  as  abso- 
lutely void.  This  must  be  understood  to  mean,  that  though 
Mr.  Adams  was  constitutionally  President  up  to  the  mid- 
night hour  of  the  3d  of  March,  yet  he  ought  to  have  sub- 
mitted his  will  to  that  of  his  successor ;  and  should  have 
refrained  from  carrying  an  act  of  Congress  into  effect  which 
might  not  conform  to  that  will.  •  On  the  same  principle, 
Mr.  Jefferson  withheld  the  commissions  of  certain  magis- 
trates, whom  Mr.  Adams  had  appointed,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  The  commissions  were  made  out,  and  ready  for 
delivery,  but  Mr.  Jefferson  ordered  them  to  be  suppressed. 
One  of  these  magistrates  (Mr.  Marbury)  applied  to  the 
—  Supreme  Court  for  a  writ  of  mandamus  (command)  to  Mr. 
Madison,  the  new  President's  Secretary  of  State,  to  deliver 
his  commission.  But  after  an  able  investigation  of  consti- 
tutional law,  the  court  did  not  grant  the  motion.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson found  a  commission,  duly  made  out  and  signed  by 
Adams,  appointing  a  gentleman  District  Judge  in 
Rhode  Island.  This  commission  he  suppressed,  and  Mr. 
Jefferson  appointed  one  in  whom  he  could  confide. 

Among  his  friends,  President  Adams  was  thought  to  have 
exercised  an  indiscreet  act  of  mercy  in  pardoning  one  John 
Fries.  This  person  was  tried  at  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States,  held  at  Philadelphia  in  April,  1800,  on  a 
charge  of  treason.  Samuel  Chase,  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  the  District  Judge,  Peters, 
sat  in  the  trial. 

The  "federal"  administration  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  terminated  with  Mr.  Adams's  four  years,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1801.  Whether  it  would  have  continued 
longer,  if  some  other  man  of  that  party  had  been  Washing- 
ton's successor,  can  only  be  matter  of  conjecture.  This 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  115 

may  perhaps  be  admitted,  that  some  other  man,  Thomas 
Pinckney,  for  example,  might  have  conducted  public  affairs 
with   more  prudence    and   conciliation.     Mr.  Adams  was  \ 
liable  to  sudden  impressions,  and  was  little  inclined  to  sur-  I 
render  them  under  the  influence  of  counsel.     He  felt  great\ 
confidence  in  the  purity  and  soundness  of  his  own  views, 
and  thought  the   good  of  the  country  required  that  they    j 
should  be  carried  into- effect.     He  failed,  probably,  in  test-  "^ 
ing  his  own  opinions  by  comparing  them  with  the  opinions    i 
of  other  men.     Such  comparison  cannot  depreciate  sound  / 
opinions,  and  may  often  correct  erroneous  ones.     It  may 
be,  that  Mr.  Adams  had  some  tendency  to  be  jealous  of 
those  around  him,   and  disposed  to  apprehend  that  they 
meant  to  exercise  a  control,  to  which  it  would  be  deroga- 
tory to  submit.     But  this  apprehension  would  not  prevent  a 
dignified  inquiry  into  the   sentiments   of  others ;    nor   an 
adherence  to  his  own,  if  they  remained  unshaken.     It  may 
be  too,  that  Mr.  Adams  over-valued  his  own  services,  and 
importance,   as  a  public  man ;  and  was  inclined  to  be  his 
own  counsellor  with  more  pertinacity  than  became  a  person 
of  his  knowledge  and  actual  experience.     Whatever  may 
have  been  his  qualities,  this  is  certain,  that  he  aided  the 
purposes  of  his  political  adversaries,  and  disconcerted  some 
of  his   best  political  friends.     It  is  very  possible,  therefore, 
that  a  more  discreet  man  might  have  continued  the  federal 
party  in  power,  for  another  term.     But  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
his  partisans  and  newspapers,  had  made  such  and  so  general 
an  impression  on  public  opinion,  as  to  demonstrate,  that 
the  original  construction  of  constitutional  power  was  not 
destined  to  endure.     The  control  which  a  certain  class  of 
men,  in  this  country,  are  likely  ever  to  have  over  a  majority, 
leads  to  the  conclusion,  that  they  will  always  impose  on  such 
men,  as  constituted  the  federal  party,  the  duty  of  forming  an 
opposition,  or  of  submitting  to  a  popular  despotism.     This, 
as  history  proves,  again  and  again,  is  the  precursor  of  real^ 
despotism.     Such  seems  to  have  been  man's  destiny  ;  and 
what  there  is,  or  may  be,  to  exempt  Americans  from  it,  is 
not  discerned  from  any  experience  hitherto  had. 

Taking  out  of  the  case  Mr.  Adams's  peculiarities,  the " 
measures  of  his  four  years  were  honorable  and  useful  to  the 
country  ;  incomparably  more  so   (as  will  be  proved)  than 
those  of  the  next  eight  years.    If  the  purpose  of  establishing 


116  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

a  national  constitution  was  to  maintain  the  honor,  dignity, 
and  independence  of  the  United  States,  with  foreign  powers  ; 
to  preserve  peace  and  security  within  our  own  limits ;  to 
provide  for  the  pure  and  able  administration  of  justice  ;  and 
to  use  all  the  powers  delegated  as  they  were  used  the  first 
eight  years,  that  is,  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  not  for 
the  benefit  of  a  party,  the  federal  administration  under  Mr. 
Adams  accomplished  these  purposes. 

As  to  foreign  powers  ;  a  good  understanding  was  pre- 
served with  England.  A  favorable  treaty  was  made  with 
Tripoli.  The  former  connexion  with  France  was  annulled, 
and  provision  made  for  defending  the  country,  and  for  main- 
taining its  rights  by  force.  These  efforts  were  successful ; 
hostilities  soon  ceased,  and  a  favorable  convention,  or  treaty, 
was  effected.  The  prosecution  of  the  war  was  in  a  spirit 
well  worthy  of  the  national  honor,  while  it  continued.  The 
proper  measures  were  adopted  to  preserve  interior  tranquil- 
lity ;  and  to  prevent  the  threatened  dominion  of  deluded, 
or  mischievous  factions.  A  faithful  performance  of  duty  as 
to  the  promotion  of  all  those  objects  which  constitute  do- 
mestic welfare,  and  prosperity,  is  apparent  from  the  various 
statutes  which  were  passed.  Among  others  there  was  an 
act  establishing  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy,  which 
the  Jeffersonian  administration  permitted  to  expire.  The 
naturalization  of  aliens  was  placed  on  a  rational  and  safe 
basis.  The  judiciary  was  carefully  revised,  and  a  system 
for  the  administration  of  justice  was  arranged,  founded  on 
the  experience  of  several  years,  and  having  a  prospective 
bearing  on  the  probable  exigencies  of  the  country.  The 
navy  was  advanced  and  placed  on  a  respectable  footing ; 
and  has  now  become  an  object  of  popular  favor.  In  short, 
a  more  energetic,  pure,  and  patriotic  exercise  of  constitu- 
tional power,  could  neither  be  expected  nor  desired. 

But,  this  exercise  of  the  power  of  government  necessarily 
involved  expense.  It  was  necessary  to  resort  to  loans,  and 
to  internal  taxation.  These  were  causes  of  declamation,  - 
and  reproach ;  and  were  most  faithfully  availed  of,  to  make 
the  administration,  and  especially  Mr.  Adams,  odious  in 
popular  estimation.  Thus  it  appeared  then,  as  it  has  done, 
ever  since,  that  the  adroit  and  cunning  who  rule  the  multi- 
tude, may  do  what  they  will ;  and  burthen  the  country  to 
any  extent,  involve  it  in  hopeless  war,  and  pervert  all  its 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  117 

institutions  at  their  pleasure,  and  yet,  all  is  well.     "  The 
friends  of  the  people  "  can  do  no  wrong. 


LETTER   XXXI. 

MAV  21,  1833. 

ON  the  14th  of  December,  1799,  General  Washington 
died,  after   a  short  illness.     On   Friday,  the    13th,  he  had  ""> 
been  exposed  to  a  light  rain  ;  and  his  hair  and  neck  became 
wet.     He  followed  his  usual  occupations,  within  his  house, 
during  the  afternoon  and  evening,  without  any  indisposition.     . 
In  the  following  night  he  was  affected  by  a  general  ague,    j 
and  with  a  difficulty  in  swallowing  ;  but  no  apprehension  was 
then  entertained  that  he  was  seriously  ill.     At  eleven  the 
next  day  physicians  attended,  who  found  all  their  skill  was 
required.     The  disorder  in  the  throat  was  seen  to  be  an  V 
affection  of  the  wind-pipe,  usually  called  the  croup.     Every 
effort  was  made  -to  rescue  him  from  the   attack,  and  he 
patiently  submitted  to  all  the  prescriptions  of  his  attendants.  v 
Perceiving,  before  the  close  of  the  day,  that  his  recovery  was  j 
beyond  hope,   he  desired  to  be  relieved   from   any   further    j 
efforts,  and  to  take  his  position  on  his  bed.     There,  with  •< 
perfect  calmness  and  resignation,  he  remarked  to  a  friend,    I 
that  he  had  known  for  some  time,  that  he  was  dying,  but   / 
that  he  was  not  afraid  to  die.     At  eleven  o'clock,  the  same  I 
evening,  he  expired. 

The  decease  of  Washington  was  apparently  a  cause  of  %, 
universal  mourning.  That  portion  of  the  citizens  who  had 
always  held  him  in  the  highest  respect  and  honor,  were  sin- 
cerely mourners,  while  those  who  had  felt  his  example,  and 
influence,  to  be  a  restraint  on  their  purposes,  could  join  in 
the  general  grief  with  pleasure.  The  most  respectful  de- 
monstrations of  the  national  loss,  were  every  where  shown. 
The  halls  of  Congress  were  hung  with  black,  and  General 
Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  was  appointed  to  deliver  a  eulogy 
before  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  state  legislatures 
expressed  their  respect  for  the  conduct  and  character  of 
Washington,  by  appointing  orators  to  commemorate  him,  or 
by  such  other  testimonials  as  the  occasion  called  for.  Vari- 


' 


118  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

ous  societies,  of  which  Washington  was  a  member,  appointed 
eulogists.  Fisher  Ames  and  George  R.  Minot  were  among 
the  orators  in  Boston.  It  is  worth  remarking,  that  the  gen- 
eral sentiment  of  respect  and  affection  for  this  eminent  man, 
was  so  exalted,  that  few  of  the  orators  did,  or  could,  come  up 
(  to  the  demand.  The  feeling  of  these  public  speakers  was, 
Vs-and  must  have  been,  that  of  deep  veneration,  a  feeling  not 
'  adapted  to  bring  forth  the  touching  expressions  which  would 
be  grateful  to  a  numerous  audience.  Washington's  charac- 
ter was  rather  to  be  contemplated,  than  talked  of.  He  was 
to  be  estimated  by  comparison  with  other  men,  and  a  eulogy 
does  not  permit  of  this.  His  eminent  worth  was  to  be  found 
^f  in  n°  °ne  brilliant  act,  nor  in  any  remarkable  achievements, 
but  in  a  whole  life  of  useful,  dignified,  and  honorable  ser- 
vice. Most  of  the  eulogists  were  compelled  to  resort  to 
biographical  sketches,  which  do  not  admit  of  much  elo- 
quence. Even  Mr.  Ames  did  not  succeed,  in  this  effort,  so 
well,  as  the  undefined  expectation  of  his  audience  required. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  French  better  adapts  oratory  to  fune- 
ral eulogy,  than  the  good  sense  and  sobriety  of  Englishmen, 


or  Americans.    Such  efforts  are  rarely  attempted  in  England, 


A  though  common  in  France. 

In  Congress,  a  resolve  was  passed  to  raise  a  monument  in 

'  the  city  of  Washington,  and  application  was  made  to  Mrs. 
Washington  for  permission  to  deposit  beneath  it  the  remains 

'.  of  her  husband.  This  lady  assented.  But  the  resolve  itself, 
is  the  only  monument  hitherto  raised ;  and  the  remains  of 
Washington  repose  in  the  family  tomb  at  Mount  Vernon, 
and  are  there  to  remain,  so  far  as  can  now  be  discerned. 
The  more  lengthened  the  remove  from  Washington's  life- 
time, the  less,  it  is  feared,  will  Washington  be  remember- 
ed. Probably  a  large  proportion  of  the  adult  population 
of  the  United  States  hardly  know,  who  or  what  he  was ; 
and  there  may  be  some  voters  who  know  not  that  there 

\ever  was  such  a  man.  The  intelligent  people  of  other 
countries  seem  to  know  more  of  Washington,  and  to 
respect  his  character  more,  than  is  common  among  his 
own  countrymen.  His  military  and  civil  example,  and 

*  his  eminent  virtues  as  a  man,  have  given  him  a  rank  in 
foreign  estimation,  which  make  mankind  proud  of  him.  If 
his  own  countrymen  have  forgotten  him,  or  if  certain  self- 
stamped  patriots  so  misunderstand  his  character,  as  to  call 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  119 

themselves  his  disciples,  it  is  grateful  to  know  that  the  in- 
telligent of  other  countries  are  better  informed. 

It  might  have  been  expected,  that  a  grateful  nation  would 
have  demanded  of  Congress,  to  adorn  the  city,  that  bears  the 
name  of  Washington,  with  such  a  monument  as  would  illus- 
trate the  sense  of  his  merits.  Since  March  4,  1801,  that 
assembly  have  had  too  much  business  of  their  own  to  attend 
to,  to  think  much  of  that  which  is  purely  public,  and  free 
from  party.  Marshall  has  raised  one  monument  by  his  able 
pen.  Another  is  preparing  through  the  indefatigable  indus- 
try of  Mr.  Sparks.  The  latter  is  a  judicious  selection  from  ^ 
the  voluminous  writings  of  Washington,  designed  to  show 
the  state  of  his  own  thoughts,  in  the  most  eventful  and  inter- 
esting periods  of  his  life.  Five  volumes,  the  2d  to  the  6th, 
have  appeared,  and  are  understood  to  have  satisfied  the  pub-  , 
lie  wishes,  and  to  have  fully  sustained  the  high  reputation  of 
Mr.  Sparks.  But  these  are  monuments  for  readers.  The 
national  monument  should  rise  for  every  eye,  and  that  all 
who  behold  it,  may  be  reminded  of  him  to  whom  they  are 
far  more  indebted,  than  to  any  other  man,  for  civil  liberty ; 
and  which  may  keep  alive  the  desire  to  know  under  what 
circumstances,  and  for  what  purposes,  he  lived.  The  mar- 
ble is  now  submitted  to  the  masterly  genius  of  Grecnough, 
and  the  capitol  may  be  adorned  with  it  in  time  to  save  the 
country  from  the  charge  of  ingratitude. 


LETTER    XXXII. 

MAY  27,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON  left  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
December  31,  1793,  and  remained  at  Monticello,  till  called 
to  the  Vice  Presidency,  in  March,  1797 ;  although  in  retire- 
ment, he  was  not  inattentive  to  the  transactions  at  the  seat  of 
government.  The  proof  of  this  is  found  in  the  letter  written 
by  him  to  an  Italian,  named  Mazzei,  under  date  of  24th  of 
April,  1796.  This  Italian  had  come  over  to  America,  under 
the  expectation  of  being  able  to  cultivate  the  vine,  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  had  chosen  Mr  Jefferson's  neighbourhood  for  his 
purpose.  Ah  intimacy  appears  to  have  grown  up ;  and 


120  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

Mazzei  having  returned  to  Florence,  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  to 
him,  as  may  be  presumed,  in  the  utmost  confidence ;  and 
discloses  his  own  views  of  Washington's  administration. 
This  letter  appears  to  have  been  carefully,  not  to  say  studi- 
edly, written.  Whether  the  writer  intended  it  should  be 
published  or  not,  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.  Perhaps  he 
intended  it  should  be,  and  to  take  the  good  or  evil  of  the 
publication.  Its  contents,  when  compared  with  the  animad- 
versions which  appeared  in  Freneau's  paper,  and  also  in 
Bache's,  very  clearly  prove,  that  these  must  have  had  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson's hearty  concurrence.  This  letter  was  published  in  the 
Moniteur  of  Paris,  on  the  25th  of  January,  1798,  with  many 
commentaries.  Thence  it  came  to  this  country,  and  was 
published  here.  It  excited  great  attention  among  both  par- 
ties. The  partisans  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  not  so  far  devoted 
to  France,  as  to  relish  so  unqualified  a  denunciation  of  the 
administration  of  their  own  country.  They  had  no  resource 
but  to  consider  it  a  malignant  forgery,  designed  to  disparage 
Mr.  Jefferson.  From  him,  nothing  was  heard  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  federal  party  had  no  doubt  of  the  authenticity 
of  the  letter.  They  understood  well,  the  views  and  purposes 
of  this  gentleman,  and  saw,  in  this  letter,  a  perfect  accord- 
ance therewith.  The  letter  was  as  follows  :  * 

(From  the  Paris  Moniteur,  a  French  official  paper,  of  the  25th  of 
January,  1798.t) 

"  MONTICELLO,  April  24,  1796. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"Our  political  situation  is  prodigiously  changed  since 
"  you  left  us.  J  Instead  of  that  noble  love  of  liberty,  and 

*  Since  this  page  was*  written,  a  very  able  analysis  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's attempts  to  explain  away  this  Mazzei  letter,  has  appeared  in 
the  "  History  of  the  Hartford  Convention,"  by  Theodore  Dwight ;  see 
pages  23  to  25.  This  attempt  at  explanation,  was  not  published  in 
Mr.  Jefferson's  lifetime,  but  is  found  in  his  volumes.  Whoever 
reads  Mr.  Dwight's  analysis  will  be  satisfied,  that  Mr*  Jefferson's 
effort  on  this  occasion,  to  preserve  his  fame  as  a  fair,  plain-dealing 
man,  has  been  very  far  from  successful ;  and  that  if  he  intended  his 
letter  should  find  its  way  to  the  press,  he  made  a  blunder;  and  if  he 
did  not,  he  was  chagrined  by  the  publication. 

t  This  letter,  literally  translated,  is  addressed  to  Mazzei,  author  of 
Researches,  Historical  and  Political,  upon  the  United  States  of  Ameri- 
ca, resident  in  Tuscany. 

\  It  does  not  appear  when  Mazzei  came,  nor  when  he  left  the  United 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  121 

"  that  republican  government,  which  carried  us  through 
"  the  dangers  of  the  war,  an  Anglo-Monarchic-Aristocratic 
"party  has  arisen.  Their  avowed  object  is  to  impose  .on 
"  us  the  substance,  as  they  have  already  given  us  the  form, 
"  of  the  British  government.  Nevertheless,  the  principal 
"  body  of  our  citizens  remain  faithful  to  republican  princi- 
"  pies,  and  also  the  men  of  talents.  We  have  against  us 
"  (republicans)  the  EXECUTIVE  power,  and  the  JUDICIARY  ; 
"  (two  of  the  three  branches  of  our  government;)  ALL  the 
"  OFFICERS  of  government,  all  who  are  seeking  for  offices, 
"  all  timid  men  who  prefer  the  calm  of  despotism  to  the 
"  tempestuous  sea  of  liberty ;  the  British  merchants,  and  the 
"  Americans  who  trade  on  British  capital,  the  speculators, 
"  persons  interested  in  the  bank,  and  public  funds :  [Es- 
"  tablishments  invented  with  views  of  corruption,  and  to 
"  assimilate  us,  to  the  British  model,  in  its  corrupt  parts.] 

"  I  should  give  you  a  fever  if  I  should  name  the  APOS- 
"  TATES,  who  have  embraced  these  heresies,  men  who  were 
"  Solomons  in  council,  and  Samsons  in  combat,  but  whose 
"  hair  has  been  cut  off  by  the  whore  of  England.  They 
"  would  wrest  from  us  that  liberty,  which  we  have  obtained 
"  by  so  much  labor  and  peril ;  but  we  shall  preserve  it. 
"  Our  mass  of  weight  and  riches  is  so  powerful,  that  we 
"  have  nothing  to  fear  from  any  attempt  against  us  by  force. 
"  It  is  sufficient  that  we  guard  ourselves,  and  that  we  break 
"  the  LILLIPUTIAN  TIES  by  which  they  have  bound  us,  in 
"  the  first  slumbers  that  succeeded  our  labors.  It  suffices 
"  that  we  arrest  the  progress  of  that  system  of  ingratitude 
"  and  injustice  towards  France,  from  which  they  would 
"  alienate  us,  to  bring  us  under  British  influence." 

It  is  obvious,  that  in  1796,  while  Mr.  Jefferson  was  a 
private  citizen,  he  had  no  means  of  keeping  himself  in  view, 
but  by  private  conversation  and  correspondence.  This  let- 
ter, compared  with  others  of  his,  seems  to  have  been  written 
for  effect ;  the  concluding  paragraph,  especially,  was  adapted 
to  the  meridian  of  Paris,  and  there  it  may  have  been 
intended  to  go,  and  there  it  did  go.  Would  any  gentleman 


States.  It  is  probable,  from  the  tenor  of  this  letter,  that  both  these 
events  happened  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  If  so,  it 
shows  that  Mr.  Jefferson  preferred  the  condition,  antecedent  to  the 
adoption. 

11 


122  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

have  ventured  to  make  such  a  letter  public,  without  some 
intimation  from  the  writer,  that  such  use  of  it  would  be 
agreeable  to  him  ? 

Yet  it  seems  that  the  publication  of  this  letter  greatly 
disconcerted   Mr.  Jefferson.     He   shows   his   trouble   in    a 
communication   to  his  friend,  Mr.  Madison.     Now  as  Mr. 
Jefferson  takes  the  greatest  pains  to  prove,  that  he  always 
retained  the   good   will   of  Washington,   whose  honorable 
fame  he  had  not  been   able  to  demolish,  but  had  found  it 
necessary  to  sustain  his  own  by  showing  that  Washington 
thought  well  of  him,  it  was  indiscreet  to  publish  this  letter 
to  Mr.  Madison.    In  truth,  it  is  wonderful  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
should  have  prepared    such  matters  for  publication    as  his 
volumes  contain  ;  more  wonderful,  that  his  surviving  friends 
should  have  published  from  his  own  pen,  a  confirmation  of 
all  the    political    blunders  which   federalists   charged   him 
with.     Nor  of  such  blunders  only :  for  as  to  the  true  char- 
acter of  the  man,  these  volumes  contain  the  proof  of  facts, 
which,  but  for  them,  would  have  rested  much  on  probability 
and  inference.     In  this  letter  to  Mr.  Madison,  (August  3, 
1797,  vol.  iii.  p.  363,)  after  an    ingenious  commentary  on 
what  he  did  mean  in  his  letter  to  Mazzei,  he  says,  "  Now  it 
"  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  explain  this  publicly,  with- 
"  out  bringing   on  a  personal  difference    between    General 
"  Washington  and  myself,  which  nothing,  before  the  publi- 
"  cation  of  this  letter,  has  ever  done.     It  would  embroil  me 
"  also,  with  all  those  with  whom  his  character  is  still  popu- 
"  lar,  that  is  to  say,  with  nine  tenths  of  the  United  States. 
"  And  what  good  would  be  done  by  avowing  the  letter  with 
"  the   necessary   explanations  ?'  very  little,    indeed,   in  my 
"  opinion,  to  counterbalance  a  great  deal  of  harm.     From 
'  my  silence,  in  this  instance,  it  cannot  be  inferred,  that  I 
'  am  afraid  to  own  the  general  sentiments  of  the  letter.     If 
'  I  am  subject  to  either  imputation,  it  is  to  avowing  such 
'  sentiments  too  frankly  both  in  private  and  public,  often 
'  when  there  is  no  necessity  for  it,  merely  because  I  DISDAIN 
'  EVERY  THING  LIKE  DUPLICITY.      Still,  however,  I  am  open 
'  to  conviction.     Think  for  me  on  the  occasion,  and  advise 
'  me  what  to  do,  and  confer  with  Colonel  Monroe  on  the 
'  subject." 

It  does  not  appear,  that  these  two  counsellors  were  able  to 
relieve  their  friend  from  his  distress  ;  though  it  does  appear 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  123 

that  he  never  afterwards  ventured  to  see  Washington,  or 
went  to  Mount  Vernon  but  once  afterwards,  and  then  for 
the  purpose  of  weeping  at  his  tomb. 

It  is  probable,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  felt  the  full  weight  of 
the  embarrassment  of  reconciling  this  Mazzei  letter,  with 
his  solemn  declarations  in  the  Senate  chamber  ;  and  with 
his  oath  there  taken,  that  he  would  support  the  same  con- 
stitution, notwithstanding  he  told  Mazzei  that  it  was  Lilli- 
putian ties,  and  the  substance  and  the  form  of  the  British 
government.  These  declarations  were  made,  and  this  oath 
taken,  within  a  year  before  this  letter  was  published  in 
the  United  States,  and  within  a  year  after  that  letter  was 
written. 

Extract  from  the  Inaugural  Address  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  inducted 
into  the  office  of  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  March  4th, 
1797. 

"  I  might  here  proceed,  and  with  the  GREATEST  TRUTH, 
to  declare  my  zealous  attachment  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States ;  that  I  consider  the  Union  of  these  states 
as  the  first  of  blessings  ;  and  as  the  first  of  duties,  the  pre- 
servation of  that  constitution  which  secures  it ;  but  I  suppose 
these  declarations  not  pertinent  to  the  occasion  of  entering 
into  an  office  whose  primary  business  is  merely  to  preside 
over  the  forms  of  this  House  ;  and  no  one  more  sincerely 
prays,  that  no  accident  may  call  me  to  the  higher,  and 
more  important  functions,  which  the  constitution  eventu- 
ally devolves  on  this  office.  These  have  been  justly  con- 
fided to  the  eminent  character  who  has  preceded  me  here, 
whose  talents  and  integrity  have  been  known  and  revered 
by  me,  through  a  long  course  of  years  ;  have  been  the 
foundation  of  a  cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  be- 
tween us ;  and  I  devoutly  pray  he  may  be  long  preserved 
for  the  government,  the  happiness,  and  prosperity  of  our 
common  country." 
Now  compare  these  sentiments  with  the  real  ones  enter- 
tained by  Mr.  Jefferson,  concerning  the  constitution  and 
Mr.  Adams,  as  confidentially  expressed  in  Mr.  Jefferson's 
volumes,  and  the  true  character  of  the  man,  in  public  and 
in  private,  stands  forth,  stripped  of  all  masks  and  disguises. 
"  But,  (say  Jefferson's  partisans,)  admit  all  these  facts;  call 
"  them  contrivances,  duplicities,  and  frauds,  if  you  will ;  did 


124  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  not  Jefferson  demolish  federalism  1 "  He  did.  But  the 
question  is,  did  he  do  good  to  his  country  by  that ;  or  only 
to  ins  PARTY  ?  If  only  to  the  latter,  (if  good  it  can  be 
called,)  do  the  members  of  his  party  approve  the  means 
which  he  used  ?  If  they  do,  they  should  not  claim  for  Mr. 
Jefferson  sentiments  due  only  to  the  just  and  pure.  It  may 
appear,  on  further  examination  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  public 
life,  that  no  man  has  lived  in  the  United  States  who  has 
done  so  much  to  be  lamented  as  done  by  him.  It  may 
appear,  that  he  did  no  good  even  to  his  party,  if  they  are 
intelligent  and  worthy  citizens  of  a  free  republic.  The 
good  which  Mr.  Jefferson  did  for  himself  may  be  tested  by 
this  :  Who  would  have  had  that  good,  and  that  character  of 
himself,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  has  published  and  submitted 
to  the  world  1 

When  Mr.  Jefferson  came  to  Philadelphia,  in   March, 
1797,  he  was  about  fifty-four  years  of  age.     His  personal 
N[ appearance,  as  now  recollected,  was  this:    He  was  a  tall 
/  man,  over  six  feet  in  stature ;  neither  full  nor  thin  in  body. 
His  limbs  were  long,  and  loosely  jointed.     His  hair  was  of  a 
reddish  tinge,  combed  loosely  over  the  forehead,  and  at  the 
sides,  and  tied  behind.     His  complexion  was  light  or  sandy. 
His  forehead,  rather  high  and  broad.     His  eye-brows  long 
and  straight ;  his  eyes  blue,  his  cheek-bones  high,  his  face 
broad  beneath  his  eyes,  his  chin  long,  and  his  mouth  large. 
His  dress  was  a  black  coat,  and  light  under-clothes.     He 
had  no  polish  of  manners,  but  a  simplicity  and  sobriety  of 
deportment.     He  was  quiet   and   unobtrusive,    and   yet  a 
I  stranger  would  perceive,  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  one 
•^who  was  not  a  common  man.     His  manner  of  conversing 
f  was  calm  and  deliberate,  and  free  from   all  gesticulation  ; 
but  he  spoke  like  one  who  considered  himself  entitled  to 
deference  ;  and  as  though  he  measured  what  he  said   by 
some  standard  of  self-complacency.     The  expression  of  his 
face  was  that  of  thoughtfulness  and  observation  ;  and,  cer- 
tainly, not  that  of  openness  and  frankness.  When  speaking, 
he  did  not  look  at  his  auditor,  but  cast  his  eyes  towards  the 
ceiling,  or  any  where  but  at  the  eye  of  his  auditor.    He  had 
already  become  a  personage  of  some   distinction,  and  an 
object  of  curiosity  ;  even  to  a  very  young  man.     These  per- 
sonal descriptions  are  from  memory,  after  the  lapse  of  many 
years,  and  may  not  accord  with  those  of  persons,  who  had 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  125 

more,  and  better  opportunities  to  observe ;  and  are  not, 
therefore,  offered  with  confidence,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  is  here 
in  all  respects,  justly  described. 

During  his  vice-presidency,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  employed, 
as  usual  for  that  officer,  in  the  Senate.  It  does  not  appear 
that  the  Vice  President  was  ever  called  to  cabinet  meetings 
in  Washington's  time ;  or  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  ever  called 
to  such  meetings  in  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Adams,  or  ad- 
vised with  by  him  in  any  way.  One  of  his  volumes  shows 
that  he  continued  his  correspondence,  especially  with  Mr. 
Madison,  who  was  carefully  advised  of  congressional  pro- 
ceedings. Of  his  letters,  Mr.  Jefferson  must  have  kept 
copies,  (which  is  not  supposed  to  be  a  common  practice  in 
familiar  correspondence,)  perhaps  with  intention  to  make 
them  public,  as  he  has  done.  This  is  an  unusual  course, 
because  the  parties  written  to  have  an  interest  in  that  mat- 
ter. Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Giles,  Mr.  Monroe,  Dr.  Rush,  and 
others,  derive  no  benefit  from  the  publication  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's letters  to  them.  He  compiled  a  small  volume  of  rules, 
for  the  government  of  the  Senate.  It  is  called  Jefferson's 
Manual,  and  is  a  work  of  authority,  and  much  respected. 

The  very  "  great  services  "  which  he  rendered  in  these 
four  years,  (as  stated  on  his  application  to  the  Virginia 
legislature  for  leave  to  sell  his  estate  by  lottery,)  in  "  making 
head  against  federalism,"  are  not  recorded  in  his  copies  of 
letters  of  his  time,  as  one  naturally  expects  to  find  them  to 
have  been.  Nor  are  these  "  services"  specially  noticed  as  hav- 
ing been  rendered  within  this  time,  though  he  considers  them 
(on  the  occasion  before  mentioned)  as  the  most  important 
achievement  of  his  political  life.  In  this,  as  in  some  other 
instances,  there  is  some  ground  for  suspecting  Mr.  Jefferson 
of  having  resort  to  after  thoughts,  when  it  was  convenient 
to  do  so,  to  meet  present  emergencies.  Whether  this  was 
so,  or  not,  readers  will  have  an  opportunity  to  form  their  own 
opinions. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  that  this  is  not  an  attack,  but  a 
defence ;  and  that  in  defending  it  is  indispensable  to  show 
Mr.  Jefferson's  own  character,  as  disclosed  by  himself. 

11* 


126  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


LETTER    XXXIII. 

JUNE  1,  1833. 

No  man  has  appeared  in  the  United  States  in  the  last 
fifty  years,  whose  character,  public  and  private,  has  been  so 
differently  estimated  as  that  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  By  some 

irsons  he  has  been  considered  as  one  of  the  most  pure, 
amiable,  dignified,  wise,  and  patriotic  of  men.  By  others 
he  has  been  considered,  as  remarkably  defective  in  the 
qualities  which  dignify  and  adorn  human  life ;  and  as  one 
of  the  worst  men,  and  most  wrong-headed  statesmen  that 
ever  lived.  As  Mr.  Jefferson  was  neither  a  military  man, 
nor  an  orator,  nor  public  speaker  at  all,  and  had  only,  as 
means  of  influencing  others,  conversation  and  his  pen,  he 
acquired  an  astonishing  ascendency  over  the  American 
people.  Readers  will  judge  for  themselves,  which  of  these 
parties  was  right,  and  which  was  wrong.  The  present  object 
is  to  exhibit  Mr.  Jefferson  as  he  has  seen  fit  to  exhibit  him- 
self, taking  the  product  of  his  own  pen,  as  the  principal 
guide.  He  is  his  own  voluntary  witness ;  and  it  is  an  in- 
flexible rule,  that  every  man  makes  the  best  of  his  own  case ; 
and  that  no  evidence  is  so  strong  as  one's  own  admissions. 
Mr.  Jefferson  employed  himself  in  preparing  the  materials 
for  a  work,  which  he  intended  to  have  published  to  the  world. 
He  so  employed  himself,  not  in  the  hurry  of  the  official 
scenes,  in  which  he  had  been  long  engaged ;  but  in  the 
calmness  of  retired  life  ;  with  the  benefit  of  retrospection, 
and  with  the  consciousness  that  he  had  a  defence  to  make. 
If  not  so,  then  with  the  belief  that  he  deserved  a  better  fame, 
than  might  be  allowed  to  him,  if  he  did  not  plead  his  own 
cause. 

Before  Mr.  Jefferson  is  judged  of,  on  the  evidence  which 
he  has  furnished  himself,  it  may  be  proper  to  recognise  some 
rules  to  be  applied  in  estimating  character.  There  are 
certain  qualities  which  entitle  a  man  to  his  own  self-respect. 
He  desires  to  be  considered,  by  others,  as  having  these 
qualities.  Among  these  are,  regard  for  the  truth  ;  for  no 
man  endures  the  charge  of  mendacity.  Every  one  desires 
to  be  considered  honest;  for,  to  be  even  suspected  of  dis- 
honesty,  is  to  lose  all  just  pretensions  to  esteem  in  the  social 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  127 

relations  of  life.  A  gentleman  desires  to  be  considered  as- 
above  all  propensity  to  abuse  the  confidence,  which  the 
common  intercourse  of  society  requires.  That  which  men 
express  in  the  friendly  and  social  circle,  in  the  fulness  of 
the  heart,  and  without  a  suspicion  of  malicious  use  of  what 
is  so  expressed,  and  with  the  certainty  of  freedom  from  all 
deliberative  misrepresentation,  is  ever  held,  by  gentlemen,  to 
be  sacred.  If  this  were  not  so,  the  intercommunication  of 
thought,  must  be  excluded  from  social  life,  and  every  one 
must  speak  as  though  in  the  presence  of  his,  enemies. 
Among  well  informed  and  polished  men,  there  is  a  rule 
which  approaches  near  to  the  golden  rule,  "  Do  as  you 
would  be  done  by,"  even  though  one  feels  no  respect  for  the  \ 
authority  from  which  it  comes.  There  is  a  class  of  high- 
minded  men  in  society,  who  add  to  the  acknowledged  law 
of  honor,  the  sanction  of  Christian  duty,  which  demands 
candor,  charity,  forbearance ;  and  who  consider  the  rule, 
above  mentioned,  as  intended  to  be  the  best  which  can  be 
prescribed,  because  it  is  founded  in  the  human  heart. 

Statesmen  in  a  republic,  who  are  called  to  the  perform- 
ance of  a  public  trust,  are  presumed  to  know,  that  they  un-\ 
dertake  such  trust,  under  a  very  solemn  obligation  to  execute 
it  according  to  prescribed  rules.     They  may  misunderstand 
these  rules ;  if  they  do,  they  have  not  the  capacity  which 
the  trust  implies.     They  may  misapply  these  rules;  if  so, 
they  have  not  the  intelligence  which  they  assumed  to  have, 
when  they  bound-  themselves  to  observe  them.     They  may 
intentionally  pervert  these  rules,  or  substitute  their  own  will 
for  them  ;  if  so,  they  are  false  and  fraudulent.     As  all  men 
in  office  are  merely  agents  for  constituents,  they  are  held  to 
account  for  capacity,  intelligence,  and  fidelity.     While  they 
live,  their  constituents  have  the  remedy  of  finding  worthier 
agents,  by  the  peaceable  remedy  of  elections.     When  they 
have  passed  away,  there  is  no  earthly  tribunal  but  that  of 
public  opinion.     No  man,  not  even  the  malefactor  who  dies    . 
by  the  halter,  is  regardless  of  what  will  be  said  of  him,  when^/ 
he  is  dead.     This  sensibility  is,  doubtless,  one  of  the  pro-     | 
visions  of  man's  Creator,  to  keep  him  in  the  path  of  his 
duties. 

There  must  always  be  two  classes  of  public  men  in  a  free 
elective  government.  One  of  them  holds  political  and  social 
life,  to  be  ordained  by  the  Deity ;  that  man's  natural  pro- 


123  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

pensities  and  wants,  properly  regulated,  were  intended  to 
prompt  him  to  secure  to  himself  the  greatest  good  which  he 
can  have  ;  that  the  establishment  of  wise  rules,  and  the 
faithful  observance  of  them,  in  all  social  and  political  rela- 
tions, secure  to  rulers  and  to  the  ruled,  the  best  condition 
which  they  can  have.  This  class  also  holds,  that  all  official 
station  is  a  mere  trust  to  be  executed  wisely  and  honestly 
for  the  common  welfare.  Those  who  are  called  to  this 
trust,  hope  for  the  esteem  and  respect  of  their  constituents ; 
if  they  fail  to  obtain  these,  they  cannot  be  deprived  of  the 
consciousness  of  having  deserved  them.  But,  even  for  this 
class  of  public  men,  there  cannot  be  claimed  an  exemption 
from  errors,  incident  to  human  nature. 

The  other  class  see  in  human  society,  only  the  means  of 
satisfying  the  worst  cravings  of  the  human  heart.  They 
seek  dominion,  not  for  the  common  welfare,  but  for  them- 
selves. They  use  the  rules  established  for  the  general  good 
to  secure  that  dominion.  They  know  that  they  must  have 
adversaries  in  the  first  mentioned  class,  and  in  all  who  sup- 
port that  class.  These  adversaries  collectively,  and  indi- 
vidually, must  be  traduced,  calumniated,  and  made  odious. 
To  their  leaders  must  be  denied  talents  and  integrity.  They 
must  be  accused  of  the  basest  designs.  The  sovereign  people 
must  be  made  to  believe  these  criminations.  To  this  end, 
any  fraud,  cunning,  perversion,  or  machination,  is  justifiable. 
Private  intercommunication,  the  public  press,  assuming  to 
be  friends  and  protectors  of  the  people  against  their  enemies, 
and  to  be  the  mere  instruments  of  executing  a  popular  will, 
which  they  create  themselves,  are  the  well  known  means. 
Why  should  not  the  great  mass  of  the  community  be  de- 
ceived, by  such  means  ?  They  hear  and  read,  only  as  these 
crafty  politicians  order.  Why  should  they  not  believe  what 
their  best  friends  tell  them  for  truths  ?  To  what  an  anxious, 
miserable  servitude  do  these  politicians  condemn  themselves ! 
Some  of  them  prosper,  it  is  true,  to  the  end  of  life ;  but  in 
general,  they  are  found  out,  and  they  close  their  career  with 
sorrow,  and  disgrace. 

Among  this  great  political  class,  there  are  prominent  men, 
who  have  acquired  the  sincere  belief,  (from  the  habit  of  con- 
templating the  acts,  and  designs  of  adversaries,  in  peculiar* 
lights,)  that  the  country  cannot  be  safe  in  any  hands  but 
their  own.  They  see  through  a  distorting  medium,  but  are 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  129 

honest  in  their  views.  Then  there  is  a  portion  who  are 
sincerely  republican,  as  they  understand  the  matter,  who 
feel,  rather  than  reason,  on  the  political  system,  and  who 
are  liable  to  great  mistakes.  Then  there  is  the  class  who 
misunderstand  the  meaning  of  "  liberty  and  equality,"  and 
the  order  of  society  ;  and  who  think  any  order  must  be 
wrong,  which  does  not  place  them  in  positions  as  desirable 
as  those  which  they  see  others  to  have.  Then  there  are 
the  master  spirits  who  know  how  to  excite,  regulate,  and 
control  all  these  classes.  To  this  combination,  add  the 
leaven  of  party  feeling,  made  up  of  hopes  and  fears,  partiali- 
ties and  enmities,  confidence  and  jealousy,  ambition  and 
avarice,  and  one  comes  to  the  dominant  power  in  most 
popular  governments.  This  power  vehemently  maintains,  in 
words,  the  excellence  of  civil  liberty  ;  and  conducts,  by  acts, 
inevitably  to  despotism.  To  this  condition  Americans  seem 
to  be  hastening,  notwithstanding  they  have  the  advantages 
of  schools,  means  of  instruction,  and  a  free  press. 

At  first  view,  it  strikes  one  with  astonishment,  that  the 
great  mass  of  citizens,  who  suffer  most  from  the  errors  of 
ignorant  rulers,  or  the  frauds  of  dishonest  ones,  should  sus- 
tain and  applaud  both  of  these  classes  of  politicians.  But 
one  ought  rather  to  be  astonished,  that  a  government  which 
is  conducted  merely  on  party  dominion,  has  continued  as 
long  as  it  has.  Let  any  man  examine  into  the  true  state  of 
information  in  any  city,  town,  or  village,  in  the  United  States, 
and  satisfy  himself  as  to  the  sources  of  information  which  he 
finds  there  ;  and  he  cannot  wonder  at  the  opinions  which 
are  prevalent,  nor  doubt  as  to  the  motives  by  which  they  are 
imparted.  He  may  lament,  as  he  will,  that  such  opinions 
exist,  but  he  can  no  more  change  them  by  stating  truths, 
than  he  can  change  the  stature  of  those  who  entertain  them, 
by  wishing  to  do  it.  The  great  mass  of  voters  are  not  to  be 
reproached  for  their  errors  in  judgment,  as  to  men,  or  meas- 
ures. For,  to  the  natural  impatience,  and  proneness  to 
complain,  which  mankind  have,  under  almost  any  govern- 
ment, is  to  be  added  the  unceasing  effort  of  the  "  people's 
friends  "  to  teach  that,  and  that  only,  which  they  desire  to 
have  this  mass  believe  to  be  true. 

Whether  Mr.  Jefferson  belonged  to  the  honorable,  high- 
minded,  and  intelligent  order  of  statesmen,  or  to  the  man- 
aging, contriving,  and  unprincipled  class  of  politicians,  it  is 


\ 


130  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

not  assumed  to  decide.  But  it  is  intended  so  to  arrange  the 
materials,  (furnished  by  himself,)  for  forming  a  judgment, 
as  to  enable  others  to  decide  for  themselves.  There  is  no 
reason  why  Mr.  Jefferson  should  be  exempted  from  appear- 
ing before  that  tribunal  at  which  he  has  arraigned  so  many 
of  his  eminent  countrymen.  Is  there,  (to  use  one  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  favorite  words,)  a  sacrosanct  protection,  or  pano- 
ply for  him,  and  for  no  other  man  ?  If  so,  is  it  found  in  his 
virtues,  in  his  example,  in  his  science,  in  his  philosophy,  in 
his  religion,  in  his  public  services,  his  political  wisdom  and 
fidelity  ?  Let  Mr.  Jefferson  speak  for  himself.  But  why 
ly  should  the  repose  of  the  dead  be  disturbed  ?  If  Mr.  Jefferson 
/  had  lived  out  his  term,  and  left  his  fame  to  history,  as  Wash- 
|  ington,  Jay,  Adams,  and  others  have  done,  he  would  not 
have  been  now  a  subject  of  commentary.  If  he  had  left  for 
publication  his  claims  to  the  respect  and  gratitude  of  his 
countrymen,  without  interfering  with  the  like  claims  of 
other  men,  history  would  have  only  to  deal  with  him,  as 
with  other  men. 

But  when  it  comes  to  this,  that  in  striving  to  uphold  and 
honor  his  own  fame,  he  attempts  to  deprive  all  his  contem- 
poraries, who  were  not  of  his  own  school,  not  only  of  the 
ordinary  respect  and  consideration  to  which  men  in  public 
life  may  be  supposed  entitled,  but  to  brand  them  as  conspir- 
ators, and  traitors,  is  he  to  go  unanswered  ?  If  it  be  said 
that  history  will  do  justice,  will  it  not  also  be  asked,  where 
were  the  survivors  of  those  who  were  charged  with  misde- 
meanors and  crimes?  Where  were  their  sons  and  descend- 
ants ?  Why  were  they  silent  in  their  time  1  Have  they  not 
pleaded  guilty  by  their  silence,  to  all  the  criminations  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  both  as  to  themselves,  and  their  fathers  ? 

It  is  not  to  present  Mr.  Jefferson  in  unfavorable  lights, 
that  these  pages  concerning  him  are  written ;  but  to  show 
the  true  value  of  his  testimony  against  others.  If  he  had 
left  the  federalists  to  be  judged  of,  when  he  left  the  earth, 
without  his  testimony  against  them,  they  would  have  had  no 
cause  of  complaint  against  him.  His  public  acts,  and  their 
public  acts,  remain  recorded.  These  would  have  been  ex- 
amined, as  the  proper  authorities,  for  the  estimation  of  his 
merits,  and  of  their  merits,  as  public  agents.  The  bitter- 
ness of  party  feeling,  the  personalities  and  enmities  of  adver- 
saries, would  not  have  appeared  in  these  records.  Time 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  131 

would  have  obliterated  all  memory  of  them.  It  is,  then,  a 
surprising  and  sorrowful  fact,  that  a  retired  President  of  the 
United  States  should  have  gathered  the  memoranda  of  his 
own  unkind  feelings,  the  tattle  of  his  associates,  the  hearsay 
of  excited  partisans,  the  minutes  of  private  and  confidential 
intercourse,  among  guests  invited  to  his  own  table,  and 
dignify  them  with  the  title  of  "  Memoirs  and  Writings 
of  Thomas  Jefferson ! "  This  would  only  have  been  the 
subject  of  regret  and  pity,  if  it  could  be  so  understood  in 
distant  times,  as  it,  probably,  now  is,  by  a  great  majority  of 
all  who  have  read  these  writings.  But  these  writings  will 
continue,  and  may  be  considered  true,  when  those  men- 
tioned in  them,  will  not  be  known  as  they  were  known 
while  they  lived.  It  is  then  a  duty,  and  one  of  which  the 
performance  is  demanded  by  truth,  justice,  and  patriotism, 
to  weigh  the  worth  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  testimony. 

In  contemplation  of  his  posthumous  work,  Mr.  Jefferson 
says,  under  date  apparently  of  February  14th,  1818,  (vol.  iv. 
p.  443,)  "At  this  day,  after  the  lapse  of  twenty-five  years 
'or  more,  from  their  dates,  I  have  given  to  the  whole  a 
'  calm  revisal,  token  the  passions  of  the  time  have  passed 
'  away,  and  the  reasons  of  the  transactions  act  alone  on  the 
'judgment.  Some  of  the  informations  I  had  recorded,  are 
'  now  cut  out  from  the  rest,  because  I  have  seen  that  they 
'  were  incorrect,  or  doubtful,  or  merely  personal,  or  private  ; 
'  with  which  we  have  nothing  to  do."  We  are,  therefore, 
to  take  all  that  Mr.  Jefferson  retains  to  be  correct,  free  from 
doubt,  and  neither  personal  nor  private ;  and  also  to  be  that 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  intended  for  the  world  after  "  calm 
revisal." 


LETTER    XXXIV. 


JUNE  5,  1833. 


THE  perusal  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  writings  raises  the  very  W 
difficult  question,  What  was  his  motive  for  preparing  them, 
and  leaving  them  for  publication  '< 

Did  the  writer,  in  this  case,  mean  only  to  vindicate  him- 
self  against  aspersions  made  in    his  lifetime  ;    or    against 


132  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

calumnies  which  might  arise  after  he  was  gone  ?  Did  he 
mean  to  arrogate  to  himself  pre-eminent  merit,  as  a  citizen 
and  statesman  1  If  so,  was  it  necessary  to  his  purpose  to 
deny  all  merit  to  contemporaneous  adversaries  ?  Was  it 
necessary  to  impute  to  these  adversaries  deliberate  wicked- 
ness, long  cherished  and  persevered  in?  If  he  thought 
such  a  course  necessary  or  proper,  how  should  it  have  hap- 
pened that  he  so  managed  the  matter  as  to  have  furnished 
to  these  adversaries,  all  the  proofs  which  they  could  desire, 
of  the  errors  and  wrongs  which  they  had  imputed  to  him  ? 

The  only  candid  answer  that  can  be  given  to  such  in- 
quiries is,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  entertained  very  erroneous 
opinions  of  himself,  and  of  others,  and  of  the  nature  of 
society.  It  is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  both  for  himself, 
and  his  country,  if  he  was  perfectly  sincere  in  what  he 
said  and  did  ;  and  believed  himself  to  be  what  he  professed 
to  be.  From  his  self-education,  and  the  course  of  his 
studies,  from  the  natural  turn  of  his  mind,  his  perceptions 
of  his  fellow  men,  and  of  the  natural  and  necessary  laws 
of  society,  it  is  probable  that  he  had  formed  rules  of  right 
and  wrong,  adverse  to  those  commonly  received.  It  is  also 
probable,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  always  respect  the  rules 
of  moral  action,  which  those  who  live  according  to  Chris- 
tian precepts,  are  supposed  to  observe.  It  was  doubtful, 
at  least,  before  Mr.  Jefferson's  books  appeared,  whether  he 
had  any  sound  opinions  on  civil  government ;  and  whether 
he  understood  the  true  meaning  of  the  political  institutions 
under  which  he  lived.  His  books  have  had  no  tendency  to 
affect  these  doubts  favorably  to  him  ;  certainly  none  to  prove 
that  he  was  wise  and  useful  in  his  application  of  the  rules, 
which  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  prescribed  to  him. 

Whatever  Mr.  Jefferson  may  have  said  of  constitutional 
rules,  he  thought  himself  under  no  obligation  to  observe 
them,  whenever  he  found  them  inconsistent  with  his  own 
views  of  expediency.  He  supposed  a  deliberate  and  solemn 
establishment  of  a  form  of  government,  intended  by  one 
generation  for  their  own  welfare,  and  that  of  all  succeeding 
ones,  until  changed  with  the  like  solemnities,  bound  only 
the  generation  by  which  it  was  established.  Selected  to  be 
the  chief  ruler,  by  the  people,  he  was  the  proper  organ  for 
expressing  their  will,  "  Lilliputian  ties,"  notwithstanding. 
Even  in  this  political  latitudinarianism,  if  he  did  not  like  the 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  133 

motive  which  he  had  assigned  for  any  act  done  by  him,  he 
was  at  liberty  to  assign  any  other,  adapted  to  a  present 
exigency.  If  Mr.  Jefferson's  writings  show  that  such  were 
his  opinions,  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  he  was  inten- 
tionally wrong.  It  only  shows  that  such  was  the  character 
of  the  man.  How  far  he  has  maintained  his  claim  to  the 
respect  and  gratitude  of  his  countrymen,  as  "  the  great  and 
good  Mr.  Jefferson,"  is  quite  another  matter. 

With  no  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  life,  before  he  became  an 
agent  for  the  United  States,  is  it  intended  to  interfere.  His 
services  to  his  native  state,  his  fellow  citizens  there  will 
estimate.  At  the  age  of  forty-one,  (in  1784,)  he  departed 
from  the  United  States,  to  represent  his  country  at  the 
French  Court.  He  had,  before  that  time,  written  his 
"  Notes  on  Virginia,"  in  which  he  had  expressed  some 
opinions  tending  to  show,  that  he  might  be  prepared  to 
regard,  with  complacency,  the  doctrines  which  prevailed 
among  certain  philosophers.  These  men,  (Voltaire,  Rous- 
seau, D'Alembert,  Diderot,  and  others,)  as  is  well  known 
from  their  lives  and  writings,  had  expressed  a  total  disre- 
gard of  some  precepts,  which  other  men,  commonly  reputed 
to  be  wise  and  virtuous,  held  in  high  respect.  While  he 
was  there,  the  French  Revolution  began ;  and  it  is  in  no 
wise  discreditable  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  he  expected  from  it 
a  political  and  social  renovation,  which  no  country  could  be 
more  in  need  of  than  France.  In  this  fermenting  region, 
Mr.  Jefferson  remained  until  the  close  of  1789,  and  then 
came  home.  Meanwhile  the  national  government  had  been 
established,  and  he  had  been  invited,  by  President  Washing- 
ton, to  take  the  place  of  Secretary  of  State,  which  he  did, 
at  New  York,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1790. 

Mr.  Jefferson  had  never  approved  of  the  constitution. 
He  came  into  place  with  an  honest  and  decided  dislike  of 
some  of  its  powers.  He  came  in  also,  with  an  equally 
honest  and  inveterate  hostility  to  England ;  and  with  a  zeal- 
ous devotion  to  the  revolutionary  measures  of  France.  He 
had,  no  doubt,  such  recollection  of  English  measures  during 
the  war,  and  while  he  was  governor  of  Virginia,  as  may 
have  been  a  full  justification,  in  his  own  mind,  for  all  the 
opinions  which  he  entertained.  The  necessity,  and  the 
utility,  of  the  changes  going  on  in  France,  were  also  sober 
convictions.  Many  other  men,  quite  as  honest  and  clear- 
12 


134  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

sighted  as  Mr.  Jefferson,  thought  as  he  did,  as  to  France,  at 
that  time.    Whether  he  carried  into  public  policy  his'hostility 
towards    one   n'ation,    and   his   affectionate    attachment   to 
another,  so  thoroughly  as  to  lose  all  consideration  for  the 
interests  of  his  own  country,  is  a  question  on  which  there 
were  two  opinions  among  his  countrymen. 
, .      Mr.  Jefferson  found  Alexander  Hamilton  at  the  head  of 
Mhe  treasury,  Henry  Knox  at  the  head  of  the  war  depart- 
ment, and  Edmund  Randolph,  Attorney  General,   and  these 
persons,  with  himself,  were  the  constitutional  advisers  of  the 
President.     It  is  probable  that  this  selection  was  made  to 
inspire   confidence   in   the    administration.     Hamilton   was 
y  much  esteemed  in  the  state  of  New  York,  wherein  there 
(    was  a  strong  minority  against  the  constitution.     Knox  was 
^highly  esteemed  in  Massachusetts,  where  there  was  also  a 
§  strong  minority.     From  Virginia,  where  the  like  opposition 
was   vehemently  manifested,  it   was,  perhaps,   deemed  ex- 
pedient to  take  two  members  of  the  cabinet,  both  of  them 
men  of  distinction,  and  one  of  them  eminently  so ;  and  both 
of  them  well  known  to  have  been  adverse  to  the  constitution. 
It  may  have  been  the  intention  of  the  President  to  have,  in 
/  his  councils,  both  sides  of  the  case. 

It  is  well  proved,  that  from  the  beginning  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Colonel  Hamilton  had  very  different  views  of  expedi- 
<  ency  ;  equally  well  proved,  that  these  gentlemen  became 
personally  opposed,  if  not  personal  enemies,  and  so  much  so 
as  to  call  for  the  interference  of  the  President  to  attempt  a 
reconciliation.  Here  may,  perhaps,  be  found  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  political  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  some 
of  his  motives  for  the  declarations,  as  to  Hamilton,  which  ap- 
pear in  Mr.  Jefferson's  writings. 

.  The  reproach  which  Mr.  Jefferson,  again  and  again,  casts 
i  upon  Hamilton,  is,  that  he  was  a  monarchist,  and  devoted  to 
'  the  British  interest.  At  the  distance  of  more  than  thirty 
years  from  the  time,  in  which  the  scenes  which  he  discloses 
occurred,  and  more  than  twenty  years  after  Hamilton  was 
dead,  Mr.  Jefferson  intended  the  publication  of  the  casual 
confidential  remarks  of  Hamilton,  with  such  coloring,  proba- 
bly, as  may  have  best  suited  his  purpose.  The  point  on 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  seems  to  have  founded  Hamilton's 
political  turpitude,  was  the  proposal,  and  the  support,  of  the 
"  funding  system,"  and  the  bank.  This  appears  to  have 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  135 

been  considered,  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  a  corrupt  design  to 
assimilate  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  that  of 
England,  and  gradually  to  introduce  the  political  system  of 
that  country.  The  following  are  some  of  the  many  similar 
passages  which  are  found  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  books,  as  pub- 
lished since  his  decease  : 

Vol.  iv.  p.  450.  "  Hamilton  was  not  only  a  monarchist 
"  but  for  a  monarchy  bottomed  on  corruption." 

Same  page.  While  Washington  was  absent,  Jefferson 
invited  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  and  Mr.  Adams,  to  dine 
with  him,  to  consult  on  Genet's  movements.  After  dinner 
Mr.  Adams  said,  "  Purge  the  (British)  constitution  of  its 
"  corruption,  and  give  to  its  popular  branch  equality  of  rep- 
"  resentation,  and  it  would  be  the  most  perfect  constitution 
"  ever  devised  by  the  wit  of  man."  Hamilton  said,  "  Purge 
"  it  of  its  corruption,  and  give  to  its  popular  branch  equality 
"  of  representation,  and  it  would  become  an  impracticable 
"  government.  As  it  stands,  at  present,  with  all  its  sup- 
"  posed  defects,  it  is  the  most  perfect  government  that  ever 
"  existed."  Mr.  Jefferson  adds,  "  Hamilton  was,  indeed,  a 
"  singular  character.  Of  acute  understanding,  disinter- 
"  ested,  honest,  and  honorable,  in  all  private  transactions, 
"  amiable  in  society,  and  duly  valuing  virtue  in  private  life ; 
"  yet  so  bewitched  and  perverted  by  the  British  example,  as 
"  to  be  under  thorough  conviction  that  corruption  was  es- 
"  sential  to  the  government  of  a  nation." 

Page  474.  "  Mr  Butler  tells  me,  that  he  dined  last  winter 
"  in  company  with  Hamilton  and  others.  Hamilton  declar- 
"  ed  openly,  that  there  was  no  stability,  no  security,  in  any 
"  kind  of  government  but  a  monarchy." 

Page  503.  December  27,  1797.  "  Tench  Coxe  tells  me, 
"  that  a  little  before  Hamilton  went  out  of  office,"  (nearly 
three  years  before,)  Hamilton  said,  "  For  my  part  I  avow 
"  myself  a  monarchist ;  I  have  no  objection  to  a  trial  being 
"  made  of  this  thing  called  a  republic,  but,  &c." 

There  are  many  similar  records  of  Hamilton,  in  this 
volume.  This  gentleman  may  have  entertained  speculative 
opinions  on  government.  He  may  have  supposed,  that  his 
own  countrymen  would  not  be  able  to  carry  on  a  republic. 
He  may  have  believed,  if  he  had  lived  to  the  present  day, 
that  he  was  actually  a  subject  of  something  like  despotic 
rule,  with  the  apparent  approbation  of  a  majority  of  the 


136  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

people.  Under  what  circumstances,  and  with  what  qualifi- 
cations, these  opinions  were  uttered,  Mr.  Jefferson  does  not 
make  known,  nor  does  it  appear  to  have  been  material  to 
his  purpose  to  have  known. 

There  are,  in  this  volume,  numerous  remarks  concerning 
Mr.  Adams,  apparently  intended  to  make  his  fame  odious  to 
posterity.  These  remarks  were  preserved  for  publication, 
notwithstanding  the  renewed  friendship  with  Mr.  Adams. 
Some  of  them  are  these  :  December  26,  1797,  (vol.  iv.  p. 
503,)  "  Langdon  tells  me,  that  Adams,"  (in  allusion  to  votes 
given  for  Clinton  in  opposition  to  Adams,)  "  gritting  his 
"  teeth,  said,  Damn  'em,  damn  'em,  damn  'em,  you  see  that 
"  elective  government  will  not  do." 

Page  451.     "  Mr.  Adams  had  originally  been  a  repub- 

"  lican.     The  glare  of  royalty  and  nobility,  during  his  mis- 

(   *'  sion  in  England,  had  made  him  believe  their  fascination 

i   "  to  be  a  necessary  ingredient  in  government.     His  book  on 

"  the  American  constitutions,  had  made  known  his  political 

"  bias.     He  was  taken  up  by  the  monarchical  federalists  in 

"  his  absence,   and  on  his  return  to  the  United  States,  he 

"  was  by  them  made  to  believe  that  the  general  disposition 

"  of  our  citizens  was  favorable  to  monarchy." 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  course  of  remark,  with  any 
sound  moral  or  social  principle,  which  well-informed  gentle- 
men  recognise.     It  is  very  possible  that  Mr.  Adams  may 
'  have  entertained  the  abstract  opinion,  that  the  government 
of  Great  Britain,  with  some  modifications,  may  be  the  best 
of  which  mankind  are  capable.     But  this  is  a  very  different 
yaffair  from  assuming,  that  Mr.  Adams  thought  such  a  gov- 
/ernment  should  be  attempted  in  this  country.     Let  it  even 
\  be  supposed,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  would  have  it,  that  Mr.  Adams 
'thought  that  government  the  best   for  this   country,  what 
motive  could  Mr.  Jefferson  have  had,  twenty-five  years  after 
Mr.  Adams  had  retired  from  public  life,  and  had  manifested, 
in  various  ways,  a  decided  attachment  to  republican  govern- 
ment, and   after  the    affectionate  friendship  between  these 
two  men  had  been  cemented  by  a  correspondence  of  the 
most  confidential  character,  that  these  sayings  (if  they  were 
ever  said)  should  be  treasured  up,  and  given  to  the  world  ? 
One  cannot  but  ask,  how  Mr.  Adams  would   have  regarded 
this  1     And  as  he  was  gone,  and  could  not  have  suspected 
that  his  friend  intended   any  such  reproach  to  his  memory, 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  137 

then  those  who  now  consider  these  things,  may  ask,  was 
this  doing  as  one  would  be  done  by  ?  Or,  is  this  the  con- 
duct of  a  man  of  honor  ;  of  a  real  gentleman  ? 

There  is  another  circumstance  which  Mr.  Jefferson's 
writings  bring  into  prominent  notice,  and  which  goes  far  to 
settle  his  true  character.  Washington  had  selected  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson for  one  of  his  most  confidential  advisers,  and  under 
circumstances  which  ought  to  have  decided  Mr.  Jefferson  to 
adopt  one  of  two  courses ;  first,  to  reject  the  confidence ;  or, 
secondly,  to  accept  it,  and  to  use  it  agreeably  to  Washing- 
ton's implied  expectation.  Now  there  was  a  translating  _< 
clerk  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  office,  by  the  name  of  Freneau; 
who  was  also  the  publisher  of  the  National  Gazette.  This 
paper  was  issued  continually,  for  the  principal  purpose  of 
bringing  Washington's  administration  into  contempt.  It 
denied  to  him  personally,  both  capacity  and  integrity. 
Freneau  not  only  so  published,  but  it  was  his  practice  daily 
to  send,  three  copies  of  his  paper  to  Washington.  This  be- 
came intolerable,  and  Washington  could  not  forbear  to 
speak  to  his  cabinet  counsellor,  on  this  highly  unjust  and 
abusive  conduct  of  his  own  clerk ;  and  requested  his  inter- 
ference, as  a  member  of  the  administration,  to  rebuke  Fre- 
neau. Considering  the  relation  in  which  Jefferson  stood  to 
Washington,  and  the  fact  of  Freneau's  dependence  on  the 
former,  what  would  have  been  the  course  of  a  fair  dealing, 
conscientious  person  ?  Mr.  Jefferson,  more  than  thirty  years 
after  this  time,  and  in  contemplation  of  his  own  decease,  and 
in  preparing  the  materials  for  pages  to  be  read  after  he  was 
gone,  tells  what  his  course  was.  He  says,  (vol.  iv.  p.  491,) 
that  Washington,  at  a  cabinet  council,  remarked,  "  That  -s. 
"  rascal,  Freneau,  sent  him  three  of  his  papers  every  day,  as 
"  if  he  thought  he  (Washington)  would  become  the  distri- 
"  buter  of  his  papers ;  that  he  could  see  in  this,  nothing  but 
"  an -impudent  design  to  insult  him  ;  he  ended  in  this  high 
"  tone."  Again  at  a  meeting,  May  23,  1793,  (vol.  iv.  p.  v 
485,)  speaking  of  Washington,  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  "  He  ad- 
"  verted  to  a  piece  in  Freneau's  paper  of  yesterday  ;  he  said 
"  he  despised  all  their  attacks  on  him  personally,  but  that 
"  there  had  never  been  an  act  of  the  government,  not  mean- 
"  ing  in  the  executive  line  only,  but  in  any  line,  which  that 
"  paper  had  not  abused.  He  was  evidently  sore  and  warm,  ^ 
"  and  I  took  his  intention  to  be,  that  I  should  interpose  in 
12* 


138  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

some  way  with  Freneau,  perhaps  withdraw  his  appoint- 
ment of  translating  clerk  to  my  office.  But  I  will  not  do 
it.  His  paper  has  saved  our  constitution,  which  was  gal- 
loping fast  into  monarchy,  and  has  been  checked,  by  no 
one  means  so  powerfully  as  by  that  paper.  It  is  well  and 
universally  known,  that  it  has  been  that  paper,  which  has 
checked  the  career  of  the  monocrats ;  and  the  President, 
not  sensible  of  the  designs  of  the  party,  has  not  with  his 
usual  good  sense,  and  sangfroid,  looked  on  the  efforts  and 
effects  of  this  free  press,  and  seen,  that  though  some  bad 
things  have  passed  through  it  to  the  public,  yet  the  good 
•'  have  preponderated  immensely." 

Mr.  Jefferson  could  elect  to  retain  Freneau,  and  to  pa- 
tronize his  paper,  and  to  approve  of  his  abuse  of  Washing- 
ton ;  but  that  he  could  retain  his  place,  and  daily  appear 
before  Washington,  and  affect  to  be  well-disposed  towards 
him,  and  his  administration,  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the 
feelings  and  sentiments  of  any  honorable  man.  Why  tuch 
a  man  as  Washington,  kept  such  a  man  as  he  knew  Jeffer- 
son to  be,  near  him,  and  in  his  counsels,  can  be  accounted 
for  only  on  the  supposition,  that  Washington  desired  to 
sacrifice  his  own  feelings,  to  what  he  may  have  considered 
-to  be  the  public  good.  Mr.  Jefferson  takes  great  pains  to 
show,  that  Washington  was  exceedingly  reluctant  to  have 
him  retire,  and  kept  him  in  office,  against  his  own  will, 
throughout  the  year  1793.  This  is  very  possible.  There 
may  have  been  good  reasons  for  desiring  to  retain  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, in  the  probable  relation  of  the  United  States  to 
France.  We  have  Mr.  Jefferson's  version  of  the  matter. 
A  contradictory  one  could  come  only  from  Washington  him- 
self. He  knew  that  would  never  come  ;  for  Washington  is 
not  supposed  to  have  kept  memoranda  of  his  confidential 
intercourse  for  public  inspection,  nor,  probably,  even  for  his 
own. 

Mr.  Jefferson  is  as  little  merciful  to  Washington,  as  to 
other  men  of  whom  he  records  his  opinions.  In  page  467, 
of  vol.  iv.,  he  remarks  on  Washington,  who  was  then  in  his 
sixty-first  year,  that  he  was  sensible  of  the  decay  of  his 
hearing,  of  which  no  one  is  supposed  to  have  heard  but 
Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  page  455,  (29th  February,  1792,)  wrien  Washington 
was  only  sixty  years  old,  Mr.  Jefferson  relates  a  conversa- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  139 

tion  on  Washington's  retirement  from  office,  in  which  the 
latter  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  that  he  really  felt  himself 
"  growing  old  ;  his  bodily  health  less  firm,  his  memory 
"  always  bad,  becoming  worse,  and  perhaps  the  other  facul- 
"  ties  of  his  mind  showing  a  decay  to  others,  of  which  he 
"  was  not  sensible  himself,  and  that  this  apprehension  par- 
"  ticularly  oppressed  him."  It  may  be  that  Washington 
selected  Mr.  Jefferson  for  this  delicate  and  confidential  com- 
munication. It  is  very  unlike  the  supposed  reserve,  and 
habitual  dignity  of  Washington  ;  and  not  reconcilable  with 
his  performance  of  the  duties  of  his  second  term ;  nor  with 
his  acceptance  of  the  command  of  the  army,  six  years  after- 
wards. One  is  at  a  loss  even  to  conjecture  the  motive  for 
making  this  record,  if  it  was  not  to  depreciate  Washington, 
which  is  obviously  the  motive  in  the  following  quotation  : 

Page  512,  "  Rush,"  (Dr.  Rush,  of  Philadelphia,)  "  ob- 
"  serves,  he  never  did  say  a  word  on  the  subject,  in  any  of 
"  his  public  papers,  except  in  his  valedictory  letter  to  the 
"  governors  of  the  states,  when  he  resigned  his  commission 
"  in  the  army,  wherein  he  speaks  of  '  the  benign  influence 
"  of  the  Christian  religion.'" 

"  I  know  that  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  pretended  to  be  in 
"  his  secrets,  and  believed  himself  to  be  so,  has  often  told 
"  me,  that  General  Washington  believed  no  more  of  that 
"  system  than  he  did  himself."  That  is,  Morris  admitted 
himself  to  be  an  infidel,  and  also  knew  that  Washington 
was  an  infidel !  , 

In  the  same  manner,  Mr.  Jefferson  appears  to  have 
treasured  up  all  the  opinions  imputed  to  George  Cabot, 
Samuel  Dexter,  Christopher  Gore,  Robert  G.  Harper,  Rufus 
King,  John  Jay,  Harrison  G.  Otis,  Timothy  Pickering,  John 
Lowell,  and  many  other  eminent  men,  for  the  apparent  pur- 
pose of  proving  to  posterity,  that  they  were  enemies  of  the 
institutions  of  their  own  country,  and  leagued  together  to 
introduce  a  monarchy.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the 
recorded  sayings  and  opinions  came  through  two  or  more 
mouths,  and  that  the  principal  informant  was  a  man  of 
whom  Mr.  Jefferson  himself  says,  "  he  is  too  credulous  of 
what  he  hears."  * 

The   fourth   volume  of  Mr.  Jefferson's   works,  abounds 

*  Beckley,  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 


140  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

with  these  narrations,  concerning  the  distinguished  men  of 
our  country,  for  purposes  which  cannot  be  otherwise  under- 
stood than  as  designed  to  make  these  men  odious.  Now 
Mr.  Jefferson  may  have  thought  all  this  right,  and  becom- 
ing. But  so  many  of  these  tales  are  so  near  akin  to  mere 
gossip,  that  it  is  surprising  any  gentleman  could  be  disposed 
to  hear  them.  More  surprising  that  any  gentleman  should 
record  them  as  truths.  Lamentable,  that  they  should  have 
been  destined  to  the  eye  of  future  generations,  with  the 
sanction  of  one  who  had  held  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift 
of  his  countrymen. 


LETTER   XXXV. 

JUNE  9,  1833. 

THE  two  points  on  which  Mr.  Jefferson  appears  to  rely 
most,  to  prove  the  design  of  establishing  a  monarchy,  and  a 
corrupt  one  too,  are  the  funding  system,  and  the  national 
bank.  He  considers,  whenever  he  mentions  the  former, 
that  the  object  was  to  create,  in  the  two  branches  of  the 
legislature,  "  treasury  votes"  enough  to  carry  all  the  meas- 
ures of  the  administration ;  and  that  these  must  always  be 
measures  which  ought  not  to  be  carried.  He  considers,  too, 
that  every  federalist  who  came  into  either  branch,  must 
have  been  corrupted  by  the  funding  system  or  bank,  although 
not  members  when  either  was  established.  This  is  a  very 
comprehensive  denunciation ;  and  not  worth  answering  at 
this  day,  if  it  were  not  to  show  the  true  character  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  credulity,  or  something  worse. 

The  best  refutation  may  be,  to  mention  the  names  of  the 
majorities  in  both  branches,  who  voted  to  provide  for  the 
public  debt.  If  they  were  the  corrupt  men  alluded  to,  they 
were  not  so  avaricious  as  may  be  supposed  ;  and  not  so  wise, 
as  wicked,  since  no  one  was  afterwards  known  to  have 
changed  his  condition  for  the  better,  in  consequence  of  his 
votes. 

The  funding  system  was  finally  established  in  July,  1790. 
Those  who  voted  for  it  in  the  Senate  were : 


ON   PU1JLIC    CHARACTERS.  141 

Butler,  S.  C.  Morris,  Penn. 

Dalton,  Mass.  Paterson,  N.  J. 

Elmer,  N.  J.  Schuyler,  N.  Y. 

Henry,  Md.  Strong,  Mass. 

Johnson,  Conn.  Walker,  Va. 

Izard,  S.  C.  King,  N.  Y. 
Langdon,  N.  H. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  : 

Ames,  Mass.  Leonard,  Mass. 

Benson,  N.  Y.  Partridge,  Mass. 

Boudinot,  N.  J.  Schureman,  N.  J. 

Burke,  S.  C.  Sedgwick,  Mass. 

Cadwallader,  Penn.  Sherman,  Conn. 

Carroll,  Md.  Silvester,  N.  Y. 

Clymer,  Penn.  Sinnickson,  N.  J. 

Fitzsimmons,  Penn.  W.  Smith,  S.  C. 

Foster,  N.  H.  Sturges,  Conn. 

Gale,  Md.  Sumpter,  S.  C. 

Gerry,  Mass.  Thacher,  Mass. 

Goodhue,  Mass.  Trumbull,  Conn. 

Grout,  Mass.  Tucker,  S.  C. 

Huger,  S.  C.  Vining,  Va. 

Huntington,  Conn.  Wadsworth,  Conn. 

Laurence,  N.  Y.  White,  Va. 

R.  B.  Lee,  Va.  Wynkoop,  Penn. 

The  following  are  among  many  similar  notices  of  the  pro- 
vision for  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  found  in  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson's volumes.  In  page  446  of  4th  volume  :  "  Hamilton's 
'  financial  system  had  then  passed.  It  had  two  objects : 
'  1st.  As  a  puzzle  to  exclude  popular  understanding  and 
'  inquiry.  2d.  As  a  machine  for  the  corruption  of  the 
'  legislature ;  for  he  avowed  the  opinion,  that  man  could  be 
'  governed  by  one  of  two  motives  only,  force  or  interest. 
'  Force,  he  observed,  in  this  country,  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion ;  and  the  interest,  therefore,  of  the  members,  must  be 
'  laid  hold  of,  to  keep  the  legislature  in  unison  with  the 
'  executive.  And  with  grief  and  shame  it  must  be  acknow- 
'  ledged,  that  his  machine  was  not  without  effect." 

Almost  all  the  members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  who 
voted  for  the  "  funding  system,"  were  then  sufficiently  dis- 


142  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

tinguished  to  be  known  throughout  the  United  States. 
Every  one  who  can  remember  as  far  back  as  thirty  years, 
and  who  was  attentive  to  public  affairs,  must  have  been  in- 
formed, (as  to  those  in  his  own  state,  if  not  more  exten- 
sively,) of  the  reputation  of  these  men.  Who  among  them 
may  be  selected  as  a  corrupt  speculator  ?  Who  among  them 
may  be  supposed  to  have  advocated  a  great  political  meas- 
ure, perfectly  reconcilable  with  honor,  justice,  and  duty  in 
itself,  for  the  purpose  of  enriching  himself?  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  among  these  men,  from  the  22d  of  March,  1790,  to  the 
31st  of  December,  1793-  He  had  Beckley  and  Freneau, 
and  many  other  skilful  inquirers,  and  faithful  reporters. 
Who  would  Mr.  Jefferson  have  selected  as  a  corrupt  monar- 
chist, if  in  that  space  of  time  he  had  been  called  on  to  do 
so?  Was  there  nothing  in  the  future  days  of  these  men, 
and  in  the  repeated  marks  of  confidence,  which  were  after- 
wards conferred,  where  they  were  best  known,  which 
might  have  corrected  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinions,  in  the  long 
lapse  of  time  through  which  he  lived  ?  No,  nothing.  Among 
the  last  acts  of  his  life,  he  carefully  prepared  his  charges  to 
go  down  to  posterity,  with  his  certificate  that  they  were 
true. 

The  same  sort  of  record  is  made  by  Mr.  Jefferson  con- 
cerning the  National  Bank,  which  was  created  by  the  votes 
of  nearly  the  same  men.  On  the  2d  of  March,  (vol.  iv. 
p,  481,)  Mr.  Jefferson  thus  describes  the  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  :  "  1.  Bank  directors.  2.  Hold- 
"  ers  of  bank  stock.  3.  Stock-jobbers.  4.  Blind  devotees. 
"  5.  Ignorant  persons  who  did  not  comprehend  them  ;" 
(meaning  Giles's  resolutions,  criminating  Hamilton.) 
"  6.  Lazy,  good-humored  persons,  who  comprehended  and 
"  acknowledged  them,  yet  were  too  lazy  to  examine,  or  un- 
"  willing  to  pronounce  censure.  The  three  first  descrip- 
"  tions,  making  one  third  of  the  House,  and  the  three  latter 
"  one  half  of  the  residue." 

Now,  did  Mr.  Jefferson  really  believe  this,  his  own  re- 
cord ?  or  did  he  record  that  which  he  believed  to  be  untrue, 
to  answer  some  purpose  of  his  own  ?  If  he  really  believed 
all  that  he  states  to  be  true,  what  must  be  thought  of  his 
understanding  ?  If  he  knew  that  he  was  stating  that  which 
was  untrue,  what  must  be  thought  of  his  heart  ? 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  143 


LETTER   XXXVI. 

JUNE  12,  1833. 

THE  subject  of  monarchy,  as  charged  against  the  federal- 
ists as  a  party,  is  one  on  which  Mr.  Jefferson  delights  to 
dwell.  The  following  are  samples  of  the  multitude  of 
remarks  to  be  found  in  his  volumes  : 

In  vol.  iii.  p.  402  :  "  The  X,  Y,  Z,  fever  has  considerably 
"  abated  through  the   country,  as  I  am  informed,  and  the 
"  alien  and  sedition  laws  are  working  hard.     For  my  own 
"  part,  I  consider   those  laws  merely  an  experiment  on  the 
"  American  mind,  to  see  how  far  it  will  bear  an  avowed 
violation  of  the  constitution.     If  this  goes  down,  we  shall 
immediately   see   another  act  of  Congress  attempted,  de-_ 
daring  that  the  President   shall   continue  in  office  during   ^ 
life,  reserving  to  another  occasion  the  transfer  of  the  suc- 
cession to  his  heirs,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Senate 
for  life." 

In  vol.  iv.  p.  183 :  "  This  government  they  (federalists) 
"  wished  to  have  established  here,  and  only  accepted  and 
"  held  fast,  at  first,  to  the  present  constitution,  as  a  step- 
"  ping-stone  to  the  final  establishment  of  their  favorite 
"  model.  This  party  has,  therefore,  always  clung  to  Eng- 
"  land,  as  their  prototype  and  great  auxiliary,  in  promoting 
"  and  effecting  this  change.  A  weighty  minority  of  these 
"  leaders,  considering  the  voluntary  conversion  of  our 
"  government  into  a  monarchy,  as  too  distant,  if  not  despe- 
"  rate,  wish  to  break  off  from  our  Union  its  eastern  fragment, 
"  as  being,  in  fact,  the  hot-bed  of  American  monarchism, 
"  with  a  view  to  the  commencement  of  their  favorite  govern- 
"  ment ;  from  whence  the  other  states  may  gangrene  by  de- 
"  grees,  and  the  whole  be  thus  finally  brought  to  the  desired 
"  point." 

"  At  the  head  of  this  minority,  is  what  is  called  the  Es- 
"  sex  Junto  of  Massachusetts.  But  the  majority  of  these 
"  leaders  do  not  aim  at  separation.  In  this  they  adhere  to 
"  the  known  principles  of  General  Hamilton,  never  under 
"  any  views,  to  break  the  Union.  Anglomany,  monarchy, 
"  and  separation,  then,  are  the  principles  of  the  Essex  fede- 
"  ralists ;  anglomany  and  monarchy,  those  of  the  Hamil- 


144  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  tonians ;  and  anglomany  alone,  that  of  the  portion  of  people 
"  who  call  themselves  federalists."  (Letter  to  Mr.  Melish, 
map-maker,  January  19,  1813.) 

These  are  only  some,  of  many  similar  remarks  scattered 
through  Mr.  Jefferson's  third  and  fourth  volumes. 

The  foregoing  extracts,  assume  that  almost  immediately 
after  the  adoption  of  the  national  government,  there  was  a 
party  in  New  England,  who  designed  to  subvert  that  govern- 
ment, and  dissolve  the  Union,  or  to  -convert  that  govern- 
ment into  a  monarchy.  No  persons  are  named.*  It  is  a 
general  denunciation  of  the  federal  party.  There  is  no 
mode  of  meeting  and  refuting  Mr.  Jefferson,  but  by  stating 
facts  which  cannot  be  denied ;  and  if  these  be  utterly  in- 
compatible with  the  supposed  design,  the  design  itself  must 
be  regarded  as  a  mere  calumny,  chargeable  on  the  per- 
verted state  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  mind,  or  on  his  own  want  of 
integrity. 

These  are  historical  facts :  The  federal  party  labored, 
with  all  their  might,  to  establish  the  national  constitution. 
King,  Gore,  Strong,  Lowell,  Parsons,  Hamilton,  Jay,  Pick- 
ering, Brooks,  Sedgwick,  and  hundreds  of  such  men  who 
might  be  named,  were  among  the  most  zealous  advocates  of 
the  constitution.  What  were  their  motives  ?  If  they  had 
any  such  purpose  as  Mr.  Jefferson  imputes  to  them,  they 
could  not  have  been  the  advocates  of  a  regular  system  of 
government,  which  guaranteed  to  each  and  every  state  in  the 
Union,  the  continuance  of  republican  forms.  The  firm  es- 
tablishment of  such  a  government  made  the  whole  of  the 
United  States  one  community,  from  which  no  state  could 
withdraw  but  by  the  consent  of  all.  The  whole  physical 
force  in  states  adhering  to  the  confederacy,  could  be  arrayed 
against  any  one  which  was  disposed  to  depart  from  it.  The 
federal  party  intended  that  this  should  be  so  ;  and  they  did 
every  thing  that  men  could  do  to  effect  this  object.  They 
discerned  in  the  federal  union  the  only  security  against  ex- 
ternal foes,  and  internal  faction ;  and  above  all,  security 
against  the  contentions,  already  becoming  serious,  between 
the  states  themselves.  If  these  are  unquestionable  facts, 
how  could  the  very  men  who  thus  laboured  to  establish  this 

This  is  the  often  repeated  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  says,  in 
his  Mazzei  letter,  "  we  must  break  these  Lilliputian  ties,  with  which 
"  they  have  bound  us,"  &c. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  145 

government,  have  intended  at  the  same  time,  or  within  a 
few  years  afterwards,  and  while  it  was  in  the  most  satisfac- 
tory execution  under  the  direction  of  federalists,  its  dismem- 
berment and  destruction !  One  would  think,  that  these 
men  had  every  inducement,  which  can  influence  the  human 
mind,  to  preserve  the  constitution,  and  to  have  it  wisely 
administered. 

If  they  had  desired  to  create  a  monarchical  system,  their 
course  would  have  been  to  keep  out  of  the  Union,  to  have 
promoted  anarchy  and  confusion,  and  to  have  made  force 
necessary  to  preserve  order ;  and  to  have  availed  of  that 
force  to  establish  their  dominion.  They  were  to  do  this 
while  the  whole  country  was  impoverished  and  distressed  by 
the  effects  of  the  revolutionary  war ;  and  when  New  Eng- 
land had  almost  exhausted  its  strength  in  repelling  the  ef- 
forts of  royalty  to  establish  a  tyrannical  power.  These  very 
men,  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  charges  with  the  design  of  erecting 
a  monarchy,  through  the  means  of  interior  commotion, 
were  the  foremost  to  suppress  the  rebellion  in  Massachusetts 
in  1786-7;  and  who  were  instructed  by  that  occurrence, 
perhaps  more  than  any  other,  in  the  necessity  of  a  federal 
union.  These  are  facts  not  to  be  denied  ;  and  how  do  they 
agree  with  Mr.  Jefferson's  calumnies? 

As  to  the  design  of  converting  the  national  government 
into  a  monarchy,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  so  often  asserts,  how 
were  they  to  effect  such  a  purpose  1  Mr.  Jefferson  admits 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  every  where,  except 
among  leading  federalists,  were  republican.  Monarchy 
could  be  erected  but  in  one  of  two  modes,  assent  or  force. 
Mr.  Jefferson  does  not  pretend  that  it  could  be  done  by 
assent.  He  says  it  could  not ;  and  truly.  The  people  of 
the  United  States  had  just  effected  their  liberation  from  a 
monarchy.  Were  they,  while  the  memory  of  their  toils  and 
sufferings  was  so  fresh,  to  have  submitted  to  the  dominion  of 
one  of  their  own  citizens,  and  have  stood  quiet  or  applaud- 
ing spectators  to  see  him  crowned  ?  Were  the  federalists  as 
silly  as  Mr.  Jefferson  thought  them  wicked  ?  Did  not  they 
know  the  state  of  public  opinion,  as  well  as  he  did?  If  one 
could  suppose  such  an  absurdity  as  Mr.  Jefferson  has  caused 
to  be  published,  who  was  to  be  the  king  ?  Admit  that 
every  body  was  ready  for  a  monarchy,  and  that  the  federal- 
ists had  only  to  arrange  their  order  of  it,  one  had  as  much 
13 


146  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

pretension  to  wear  the  crown  as  another.     They  must  have 
peaceably  arranged  among  themselves,  who  should  be  mas- 
ters and  who  should  be  servants.      A   king  would   need 
>-dukes  and  lords  to  prop  him  up.     Who  were  to  be  selected 
•''    for  such  dignity,  and  who  excluded?     Who  but  Thomas 
Jefferson   would  impute  to  men,  who  certainly  had  some 
claim  to  common  sense,  and  who  had  done  all  they  could  to 
establish  republican  liberty,  the  project  of  a  peaceable  ar- 
rangement of  a  monarchy. 

Royalty  by  force,  was  a  still  more  absurd  project.     The 
federalists  must  have  had  command  of  men   and   money. 
How  were  either  to  be  obtained  ?     The  federalists  had  no 
money,  wherewith  to  maintain   a  military  force ;    and  the 
people  must  have  submitted  to  military  exactions  to  have 
kept  any  force  on  foot,  for  a  single  week.     Mr.  Jefferson 
presumed  too  much  on   the  credulity  of  his  countrymen, 
in  supposing  that  they  would  believe  hirh ;  or  he  had  been 
spoiled  in  finding  that  his  assertions  had  been  so  long  re- 
ceived by  them  as  truths.     The  more  probable  solution  is, 
JK  that  Mr.  Jefferson's  readiness  to  believe  what  he  had  hoped 
*   was  true,  had  convinced  him  that  it  was  true.     He  some- 
V-  where  says,  that  an  often  asserted  falsehood,  comes  at  length 
to  be  a  truth  in  the  mind  of  him  who  asserts  it. 

(Mr.  Jefferson  did  no  credit  to  his  own  book  learning,  of 
which  he  had  a  great  deal,  in  assuming,  that  a  republic  can 
be  converted  into  a  monarchy,  in  either  of  the  modes  which 
he  imputes  to  the  federalists.  He  knew,  or  ought  to  have 
known,  that  republics  have  never  changed  into  monarchies, 
but  always  into  despotisms.  He  must  have  known  that 
when  despotism  overwhelms  this  country,  it  will  come  by  the 
usurpation  of  men,  who  can  delude  the  multitude  under  the 
guise  of  being  their  friends.  No  man  that  has  lived  in  the 
United  States  in  the  last  fifty  years,  has  done  so  much  as 
Mr.  Jefferson  himself,  to  prepare  the  public  mind  for  such 
usurpation.  All  the  misrule  which  now  afflicts  this  coun- 
try, can  be  fairly  traced  to  him.  He  may  have  been  far 
enough,  from  any  such  design ;  but  the  effect  is  a  sorrowful 
fact,  as  a  large  proportion  of  the  thinking  men  of  the  coun- 
try see  with  dismay.  If  there  be,  in  the  present  chief  ma- 
gistrate, indications  of  a  desire  to  exercise  an  absolute 
authority,  he  proposes  to  do  it,  in  virtue  of  being  the  popular 
favorite.  As  such,  his  friends  sustain  him. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  147 


LETTER    XXXVII. 

JUNE  15,  1833. 

THE  Jeffersonian  dominion  began  in  the  United  States  •** 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1801.  The  opponents  of  the  federal 
constitution  had,  (by  means  well  known,  that  is,  by  all 
manner  of  appeals  to  popular  prejudice,)  been  gaining 
strength.  The  same  means  persevered  in,  would,  in  another 
four  years,  have  given  the  administration  to  them.  The 
experience  of  the  last  thirty  years  proves,  that  the  majority 
of  the  American  people  can  always  be  ruled  by  their  friends. 
In  other  words,  combinations  of  adroit  men  who  want  office, 
emolument,  and  distinction,  and  who  consider  all  these  to 
be  only  prizes  to  be  gamed  for,  can  always  find  the  means 
of  winning  them.  Those  who  have  the  principles  and  feel- 
ings of  the  founders  of  the  government,  by  whatsoever  name 
dintinguished,  must  content  themselves  with  opposition  to 
what  they  conscientiously  believe  to  be  destructive  of  the 
original  purposes  for  which  the  government  was  instituted. 
This  they  must  do,  or  prefer,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  "  the 
"  calm  of  despotism  to  the  tempestuous  sea  of  liberty,"  under 
very  disagreeable  masters. 

When  the  votes  were  counted,  it  appeared  that  Mr.  Jef-  -^ 
ferson  had  seventy-three,  Aaron  Burr,  seventy-three,  John 
Adams,  sixty-five,  C.  C.  Pinckney,  sixty-four.  As  the  con- 
stitution then  was,  two  persons  were  to  be  voted  for,  both 
of  whom  could  not  be  resident  in  the  state  in  which  the  vote 
was  given.  The  highest  number  of  votes,  being  a  majority  j 
of  all  the  votes  cast,  made  the  President;  the  next  highest,  '' 
being  a  like  majority,  made  the  Vice  President.  Jefferson 
and  Burr  having  an  equal  number,  the  choice  devolved  on 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Jefferson  took  care  to 
have  this  "  procedure  corrected  "  by  a  change  of  the  consti- 
tution before  another  election.  The  House  vote,  on  such 
occasions,  by  states.  If  the  number  of  representatives  from 
a  state  was  seven,  a  majority  of  this  number  constituted 
the  vote  of  the  state.  If  the  number  was  equal,  the  vote  of 
the  state  might  be  divided ;  but  by  a  regulation  adopted  by 
the  House,  the  vote  was  not  lost  in  case  of  division,  but  was 
counted  ;  though  for  neither  party.  From  New  Hampshire 


148  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

there  were  four;  from  Massachusetts,  fourteen;  from  Con- 
necticut, seven ;  from  Vermont,  two ;  from  Rhode  Island, 
two;  from  New  York,  ten ;  from  New  Jersey,  Jive ;  from 
Pennsylvania,  thirteen;  from  Delaware,  one;  from  Mary- 
land, eight ;  from  Virginia,  nineteen ;  from  North  Carolina, 
ten;  from  South  Carolina,  Jive;  from  Georgia,  one;  from 
Kentucky,  two;  from  Tennessee,  one.  Among  the  mem- 
bers spoken  of,  from  personal  observation,  were  Sedgwick, 
Thacher,  Otis,  Lincoln,  Griswold,  Dana,  Goodrich,  Smith, 
Champlin,  all  of  New  England.  Jonas  Platt,  New  York ; 
Edward  Livingston,  New  York;  Gallatin,  Pennsylvania; 
James  A.  Bayard,  Delaware ;  Samuel  Smith,  Maryland ; 
Henry  Lee,  Virginia ;  John  Randolph,  Virginia;  Littleton 
W.  Tazewell,  Virginia;  N.  Macon,  North  Carolina;  R.  G. 
Harper,  South  Carolina;  Thomas  Pinckney,  South  Caro- 
lina ;  John  Rutledge,  South  Carolina. 

The  House  voted,  among  other  regulations,  to  attend  to 
no  business,  but  the  election,  while  it  was  pending,  and  not 
to  adjourn  until  an  election  was  effected.  The  balloting 
began  on  Wednesday,  the  llth  of  February,  and  continued 
until  Tuesday,  the  17th,  at  one  o'clock  ;  recurring  at  longer 
or  shorter  intervals.  In  thirty-five  ballotings,  the  vote  stood 
eight  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  six  for  Aaron  Burr,  and  two 
states  were  divided.  On  the  thirty-sixth  ballot,  Jefferson 
had  ten  states;  Burr,  four;  and  two  states  gave  a  blank 
vote.  The  presence  of  every  member  during  this  extraor- 
dinary scene,  which  lasted  seven  days,  was  indispensable. 
Some  of  them  were  infirm  or  indisposed,  and  were  accom- 
modated with  beds  or  couches ;  and  one  member  was  so 
indisposed  as  to  be  attended  by  his  wife.  The  whole  num- 
ber present  was  one  hundred  and  four ;  of  whom  a  majority 
were  federalists,  though  there  was  not  a  federal  majority  of 
states.  The  election  was  decided  by  the  votes  of  Vermont 
and  Maryland.  Lewis  R.  Morris  is  said  to  have  withdrawn, 
leaving  his  colleague,  the  famous  Matthew  Lyon,  (who  was 
convicted  of  sedition,)  to  vote  for  Vermont.  Four  federalists, 
in  Maryland,  are  said  to  have  given  blank  votes,  and  the 
other  four  members  from  that  state,  to  have  voted  for  Jef- 
ferson. 

These  seven  days  of  balloting  were  days  of  great  excite- 
ment. Mr.  Adams  was  there  as  President,  contemplating 
the  approach  of  his  political  annihilation.  Mr.  Jefferson 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  149 

was  there,  daily  presiding  in  the  Senate,  in  all  the  inquietude 
of  success  or  defeat.  Burr  was  at  New  York  or  Albany. 
The  federalists,  in  the  House,  had  a  most  painful  and  re- 
sponsible duty  to  perform ;  that  of  choosing  between  two 
such  men  as  Jefferson  and  Burr !  Among  the  rumors  of 
the  time  was  this :  That  the  federalists  could,  and  would, 
prevent  any  election,  and  would  permit  the  balloting  to  go 
on  till  the  4th  of  March,  and  consider  both  offices  (Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President)  vacant,  and  leave  to  the  President 
of  the  Senate  to  exercise  the  executive  power.  Another 
rumor  was,  that  a  law  could  be  passed  to  vest  in  some 
person  the  executive  power.  It  is  not  improbable  that, 
from  the  abhorrence  which  some  members  may  have  felt  of 
seeing  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  office  of  President,  means  were 
spoken  of  adapted  to  prevent  such  a  national  misfortune. 
Doubtless  the  federalists  would  have  done  anything,  which 
they  believed  to  be  constitutional  and  dutiful,  to  prevent  it ; 
but  no  such  propositions  are  supposed  to  have  been  discussed. 
The  Jeffersonians  insisted  that  the  people  meant  Jefferson 
should  be  President,  and  that,  if  the  House  did  not  choose 
him,  an  armed  force  would  go  from  the  neighboring  states 
to  compel  the  House  to  choose  him  ;  or,  more  probably,  to 
choose  him  themselves.  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  in  a  letter  under 
date  of  February  15,  (1801)  to  James  Monroe,  while  the 
election  was  pending,  (vol.  iii.  452,)  "  If  they  could  have 
"  been  permitted  to  pass  a  law  for  putting  the  government 
"  into  the  hands  of  an  officer,  they  would  certainly  have 
"  prevented  an  election.  But  we  thought  it  best  to  declare, 
"  one  and  all,  openly  and  firmly,  that  the  day  such  an  act 
"  passed,  the  middle  states  would  arm ;  and  that  no  such 
"  usurpation,  even  for  a  single  day,  should  be  submitted  to. 
"  This  first  shook  them  ;  and  they  were  completely  alarmed 
"  at  the  resource  for  which  we  declared,  viz.  to  re-organize 
"  the  government,  and  to  amend  it.  The  very  word  con- 
"  vention  gives  them  the  horrors,  as  in  the  present  democrati- 
"  cal  spirit  of  America,  they  fear  they  should  lose  some  of , 
"  the  favorite  morsels  of  the  constitution."  One  would  have 
thought  this  a  favorable  time  for  the  "  monarchists"  to  have 
made  an  attempt  to  set  up  a  king.  The  government  would 
have  come  to  a  natural  and  easy  dissolution,  by  refusing  to 
elect  a  President,  and  no  better  chance  of  scrambling  for 
royalty  could  ever  be  expected. 
13* 


150  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Mr.  Jefferson  says  that  he  was  frequently  asked,  during 

this  time,  to  promise  that  he  would  not  do  certain  acts  which 

the  federalists  feared  he  would  do ;  that  is,  that  he  would 

preserve  certain    features  of  federal   policy.     He  says  he 

answered  that  he  would  not  go  into  office  with  his  hands 

tied.     It  must  be  admitted  that  he  acted  with  some  firmness 

(if  the  fact  was  so)  in  refusing,  what  proved  to  be  for  him 

a  crown    (as  he  says)  "  on    capitulation."     Among  other 

rumors  was  this  :  Hamilton  is  said  to  have  been  consulted  ; 

and  that  he  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  better  to  choose  Jef- 

.  ferson  than  Burr.     He  seems  to  have  had  an  abhorrence  of 

f   Burr,  and  to  have  believed  it  safer  to  trust  to  Jefferson's 

characteristic  timidity  than   to  Burr's   insatiable    ambition. 

It  was  as  embarrassing  a  question  as  could  be  proposed  to 

an  honorable  and  patriotic  mind,  which  of  these  two  men 

might  do  the  most  mischief!  It  might  have  made  a  favor- 

/  able  difference  to  this  country  if  Burr  had  been  preferred, 

(whatever   Burr  may  have  been   since   that  day;  and,  cer- 

/  tainly,  all  the  difference  of  life  and  death,  to  Hamilton  him- 

(  self. 

This  election  of  President  (in  February,  1801,  by  the 
House  of  Representatives)  is  sufficiently  interesting  to  be 
further  noticed,  for  two  reasons ;  first,  to  present  a  true 
account  of  the  federal  party  in  the  House,  whose  adversaries 
attributed  to  them  very  reprehensible  designs  and  attempts  ; 
secondly,  to  show  the  true  character  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
"  Anas,"  and  records.  Both  these  objects  will  be  accom- 
plished by  the  perusal  of  evidence  contained  in  the  Appen- 
dix. This  evidence  was  published  in  the  National  Gazette, 
(Philadelphia,)  January  1,  1830,  by  Richard  H.  Bayard, 
and  James  A.  Bayard,  sons  of  a  gentleman  of  the  latter 
name,  in  refutation  of  two  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  statements. 
This  is  an  instance,  in  which  it  was  deemed  a  duty  to  a 
deceased  parent,  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
assertions.  It  will  be  seen,  by  the  perusal  of  that  evidence, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  is  plainly  in  error.  Being  proved  to  be 
so,  in  this  case,  a  strong  presumption  arises,  that  if  the  truth 
of  his  statements,  in  other  cases,  could  be  tested  in  like 
manner,  they  would  be  found  to  be  equally  erroneous. 

James  A.  Bayard,  the  gentleman  whom  Mr.  Jefferson 
mentions  so  improperly,  was  a  descendant  of  the  Chevalier 
Bayard,  who  died  in  1524  ;  and  who  is  familiarly  known 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  151 

as  the  man  (sans  peur  et  sans  reproche)  without  fear  and 
without  reproach.  In  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Bayard  in 
1801,  and  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  he  says, 
"  I  shall  never  lose  sight  of  the  motto  of  the  great  original 
"  of  our  name."  This  gentleman  was  an  eminent  lawyer 
in  the  state  of  Delaware.  He  was  in  both  branches  of 
Congress,  and  was  second  to  no  one  in  either  branch.  He 
was  one  of  the  envoys  who  made  the  treaty  of  peace  at 
Ghent  in  1814.  He  was  a  tall,  well  proportioned,  erect 
man,  of  light  complexion,  light  hair,  of  handsome  face, 
intelligent  and  manly  expression,  and  of  courteous  and  dig- 
nified manners.  He  was  one,  of  whom  it  might  be  truly 
said,  that  nature,  education,  mind,  heart,  and  habit,  had" 
combined  to  make  a  gentleman.  His  eloquence  was  lofty 
and  commanding.  He  had,  eminently,  the  first  of  its 
requisites,  sincerity,  and  certainty  that  he  was  right.  It 
was  such  a  man,  that  Thomas  Jefferson  would  declare,  even 
from  his  own  tomb,  to  be  a  political  knave. 

The  two  passages  complained  of  by  Mr.  Bayard's  sons  are 
the  following.  The  first  of  them  will  be  found  in  vol.  iv. 
p.  515. 

"  February  12,  1801.  Edward  Livingston  tells  me,  that 
Bayard  applied  to-day,  or  last  night,  to  General  Smith,  and 
represented  to  him  the  expediency  of  his  coming  over  to 
the  states  who  vote  for  Burr  ;  that  there  was  nothing  in 
the  way  of  appointment  which  he  might  not  command, 
and  particularly  mentioned  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Navy. 
Smith  asked  him  if  he  was  authorized  to  make  the  offer. 
He  said  he  was  authorized.  Smith  told  this  to  Living- 
ston, and  to  W.  C.  Nicholas,  who  confirms  it  to  me. 
Bayard,  in  like  manner,  tempted  Livingston,  not  by  offer- 
ing any  particular  office,  but  by  representing  to  him  his, 
Livingston's,  intimacy  and  connexion  with  Burr ;  that 
from  him  he  had  every  thing  to  expect,  if  he  would  come 
over  to  him.  To  Dr.  Linn,  of  New  Jersey,  they  have 
offered  the  government  of  New  Jersey.  See  a  paragraph 
in  Martin's  Baltimore  paper,  of  February  10,  signed  '  A 
Looker-on,'  stating  an  intimacy  between  Harper  and  Burr." 
Mr.  Jefferson  begins  in  page  520  of  the  4th  volume, 
under  date  of  April  15,  1806,  the  record  of  an  interview 
with  Burr,  which  occurred,  he  says,  about  a  month  before, 
in  which  Burr  (then  Ex-Vice  President)  appears  to  have 


152  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

intimated  that  an  office  would  be  agreeable  to  him.  Mr. 
Jefferson  says  that  he  said  to  Burr,  "  that  if  we  believed  a 
"  few  newspapers,  it  might  be  supposed  he  had  lost  public 
"  confidence,  but  that  /  knew  how  easy  it  was  to  engage 
"  newspapers  in  any  thing"  "  That  as  to  any  harm  he 
"  could  do  me,  I  knew  no  cause  why  he  should  desire  it ; 
"  but  at  the  same  time  I  feared  no  injury  which  any  man 
"  could  do  me ;  that  I  had  never  done  a  single  act,  or  been 
"  concerned  in  any  transaction,  which  I  feared  to  have  fully 
"  laid  open,  or  which  could  do  me  any  hurt,  if  truly  stated." 

He  then  adds,  (same  page)  "  I  did  not  commit  these  things 
"  to  writing  at  the  time,  but  I  do  it  now,  because  in  a  suit 
"  between  him,  [Burr]  and  Cheetham,  he  has  had  a  deposi- 
"  tion  of  Mr.  Bayard  taken,  which  has  no  relation  to  the 
"  suit,  nor  to  any  other  object  than  to  calumniate  me.  Bay- 
"  ard  pretends  to  have  addressed  to  me,  during  the  pending 
"  of  the  presidential  election,  in  February,  1801,  through 
"  General  Samuel  Smith,  certain  conditions  on  which  my 
"  election  might  be  obtained ;  and  that  General  Smith, 
"  after  conversing  with  me,  gave  answers  for  me.  This  is 
"  absolutely  false.  No  proposition  of  any  kind  was  ever 
"  made  to  me  on  that  occasion,  by  General  Smith,  nor  any 
"  answer  authorized  by  me  ;  and  this  fact  General  Smith 
"  affirms  at  this  moment." 

Now,  so  it  is,  that  Mr.  Bayard  was  one  of  the  six  persons 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  whom  the  election  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  depended  ;  either  of  whom  could  have  decided 
the  election  ;  and  that  Bayard  had  less  repugnance  to  the 
election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  than  to  that  of  Mr.  Burr  ; .  and 
that  he  could,  at  any  balloting,  have  settled^the  question  by 
his  vote ;  and  was  resolved  that  there  should  be  an  election. 
It  also  happens,  that  on  the  same  day  when  Mr.  Jefferson 
made  his  record,  General  Smith,  a  personal  and  politi- 
cal friend  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  engaged  in  giving  his 
deposition  in  a  case,  in  which  he  declares,  that  he 
undertook,  being  a  resident  in  the  same  house  with  Mr. 
Jefferson,  to  inquire  into  his  policy  concerning  commerce, 
the  navy,  and  the  funding  system  ;  that  he  did  inquire  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  did  report  his  answers ;  and  that  the  election 
was  thereupon  made.  He  and  Mr.  Bayard  both  testify,  that 
no  proposition  was  made  to  either  of  them,  nor  by  either  of 
them,  to  promote  Burr's  election.  Mr.  Bayard  says,  that 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  153 

at  this  time  he  had  no  personal  acquaintance  with  Burr ; 
and  that  he  knew  not  of  any  effort  made  by  Burr,  to  pro- 
mote his  own  election  ;  that  no  means  to  that  end  were 
taken,  among  the  members,  but  argument  and  persuasion, 
founded  on  the  belief,  that  it  would  be  less  disastrous  to  the 
country  to  elect  Burr,  than  to  elect  Jefferson.  It  is  further- 
more a  fact,  that  General  Smith,  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate 
denied  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had  recorded  TRUTHS  ;  and 
another  fact  that  Mr.  Livingston  stated,  also,  on  the  floor  of 
the  Senate,  that  he  remembered  no  such  TRUTHS,  as  Mr. 
Jefferson  had  recorded  concerning  himself. 

If  Mr.  Jefferson  could  so  write,  on  facts  which  must  have 
been  within  his  own  knowledge,  and  adapted  to  be  strongly 
impressed  on  his  memory,  it  casts  a  deep  shade  over  his 
"  tells  me  "  assertions,  and  over  his  hearsay  records,  receiv- 
ed from  persons,  who  had,  probably,  learned  how  to  gratify 
his  sense  of  hearing.  * 


LETTER    XXXVIII. 

JUNE  23,  1833. 

THE  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  was  regarded  with  strongly 
contrasted  feelings,  by  the  two  great  parties  of  the  United 
States.  He  had  not  been  a  prominent  object  of  attention, 
while  in  retirement,  between  his  resignation  of  the  office  of 
Secretary,  and  his  Vice  Presidency.  While  in  the  latter 
office,  he  was  only  a  presiding  officer,  and  had  no  call  to  ex- 
press his  opinions,  publicly.  As  soon  as  it  was  ascertained 
that  he,  or  Burr,  must  be  the  President,  it  became  highly  in- 

*  The  evidence  collected  by  the  sons  of  Mr.  Bayard  to  vindicate  the 
honorable  fame  of  their  father,  against  the  calumnies  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
consists  of  two  depositions  given  by  Mr.  Bayard,  in  cases  of  libel 
which  arose  out  of  the  election  of  February,  1801 ;  and  of  a  deposition 
of  Samuel  Smith,  in  one  of  those  cases  ;  —  also  of  letters  from  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  who  were  present  at  that  election.  This  evidence 
is  accompanied  by  some  very  becoming  commentaries  from  Mr.  Bay- 
ard's sons,  and  was  made  public  January  1,  1830,  through  the  Na- 
tional Gazette,  (Philadelphia)  in  consequence  of  Colonel  Hayne's 
(South  Carolina)  having  introduced  Mr.  Jefferson's  record  of  facts, 
in  a  debate  in  the  Senate.  This  evidence  is  historically  important. 


154  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

teresting,  to  both  parties,  to  investigate  his  character,  and 
his  political  propensities.  He  was  portrayed  according  to 
the  perceptions  of  the  two  parties,  and  presented  in  striking 
colors. 

By  the  one  party,  he  was  represented,  as  the  early  advo- 
cate of  religious  freedom,  and  of  the  rights  of  man  ;  the 
great  apostle  of  liberty  ;  the  friend  of  our  excellent  ally, 
France ;  the  determined  foe  of  British  influence  ;  the  re- 
former of  constitutional  errors  ;  a  sage,  a  philosopher,  a  true 
patriot,  and  genuine  republican. 

By  the  other,  —  as  a  man  destitute  of  the  commonly 
received  moral  principles ;  and  one  who  entertained  no 
respect  for  the  acknowledged  foundation  of  all  moral  prin- 
ciple ;  the  devoted  admirer,  and  blind  apologist  of  one 
foreign  nation,  and  the  uncompromising  enemy  of  another  ; 
nor  less  an  enemy  to  the  men  who  had  conducted  the  govern- 
ment for  the  first  twelve  years,  and  to  all  their  measures  ; 
nor  only  so,  he  was  declared  to  be  hostile  to  the  constitution 
itself,  and  would  exercise  the  powers  which  it  vested  in  him, 
to  gratify  one  portion  of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  humble  the 
other  ;  that  he  would  not  be  the  dignified  head  of  a  great 
republic,  but  an  intolerant  party  chieftain  ;  that  his  learn- 
ing had  been  used  to  break  down  and  remove,  rather  than 
to  uphold  and  preserve,  the  landmarks  by  which  the  virtuous 
and  intelligent  had,  for  ages,  bounded  social  welfare. 

How  far  from  the  truth  these  parties  respectively  were,  it 
is  certainly  of  some  importance  to  know.  How  near  that 
posterity,  to  which  Mr.  Jefferson  appeals,  will  come  to  the 
truth,  cannot  be  foreseen.  It  is  probable  that  the  obscurity 
rhich  time  throws  over  motives  and  acts,  and  the  generali- 
zation which  is  all  that  the  limits  of  common  history  permits, 
will  prevent  a  true  estimate  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  merits  and 
faults,  among  those  of  future  days.  Time  will  also  diminish 
the  interest  which  will  be  felt  in  this  gentleman's  real  char- 
acter, and  he  will,  probably,  be  known  only  as  one  who  held 
the  first  station  in  his  country  ;  and  that  certain  prominent 
^  events  occurred  in  his  time  ;  but  why  did  they  occur,  will 
(  interest  very  few. 

This  is  not  so,  with  those  who  are  now  living.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson has  made  it  highly  interesting  to  them  to  know  his 
true  character,  and  the  meaning  and  consequences  of  his 
policy.  If  it  be  true,  as  many  suppose  it  to  be,  that  he  was 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  155 

the  original  cause  of  the  dangerous  theories  and  practice, 
which  now  threaten  to  destroy  the  security  and  happiness  of 
the  American  people  :  if  he  was  the  author  of  that  perver- 
sion of  our  institutions,  intended  for  common  welfare  of  the 
whole,  to  the  exclusive  use  and  benefit  of  a  few  ;  if  he  was 
the  creator  of  that  destroyer  of  all  republics,  PARTY,  the  well 
known  precursor  of  despotism ;  if  his  political  acts,  and  his 
private  writings,  now  given  to  the  world  with  the  sanction 
of  his  own  name,  prove,  that  all  or  any  of  these  suppositions 
may  be  true,  —  surely,  all  of  the  present  day  are  interested 
to  inquire,  and  to  decide. 

Taking  his  public  messages,  and  other  official  documents, 
as  the  true  index  of  his  purposes  as  a  public  officer ;  and 
then  taking  the  contents  of  his  own  volumes  as  the  true 
interpreter  of  his  true  meaning  in  all  things,  which  he  did 
as  an  officer,  as  a  citizen,  and  as  a  man,  we  may  arrive  at 
demonstration. 

It  will,  on  such  authority,  appear,  that  from  the  22d  of 
March,  1790,  to  the  4th  of  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
three  great  purposes  always  in  view,  and  that  he  spared  no 
exertion  to  accomplish  them  :  1.  The  aggrandizement  of 
France.  2.  The  destruction  of  England.  3.  The  demoli- 
tion of  federalists,  as  a  party  ;  and  the  expatriation  of  the 
citizens  who  were  of  that  party. 

It  will  also  appear,  that  the  means  taken  to  accomplish  his 
objects,  would  be  considered,  in  any  other  man,  to  be  sub- 
versive of  the  honor  and  independence  of  his  own  country ; 
a  perversion  of  its  institutions ;  unjust  in  motive  ;  oppressive 
and  demoralizing,  in  effect.  But  Mr.  Jefferson  is  singularly 
privileged  from  all  imputations  of  base  or  unworthy  motives, 
in  any  case.  He  has  undertaken  to  be  responsible  for  his 
own  honesty.  If  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  was  honest, 
that  is,  that  he  really  saw  himself,  his  fellow-citizens,  his 
country,  and  its  institutions,  as  he  represents  himself  to  have 
seen  them,  he  has  proved  his  honesty  at  the  expense  of 
respect  for  his  intelligence,  and  of  esteem  for  his  heart. 
If  it  were  any  other  man,  one  might  venture  to  say  that  he 
thought  anything  right,  which  he  thought  expedient ;  and 
that  anything  was  expedient,  as  to  object  and  means,  which 
would  accomplish  his  own  ends. 

When  Mr.  Jefferson  became  President,  the  people  had 
deliberately  established  a  national  form  of  government,  as 


156  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

accurately  defined  as  could  be  done  by  human  wisdom.  It 
had  received  a  practical  construction  during  twelve  years, 
by  very  able  men,  and  whom  history  will  honor  as  wise, 
virtuous,  and  patriotic.  Fallible,  they  may  have  been,  and 
may  have  erred,  under  high  party  excitements,  and  in 
opposing  those  whom  they  regarded  as  dangerous  partisans, 
whether  these  were  deluded,  or  dishonest. 

The  Jeffersonian  party,  of  the  last  thirty  years,  have  never 
amended  the  system  which  the  first  twelve  years  established. 
They  have  often  departed  from  it,  and  perverted  it ;  but  in 
their  pressing  necessities  have  always  returned  to  it,  and 
relied  upon  it.  That  system  contemplated  and  provided  for 
the  national  security  and  independence,  by  a  sound  credit, 
by  reasonable  means  of  defence,  by  honorable  and  prudent 
policy,  as  to  all  other  nations.  At  home,  it  meant  to  secure, 
and  did  secure,  tranquillity,  the  reasonable  protection  of 
domestic  industry,  gradual  internal  improvement,  a  sound 
currency,  and  unrestrained  exercise  of  every  power  to  ac- 
quire and  enjoy,  so  far  as  the  policy,  rightfully  adopted  by 
foreign  nations,  would  allow.  This  system  left,  to  state 
sovereignty,  its  legitimate  sphere  of  action,  uncontrolled. 
As  the  guardian  and  protector  of  all  these  rights,  privileges, 
and  enjoyments,  it  provided  a  learned  and  independent  judi- 
ciary, capable  of  restraining  the  plain  excess  of  legislative 
and  executive  action  in  national  affairs  ;  and  of  state  sove- 
reignty, whenever  this  should  happen  to  exercise  power, 
wtych  the  people  had  clearly  vested  in  the  sovereignty  of  the 
nation. 

At  the  time  when  Mr.  Jefferson  came  in,  the  United 
States  were  prosperous  under  that  system.  The  relations 
with  all  foreign  nations  (except  two  on  the  coast  of  Barbary) 
were  pacific  ;  and  with  most  of  them,  friendly.  The  public 
debt  was  insignificant,  compared  with  national  means.  At 
home,  excepting  the  factious  temper,  (which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  done  much  to  encourage,)  all  was  well ;  and  never  had 
any  man  a  fairer  opportunity  to  secure  to  himself  an  honora- 
ble fame,  and  to  transmit  his  memory,  to  distant  days  as 
one  of  the  worthiest  of  rulers  our  country  had  known.  There 
was  reason  to  expect  that  the  party  who  had  hoped  nothing, 
but  had  feared  every  thing  frpm  him,  might  have  been  un- 
justifiably prejudiced. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  157 


LETTER    XXXIX. 

JUJVE  27,  1333. 

IN  his  inaugural  speech,  Mr.  Jefferson  soothed  the  serious 
apprehensions  which  were  entertained,  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  he  might  exercise  executive  power.  "  Let  us  reflect,"  ' 
says  he,  "  that  having  banished  from  our  land  that  religious 
"  intolerance  under  which  mankind  so  long  bled  and  suf- 
"  fered,  we  have  yet  gained  little,  if  we  countenance  an 
"  intolerance  as  despotic,  as  wicked,  and  capable  of  as  bitter 
"  and  bloody  persecutions."  "  Every  difference  of  opinion 
"  is  not  a  difference  of  principle.  We  have  called  by  dif- 
"  ferent  names  brethren  of  the  same  principles.  We  are 
"  all  republicans,  all  federalists."  "  If  there  be  any  among 
"  us,  who  would  wish  to  dissolve  this  Union,  or  to  change's 
"  its  republican  form,  let  them  stand  undisturbed,  as  monu- 
"  ments  of  the  safety  with  which  error  of  opinion  may  be 
"  tolerated,  when  reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it."  From 
these  declarations  there  was  good  reason  to  hope,  that  Mr. 
Jefferson  intended  to  be  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  not  the  chief  of  an  intolerant  and  vindictive  party. 
Afflicted  as  the  federalists  may  have  been  at  seeing  the  exec- 
utive power  pass  into  his  hands,  they  would  have  cheerfully 
sustained  him  in  the  exercise  of  it,  if  that  exercise  of  power 
had  been  even  in  conformity  with  his  own  declarations. 
On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Jefferson  did  all  he  could  to  subvert 
every  measure  which  the  federal  party  had  adopted,  and  to 
obliterate  every  trace  of  their  administration. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  personal  deportment  of 
the  two  first  Presidents,  as  essential  to  the  maintenance  and 
dignity  of  their  stations,  and  to  secure  themselves  from  in- 
terruptions, and  from  the  loss  of  time  necessary  in  the  dis- 
charge of  public  duties,  it  could  not   be  agreeable  to  the    • 
nation,  to  see  the  abolition  of  all  official  dignity.     This  it-. 
was  Mr.  Jefferson's  pleasure  to  do.     He  had  no  appropriate 
hours  for  visiting.     He  was  accessible  by  any   one,  almost   . 
at  any  hour,  and  descended,  at  once,  to  the  lowest  level.  "* 
To  this  example  may  be  traced  the  scenes  which  are  noticed 
at  this  day,  in  the  abode  of  the  President,  and  which  mortify 
14 


158  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

our  own  community,  and  furnish  a  subject  of  ridicule  to 
European  travellers. 

The  first  contrast  between  Mr.  Jefferson's  inaugural 
declarations  and  his  intended  acts  occurred  early  in  1801. 
Elizur  Goodrich  had  been  appointed  collector  of  New 
Haven  by  Mr.  Adams.  In  June  he  was  removed,  without 
any  suggestion  of  incompetency,  as  to  talents  or  integrity, 
and  a  partisan,  by  the  name  of  Samuel  Bishop,  was  appoint- 
ed. This  drew  from  the  merchants  and  most  respectable 
men  of  that  city  a  calm  remonstrance,  in  which  they  assert 
Goodrich's  promptness,  integrity,  and  ability ;  and  add,  that 
these  were  qualities  not  to  be  found  in  Bishop.  They  also 
assert,  that  Bishop  was  nearly  seventy-eight  years  of  age, 
and  so  infirm  as  scarcely  to  be  able  to  write  his  own  name ; 
that  he  was  unacquainted  with  revenue  laws,  or  mercantile 
business,  or  even  with  the  most  simple  forms  of  accounting. 
To  this  remonstrance  Mr.  Jefferson  made  an  answer,  on 
the  12th  of  July,  in  which  he  says,  among  other  things  : 
"  Declarations  by  myself  in  favor  of  political  tolerance, 
"  exhortations  to  harmony  and  affection  in  social  intercourse, 
"  and  respect  for  the  equal  rights  of  the  minority  have,  on 
"  certain  occasions,  been  quoted  and  misconstrued  into  as- 
"  surances,  that  the  tenure  of  offices  was  not  to  be  disturbed. 
"  But  could  candor  apply  such  a  construction  ?" 

It  was  thus  manifested  what  Mr.  Jefferson's  construction 
of  assurances  would  be,  and  what  his  acts  would  be, 
throughout  his  administration. 

In  the  memorable  debate  which  arose  on  Mr.  Jefferson's 
proposal  to  abolish  the  Courts,  (House  of  Rep.  Feb.  1802,) 
Mr.  Giles's  speech  disclosed  the  hostility  which  the  Jefferso- 
nians  entertained  towards  all  federal  measures  from  the  first 
institution  of  the  government.     Mr.  Bayard,  in  his  masterly 
reply  to  Mr.  Giles,  states  what  the  executive  policy  had  al- 
ready shown  itself  to  be  in  dismissing  worthy  officers,  and 
in  appointing  mere  partisans.     Mr.  B.  said :  "  If  the  eyes 
'  of  the  gentleman  are  delighted  with  victims,  —  if  objects 
'  of  misery  are  grateful  to  his  feelings,  —  let  me  turn  his 
'  view  from  the  walks  of  the  Judges  to  the  track    of  the 
'  present  executive.     It  is  in  this  path  that  we  see  the  real 
'  victims  of  stern,   uncharitable,  unrelenting  power.     It  is 
'  here  we  see  the  soldier  who  fought  the  battles  of  the  revo- 
'  lution,  who  spilt  his  blood,  and  devoted  his  strength  to 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  159 

'  establish  the  independence  of  his  country,  deprived  of  the 
<  reward  of  his  services,  and  left  to  pine  in  penury  and 
'  wretchedness.  It  is  along  this  path  that  you  may  see 
helpless  children  crying  for  bread,  and  gray  hairs  sinking 
•  in  sorrow  to  the  grave !  It  is  here,  that  no  innocence,  no 
'  merit,  no  truth,  no  services  can  save  the  unhappy  sectary, 
'  who  does  not  believe  in  the  creed  of  those  in  power." 

That  which  the  people  of  the  United  States  ought  to  re- 
gard with  abhorrence,  in  a  President,  is  the  implied  in- 
vitation given  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  all  political  adversaries, 
to  abandon  their  creeds  and  adopt  his  own  ;  and  the  clearly 
implied  promise  of  reward  for  apostacy.  This  was  a  well- 
known  mode  of  strengthening  party,  long  before  there  were 
white  Americans.  Mr.  Jefferson  has  the  distinction  of 
having  introduced  it  into  our  republic.  He  carried  it  to  its 
full  extent,  officially  and  privately.  In  no  nation,  no,  not 
even  in  Rome,  in  its  most  corrupt  days,  has  this  demoraliz- 
ing seduction  been  more  effective  than  in  our  own  land, 
since  Mr.  Jefferson  became  President. 

Opinions,  long  entertained,  as  to  men  and  measures,  and 
as  to  creeds  in  religion,  are  sometimes  honestly  and  honor- 
ably abandoned,  and  opposite  ones  adopted.  But  a  change 
cannot  be  honest  or  honorable,  where  there  is  no  new  fact, 
nor  any  reason  for  viewing  facts,  before  admitted,  in  any 
new  light.  Surely  no  change  can  be  so,  where  the  sudden 
convert  realizes  benefits,  not  to  be  had  without  apostacy. 

The  distinction  between  parties  was  so  marked  in  Mr. 
Jefferson's  time,  that  there  could  be  no  half-way  change. 
The  convert  could  do  nothing  short  of  what  is  done  by  a 
deserter  from  an  army.  Those  who  went  over  to  Jefferson- 
ism  had  the  only  merit  of  being  ashamed  of  their  desertion. 
To  cover  this,  and  to  prove  their  sincerity,  they  resorted  to 
the  bitterest  condemnation  of  their  former  principles  and 
associates.  The  most  malignant  libellers  of  federal  men 
and  of  federal  measures  were  those  who  had  been  federal- 
ists themselves.  Sustained  by  the  salaries  of  office,  and 
raised  by  titles  above  those  they  had  deserted,  they  could 
clearly  see  how  base,  plotting,  and  traitorous  some  of  their 
fellow  citizens  were,  with  whom,  but  yesterday,  they  were 
proud  to  rank,  and  most  zealous  to  uphold  as  worthy  pat- 
riots. Trace  such  men  through  to  the  end,  and  how  has  it 
fared  with  them  ?  By  adroit  and  timely  desertions  they 


160 

may  have  found,  for  a  while,  office  and  emolument.  But, 
how  is  it  with  them,  when  they  come  to  the  searching  ques- 
tion, What  do  my  fellow  men  think  of  me?  A  Caesar,  an 
Augustus,  a  Napoleon  cannot  evade  this  question.  The 
long  list  of  dishonest  deserters,  which  could  be  furnished, 
would  show,  that  few,  in  the  revolutionary  action  of  party, 
secured  the  good  they  sought ;  and  that  all  of  them  planted 
a  thorn  in  conscience,  which  never  withers,  nor  ceases  to 
prick.  This  was  one  of  the  practical  uses  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's "  exhortation  to  harmony  and  affection  in  social  in- 
"  tercourse." 

There  were  instances  of  departure  from  the  federal  side, 
distinguishable  from  such  as  have  been  mentioned,  and 
which  did  not  deserve  reproach.  There  were  timid  men, 
who  did  not  entirely  approve  of  federal  views  of  the  national 
policy  ;  others,  who  thought  themselves  not  to  have  been 
sufficiently  valued  and  respected  by  their  federal  associates ; 
and  some,  who  were  by  nature  and  inclination  Jeffersonians, 
and  who  originally  mistook  their  side,  and  very  properly 
went  over  where  they  belonged.  When  one  leaves  the  true 

f  line,  circumstances  force  him  further  and  further  from  it, 
and  he  must  go  over  to  the  adversary,  finally,  as  there  is  no 

\intermediate  tenure.  But  in  all  cases  of  such  change  of 
opinion,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  feeling,  not  unlike  that 
in  political  changes,  at  the  present  day.  One,  who  goes 
over  from  the  opposition  to  the  Jackson  ranks,  feels  that  he 
has  a  defence  to  make  ;  while  one  who  abandons  Jackson- 
ism  holds  his  head  up,  and  feels  that  he  has  done  an  act  for 
which  he  may  respect  himself.  Thus  in  politics,  as  in 

r  morals,  there  is  a  sense  of  right  and  wrong,  which  men  are 
alive  to,  whether  they  admit  its  influence  or  not.  There 
are  few  Jackson  men  in  the  United  States,  (who  can  pre- 
tend to  good  sense  and  sound  principle,)  who  do  not  feel 
a  degree  of  shame  that  they  are  such. 

It  is  the  disease  of  republics,  that  they  give  life  and  action 
to  craving,  knavish  pretenders  to  integrity  and.  patriotism. 
They  are  the  humble  servants  of  any  power  that  has  any- 
thing to  bestow.  They  are  incompetent  to  gaining  their 
daily  bread  in  any  of  the  industrious  orders  of  social  life ; 
and  must,  therefore,  be  where  they  can  catch  the  droppings 
of  the  treasury.  Political  chevaliers  d'industric,  they  are 
ready  to  profess  and  to  do  anything  that  promises  gain  and 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  161 

power.  But,  such  patriots  must  keep  careful  reckonings,  and 
make  accurate  observations.  They  change  their  course  once 
too  soon  or  too  late,  and  blunder ;  and  then  all  eyes  are 
turned  to  the  course  which  they  have  run.  The  wreck  that 
follows  has  no  one's  sympathy  or  compassion.  They  learn, 
too  late,  that  honesty  is  the  best  policy  no  less  in  political, 
than  in  common  affairs.  There  is  rarely  a  Talleyrand 
among  them.  There  is  one  hope  for  such  men  ;  that  is  — 
if  the  republic  can  be  converted  into  despotism,  while  they 
happen  to  be  in  favor,  they  may  acquire  a  stability  of  position 
in  supporting  a  tyranny,  which  will  support  them. 

JMr.  Jefferson's  followers  have  already  made  some  improve- 
ments on  his  theories.  They  have  advanced  now  to  the 
point,  that  the  President,  no,  tJie  man,  who  has  been  imposed 
upon  the  nation  to  hold  that  office,  is  "  The  Government." 
The  laws,  Congress,  the  judiciary,  the  constitution,  are  all 
nothing  ;  the  MAN  is  every  thing.  How  far  are  we  from  a 
political  Augustan  age  ? 

From  the  4th  of  March,  1801,  to  the  7th  of  December, 
when  Congress  met,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  ample  time  to  con- 
sider and  determine,  in  what  manner  he  would  carry  his 
will  into  effect,  so  far  as  legislative  aid  was  thereto  indis- 
pensable. He  lost  no  time  in  disclosing,  though  with  his 
accustomed  plausibility,  that  all  the  fears  which  his  op- 
ponents had  entertained  as  to  his  policy,  foreign  and  domes- 
tic, were  to  become  realities;  and  that  all  his  dreaded 
purposes  were  to  be  enforced,  in  the  full  vigor  of  official 
power. 

It  was  common,  thirty  years  ago,  to  charge  Mr.  Jefferson 
with  deliberate  wickedness  in  his  office ;  and  to  consider 
him  as  intending  to  disregard  all  the  obligations  which  hon- 
orable, moral  men  acknowledge.  This  was,  probably,  an 
injustice.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  he  had 
either  a  singular  obliquity  of  perception,  as  to  right  and 
wrong,  both  as  a  man  and  as  an  officer ;  or,  that  he  had 
undergone  some  strange  perversion  from  that  rank  of  moral 
agents,  to  which  he  was,  by  nature,  destined.  His  adver- 
saries made  no  such  apologies  for  him.  They  believed  that 
he  did  wrong,  knowing  that  it  was  wrong,  and  because  he 
meant  to  do  wrong.  Accordingly  they  portrayed  him  in 
the  public  prints,  at  full  length.  Some  of  his  friends  had 
the  indiscretion  to  introduce  some  of  these  sketches  to  the 
14* 


162  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

notice  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Massachusetts,  at 
the  session  in  January,  1805.  The  newspaper,  in  which 
the  commentaries  alluded  to  appeared,  was  published  by  the 
printers  of  the  House.  The  object  of  the  motion  was  to 
have  the  printers  dismissed.  It  did  not  succeed.  If  these 
delineations  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  to  go  down  as  authentic 
proofs  of  the  character  of  the  man,  he  would  fare  but  indif- 
ferently with  that  cool  judgment  of  posterity,  to  which  he 
confidently  appeals.  It  is  not  intended  to  revive  these 
personal  criminations.  Whether  the  assertions,  so  made, 
were  mere  calumnies,  or  truths,  modified  as  they  may 
have  been,  is  immaterial  to  the  present  American  public. 
His  official  conduct  is  most  material,  not  only  to  the  com- 
munity of  this  day ;  but  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  it  may  be 
so  to  every  community,  which  is  hereafter  to  arise  in  our 
country. 


LETTER   XL. 

JUNE  30,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON'S  opinions  on  the  Judiciary  were  among 
the  most  mischievous  of  any  which  he  entertained.  He  had 
a  rooted  dislike  to  courts ;  particularly  to  those  which  were 
established  at  the  recommendation  of  his  friend,  John 
Adams,  as  barriers  against  such  encroachments  as  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson was  supposed  to  intend.  These  courts  were  not 
only  constitutionally  independent,  but  the  judges,  who  had 
been  placed  therein,  were  nearly  all  federalists. 

If  there  be  anything,  which  is  capable  of  sustaining  popu- 
lar governments,  and  keeping  their  action  within  legitimate 
constitutional  boundaries,  it  is  a  learned,  self-respecting, 
independent  judiciary.  To  make  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  all  questions  on  the  excess  of  power,  dependent 
on  popular  excitement,  is  to  assume,  that  mere  human  pas- 
sion is  the  best  arbiter  of  right  and  wrong.  On  this  subject, 
Mr.  Jefferson  entertained  and  dissemninated  the  most  ex- 
ceptionable doctrines.  This  seems  to  have  been  his  theory : 
The  people  are  the  sovereign ;  whatsoever  they  will  is  the 
law ;  they  choose  me  to  declare  their  will.  My  icill  is  the 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  163 

law ;  because  the  people's  will  can  be  no  otherwise  disclosed 
than  by  expressing  my  own.  He  seems  to  have  been  inca- 
pable of  conceiving,  that  the  people  established  judicial 
courts  to  control  all  of  their  own  number,  who  should  violate 
their  own  laws  ;  and  to  control  their  own  legislators,  if  they 
exceeded  the  limits  of  authority  which  the  people  had  as- 
signed to  them  by  the  constitution.  Much  less  could  he 
conceive,  that  courts  could  bind  him  to  do,  or  could  prevent 
his  doing  whatsoever  he  thought  right.  This  was  not  tur-  " 
pitude  in  him,  but  inability  to  distinguish  between  right  and  ""1 
wrong,  as  to  the  exercise  of  judicial  power. 

Whether  this  view  of  Mr.  Jefferson  is  a  correct  one  or 
not,  may  be  judged  of  by  the  following  extracts  from  his 
volumes.  How  many  much  stronger  expressions  may  have 
been  found  therein,  if  his  editor  had  thought  fit  to  publish 
all  of  them,  can  only  be  conjectured. 

"  The  principal  of  them  (federal  leaders)  have  retreated 
"  into  the  judiciary,  as  a  strong  hold,  the  tenure  of  which 
"  renders  it  difficult  to  dislodge  them."  (Letter  to  Joel 
Barlow,  March  14,  1801,  vol.  iii.  p.  458.) 

"  The  courts  being  so  decidedly  federal,  and  irremov- 
"  able,  it  is  believed  that  republican  attorneys  and  marshals, 
"  being  the  doors  of  entrance  into  the  courts,  are  indispen- 
"  sably  necessary  as  a  shield  to  the  republican  part  of  our 
"  fellow-citizens,  which,  I  believe,  is  the  main  body  of  the 
"  people."  (Letter  to  W.  B.  Giles,  March  23,  1801,  vol. 
iii.  p.  464.) 

The  celebrated  Luther  Martin  was  counsel  for  Burr.    Mr. 
Jefferson  frequently  wrote  to  George  Hay,  conductor  of  the 
prosecution,  during  the  trial.     In  a  letter  (June  19,  1807, 
vol.  iv.  p.  87,)  he  says :  "  Shall  we  move  to  commit  Luther 
"  Martin,  as  particeps  criminis  with  Burr  1     Graybell  will 
"  fix  upon  him  misprision  of  treason  at  least ;  and,  at  any 
"  rate,   his  evidence  will  put  down  this  unprincipled  and 
"  impudent  federal  bull-dog,   and  add   another  proof,   that**, 
"  the  most  clamorous  defenders  of  Burr  are  all  his  accom-   7 
«  plices." 

This  is  a  picture  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  drawn  by  himself, 
and  presented  to  the  world  by  one  of  his  own  family  !  Ob- 
serve, that  it  is  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  United 
States,  interposing  in  a  judicial  trial,  to  deprive  the  accused 
of  counsel,  who  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  crimes  charged 
upon  Burr,  than  Jefferson  had. 


164  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  The  judiciary  of  the  United  States  is  the  subtle  corps 
*  of  sappers  and  miners,  constantly  working  under  ground, 
'  to  undermine  the  foundations  of  our  confederated  fabric. 
'  They  are  construing  our  constitution  from  a  co-ordination 
'  of  a  general  and  special  government,  to  a  general  and 
'  supreme  one.  This  will  lay  all  things  at  their  feet ;  and 
'  they  are  too  well  versed  in  English  law,  to  forget  the 
'  maxim,  bonijudicis  est  ampliare  jurisdictionem.  We  shall 
f  see  if  they  are  bold  enough  to  make  the  stride  their  five 
'  lawyers  have  lately  taken.  If  they  do,  then  with  the 
'  editor  of  our  book,  in  his  address  to  the  public,  I  will  say, 
'  '  that  against  this  every  man  should  raise  his  voice  ; '  and 
'  more,  should  lift  his  arm."*  (Letter  to  T.  Ritchie,  De- 
cember, 1820,  vol.  iv.  p.  336.) 

In  1816,  Mr.  Jefferson  appears  to  have  been  asked  for  an 
opinion,  in  a  contemplated  amendment  of  the  Virginia  con- 
stitution. He  says,  (vol.  iv.  p.  288,)  "  It  has  been  thought 
'  the  people  are  not  competent  electors  of  judges  learned  in 
'  the  law,  but  I  do  not  know  that  this  is  true  ;  and  if  doubt- 
1  ful,  we  should  follow  the  principle.  In  this,  as  in  many 
'  other  elections,  they  would  be  guided  by  reputation,  which 
'  would  not  err  oftener,  perhaps,  than  the  present  mode  of 
'  appointment."  In  page  289,  he  sums  up  his  theories  : 
'  1.  General  suffrage.  2.  Equal  representation  in  the  legis- 
'  lature.  3.  An  executive  chosen  by  the  people.  4.  Judges 
1  elective  or  amovable.  5.  Justices,  jurors,  and  sheriffs 
'  elective." 

These  were  opinions  on  the  judiciary,  not  to  be  wondered 
at  in  a  man,  who  thought  a  rebellion,  once  in  twenty  years, 
a  useful  political  occurrence,  Such,  however,  were  his 
opinions,  after  an  experience  in  political  life,  prolonged 
through  half  a  century.  It  has  already  been  noticed,  that 
when  he  had  come  into  office,  he  assumed  to  pronounce 
laws,  constitutionally  enacted,  and  which  had  been  pro- 
nounced by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  to  be  laws,  abso- 
lutely void,  because  they  had  not  his  approbation.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson was  as  much  bound  by  laws  which  he  disliked,  as  by 
any  other  laws,  which  he  had  sworn  to  execute.  Thus,  it 
was  his  opinion,  that  an  act  of  the  two  branches  of  Congress, 


*  It  is  not  recollected  what  Mr.  Jefferson  here  refers  to ;  either  as  to 
five  lawyers  "  or  as  to  "  our  book." 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  165 

approved  by  the  President,  and  decided  by  the  Supreme 
Court  to  be  constitutional,  could  be  defeated  by  one  man, 
who  happened  to  be  raised  to  the  executive  power. 


LETTER   XLI. 

JULY  7,  1833. 

WHEN  Congress  met  in  December,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson's 
message,  (for  he  chose  to  depart  from  the  federal  practice  of  J 
going  to  meet  Congress,  and  making  a  speech,  and  because    i 
a  speech  may  be  answered,  and  a  message  cannot,)  suggested   j 
a  revision   of  all   federal   measures,    and   an   abrogation  of 
them,  so  far  as  they  were  within  congressional  reach.     This 
was  done  in   his  own  plausible  manner.     He  had  a  subser-  \ 
vient  Congress,  who  needed  only  to  know  what  he  thought  "S 
was  right,   to  think   it  so  themselves.     He   suggested  the    ' 
repeal  of  taxes,  the  reduction  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  the 
hauling  up  of  the  navy,  the  abolition  of  offices,  and  revision 
of  the  judiciary  system.     The  last  suggestion  was  intended 
to  get  at  John  Adams's  "  midnight  judges"  in  their  "  strong 
hold."     He  says  in  his  message,  that  he  had  sent  into  every 
state  to  inquire  into  the  whole  number  of  causes  tried,  since 
the  institution    of   the    national    government,    and    should 
submit  the   result  of   his  inquiries  ;  as  though  the   number 
of  suits  was   the   measure  of  utility  and   necessity   of  the 
existing    organization.      In    this  session  a  bill   was   intro- 
duced to  repeal  the  recent  law  re-organizing  the  courts. 

While  this  bill  was  under  discussion,  the  highly  respect- 
able professional  gentlemen  of  Philadelphia  sent  a  memorial 
to  Congress,  in  which  they  disclaimed  all  interference  of  a 
political  nature,  but  begged  leave  to  state  facts  within  their 
own   experience.     Among  other  things   they  said  :  "  That 
'  under   the  former  law  the  greatest  inconveniences  were  % 
'  experienced  by  the  court,  the  bar,  and  the  suitors.     That  J 
'  the   judges   were    constantly   engaged    in    traversing   the 
'  states,    with    little   opportunity    for    reflection    or.  repose.    ' 
'  Judges  presided  in  states,  the  laws,  usages,  and  practices 
'  of  which  were  essentially  different  from  those  in  which 
'  they  were  educated  ;  and  without  adverting  to  the  casual- 


166  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  ties  of  indisposition  and  weather,  the  inevitable  consequen- 
"  ces  of  the  late  system  were  embarrassment,  uncertainty, 
"  and  delay."  These  gentlemen  then  go  on  to  pronounce 
the  highest  eulogium  on  the  new  judges  in  their  own  circuit ; 
the  increased  confidence  in  this  tribunal,  &LC.,  "  promises  to 
"  render  the  court  an  honor  and  a  benefit  to  the  nation." 
They  conclude  by  declaring,  that  "the  abolition  of  the 
"  court  will  probably  be  attended  with  great  public  incon- 
"  venience."  This  memorial  was  signed  by  thirty-seven 
persons,  the  first  in  age  and  eminence  ;  and  among  others 
by  Joseph  B.  M'Kean  and  A.  J.  Dallas,  well  known  as 
two  devoted  friends  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  the  debate  on  this  bill,  the  two  great  champions  were 
James  A.  Bayard  and  William  B.  Giles.  The  former 
maintained  with  eminent  ability,  that  Congress  had  not  the 
power  to  deprive  the  judges  of  their  stations  by  the  indirect 
course  of  repealing  the  law  under  which  they  were  ap- 
pointed. But,  the  day  of  Jeffersonian  dominion  had  come. 
The  question  of  constitutionality  and  of  expediency  was 
insignificant,  when  opposed  to  the  President's  pleasure.  The 
courts  were  abolished,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  had  the  gratifica- 
tion of  signing  a  law,  which  expelled  the  federal  judges 
from  their  "  strong  hold,"  and  of  seeing  them  all  reduced 
to  the  rank  of  private  citizens.  The  real  evil  in  this  matter 
is,  that  an  example  was  thus  given  of  the  facility  with  which 
the  judiciary  may  be  subjected  to  the  will  of  a  party  ;  this 
was  in  perfect  accordance  with  Mr.  Jefferson's  notions  of 
propriety.  Some  praise  is  due  to  Mr.  Jefferson  for  not 
having  demolished  the  Supreme  Court  as  well  as  the  Circuit 
Courts,  that  he  might  have  routed  Chief  Justice  Marshall, 
as  to  whom  his  volumes  contain  no  equivocal  opinion.  This 
he  might  have  done  as  legally  as  that  which  was  done. 

It  cannot  be  too  often  brought  to  view,  that  the  excellence 
of  our  government,  in  comparison  with  any  ever  before 
known,  is  that,  while  popular  and  elective,  it  has  a  power 
intended  to  control  other  branches,  when  they  transcend 
their  powers.  Demolish  this  branch,  and  the  union  of  the 
two  others  would  make  a  more  terrible  despotism  than  any 
one  man  can  exercise,  because  it  would  be  despotism  with 
all  the  force  of  law.  We  have  already  seen  a  near  approach 
to  this,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  in  considering 
the  embargo  laws.  It  is  true  that  the  sovereign  people  may 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  167 

arrest  such  a  combination  by  the  right  of  election.  But 
such  combination  arises  from  perversion  of  public  opinion, 
and  holds  its  supremacy  by  relying  on  that  perversion. 
In  such  case,  the  slow,  though  sure  process  of  the  judiciary 
is  the  only  remedy.  Is  it  not  surprising,  that  a  vigilant  and 
jealous  community  should  not  so  understand  the  meaning  of 
its  own  deliberately  adopted  constitution  ?  Ought  we  not 
rather  to  wonder,  that  our  nation  has  preserved  its  republican 
forms  so  long,  when  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Jefferson,  construing 
the  constitution  as  he  did,  was  so  long  the  popular  idol  ? 
The  power  of  party  is  fearfully  illustrated  by  the  fact,  that 
there  are  so  many  men  in  this  country,  and  in  high  stations 
too,  who  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  destructive  tendency  of 
Mr.  Jefferson's  doctrines,  who  nevertheless  quote  them  as 
authorities. 

Mr.  Jefferson  may  not  have  intended  to  abolish  the  Su- 
preme Court;  he  does  not  appear  to  have  attempted  it.  It 
is  not  known  from  his  volumes,  that  he  took  any  part  in  the 
effort  to  remove  the  judges  of  that  court.  In  the  memorable 
trial,  presently  to  be  mentioned,  it  is  not  apparent  from  any- 
thing published,  that  he  therein  interested  himself,  excepting 
that  he  somewhere  remarks,  "  the  farce  of  impeachment 
"  will  not  be  tried  again."  But  as  Judge  Chase  was  im- 
peached for  his  conduct  in  trying  a  citizen  for  the  breach 
of  a  law,  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had  recommended  a  repeal ; 
and  for  his  conduct  in  trying  James  Thompson  Callender, 
(that  man  of  science  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  befriended,)  for 
the  breach  of  a  law  which  Mr.  Jefferson  adjudged  to  be  un- 
constitutional and  void,  it  is  probable,  that  the  prosecution 
of  Judge  Chase  had,  at  least,  his  entire  approbation.  If 
this  magistrate  could  have  been  sacrificed,  there  would 
have  been  little  difficulty  in  removing  other  obnoxious  judges. 
Their  seats  would  have  been  filled  by  men,  who  would  have 
had  an  eye  to  executive  pleasure,  however  they  might  have 
seemed  to  the  people.  This  would  have  been  better  suited 
to  Mr.  Jefferson's  purpose,  than  an  abolition  of  the  court, 
which  he  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  desired. 

The  trial  of  Judge  Chase  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
events  in  the  history  of  our  country,  whether  considered  in 
relation  to  the  accused,  to  the  character  of  the  accusation, 
the  members  of  the  court  before  which  the  trial  was  had,  or 
the  motives  and  labors  of  those  who  conducted  the  defence  : 


168  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

remarkable,  indeed,  that  the  person  who  presided  at  the 
trial  (Burr)  was  then  under  indictment  for  murder,  and  was 
two  years  afterwards  prosecuted  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
arraigned  and  tried  on  the  charge  of  treason  :  but  not 
remarkable  that  Mr.  Jefferson  hoped  to  make  out  a  suffi- 
cient cause  for  impeaching  the  presiding  judge,  at  the 
latter  trial. 

SAMUEL  CHASE  was  born  in  Maryland.  He  was  at  the 
head  of  the  patriot  party  in  that  state,  during  the  revolu- 
tionary days.  He  was  a  signer  of  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence. But  he  was  a  federalist.  At  the  time  of  the 
trial  on  impeachment  before  the  Senate,  he  was  nearly  sixty- 

ur  years  old,  and  much  impaired  in  bodily  strength.  In 
his  full  vigor,  he  was  a  man  of  herculean  frame  and  vigorous 
mind;  a  learned  and  honest  man  no  doubt,  but  not  of  cour- 
teous  manners  on  the  bench. 

In  preparation  for  the  expected  hostilities  with  France, 
in  Mr.  Adams's  time,  a  law  passed  in  July,  1798,  for  a  val- 
uation of  houses,  lands,  and  slaves  ;  and  in  the  same  month, 
another  act  was  passed,  for  assessing  a  direct  tax,  in  con- 
formity to  such  valuation.  In  February  and  March  follow- 
ing, an  insurrection  occurred  in  the  western  part  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  resist  the  execution  of  these  laws.  Among  the 
insurgents  was  John  Fries.  This  man  was  tried  before 
Judge  Paterson,  in  April  following,  at  Philadelphia.  The 
fact  of  resisting  the  execution  of  the  law  was  clearly  proved. 
The  defence  was  :  "  to  resist  by  force  of  arms  a  particular 
"law  of  the  United  States  does  not  amount  to  '  levying 
"  war  '  against  the  United  States,  within  the  true  meaning 
"  of  the  constitution,  and  therefore  is  not  treason,  but  a  riot 
"  only."  Judge  Paterson  and  Judge  Peters,  (district  Judge,) 
held  such  resistance  to  be  treason.  A  new  trial  was  had, 
not  on  account  of  erroneous  opinion  on  the  law ;  but  be- 
cause a  juror  had  expressed,  before  he  was  sworn  on  the 
trial,  an  opinion  unfavorable  to  the  accused.  In  April, 
1800,  Fries  was  again  tried.  Before  the  trial,  Judge  Chase 
put  his  opinion  of  the  law  in  writing  ;  which  was  in  con- 
formity with  that  of  Judge  Paterson.  This  opinion  he 
caused  to  be  copied,  one  copy  for  the  counsel  of  Fries,  one 
for  the  attorney  for  the  United  States,  and  one  was  intended 
to  be  given  to  the  jury  when  they  retired,  and  to  be  carried 
out  by  them  and  used  in  their  deliberations  in  finding  a 
verdict. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  169 

When  Fries  was  brought  in  for  trial,  and  before  the  jury 
were  sworn,  the  judge  informed  his  counsel  that  he  had  put 
this  opinion  in  writing,  to  show  what  the  meaning  of  "  levy- 
ing war,"  according  to  the  constitution,  was  understood  by 
the  court  to  be.  Mr.  Lewis  and  Mr.  Dallas,  counsel  for 
Fries,  notwithstanding  Judge  Chase  informed  them,  that 
they  would  be  permitted  to  offer  arguments  to  the  court,  to 
show  them  that  they  were  mistaken  in  the  law,  said,  that 
they  did  not  any  longer  consider  themselves  as  counsel  for 
the  prisoner.  The  prisoner  was  asked  whether  the  court 
should  appoint  other  counsel ;  and  he  declined  having  any. 
The  trial  proceeded  without  counsel,  Fries  having  challeng- 
ed thirty-four  jurors.  He  was  convicted,  and  sentenced, 
and  afterwards  pardoned  by  President  Adams.  This  trans- 
action was  one  ground  of  impeachment. 

The  trial  of  J.  T.  Callender  occurred  in  the  month  of 
May,  13  JJ,  at  Richmond.  The  ground  of  impeachment,  in 
this  case,  was  the  alleged  illegal  and  oppressive  conduct  of 
the  judge.  The  charges  against  Callender  were  for  expres- 
sions in  his  "  Prospect  before  Us,"  concerning  John  Adams, 
some  of  which  have  been  noticed  in  a  former  page.*  A 
minute  examination  would  require  more  space  than  this 
subject  is  now  worth.  The  impeachment  was  drawn  up,  in 
relation  to  this  trial,  with  extreme  particularity,  and  with  all 
the  bitterness  of  malignant  party  spirit. 


LETTER   XLII. 

JULY  10,  1833. 

IN  January,  1804,  John  Randolph,  jr.  moved  the  impeach- 
ment against  Judge  Chase,  which  was  carried  about  two  to 
one ;  but  it  was  not  prosecuted  until  the  following  session, 
in  November.  On  the  2d  of  January,  1805,  Judge  Chase 
appeared  before  the  Senate,  and  the  4th  of  February  was 
assigned  for  his  trial.  The  Senate  Chamber  was  fitted  up 
in  an  appropriate  manner,  and  with  places  for  various  official 


*  See  page  111. 

15 


f 


170  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

dignitaries.  *  The  accused  appeared  with  Luther  Martin, 
R.  G.  Harper,  and  Joseph  Hopkinson,  as  his  counsel.  The 
managers,  on  the  part  of  the  House,  were  Messrs.  Randolph, 
Rodney,  Nicholson,  Clark,  Campbell,  Boyle,  and  Early. 
The  pleas  and  answer  took  nearly  four  hours  in  the  read- 
ing ;  the  Judge  read  the  introductory  part,  Mr.  Harper  then 
read  more  than  an  hour,  Mr.  Hopkinson  continued  the 
reading  two  hours,  and  the  accused  read  the  concluding 
part,  in  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  manner.  This 
able  and  eloquent  answer  was  in  itself  a  complete  refutation 
of  the  criminality  of  the  charges.  The  prosecution  was  not 
considered,  at  the  time,  to  have  been  so  ably  as  malignantly 
conducted,  so  far  as  party  feeling  was  involved.  But  the 
counsel  of  Judge  Chase  did  themselves  the  highest  honor, 

f  as  lawyers,  as  men   of  kind  feelings,  as  gentlemen,  and  as 

^orators.  Mr.  Hopkinson,  though  then  a  young  man,  acquir- 
ed for  himself  an  exalted  reputation.  The  two  other  coun- 
sel had  long  been  of  established  fame.  The  trial  lasted  until 
the  first  of  March,  when  the  Judge  was  acquitted.  The 
whole  number  of  Senators  was  thirty-four.  Two  thirds  of 
the  whole  must  have  concurred  in  a  conviction.  To  what 
extent  it  was  merely  a  political  experiment  may  be  judged  of 
by  the  answer  to  the  question,  Is  the  accused  guilty,  or  not 
guilty?  There  were  eight  distinct  charges.  The  federal- 
ists, viz.  —  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams*  Mass. ;  Mr.  Bayard,  Del. ; 
Mr.  Bradley,  Vt. ;  Mr.  Dayton,  N.  J. ;  Mr.  Hillliouse, 
Conn.  ;  Mr.  Mitchell,  N.  Y. ;  Mr.  Olcott,  Vt. ;  Mr.  Picker- 

i  ing,  Mass. ;    Mr.  Plumer,  N.  H. ;    Mr.  Smith,   Va.  ;    Mr. 

(  Smith,  N.  Y. ;  Mr.  Smith,  Ohio ;  Mr.  Tracy,  Conn.  ;  Mr. 
White,  Del.;  —  voted  not  guilty,  on  all  the  charges;  so 
also  did  Mr.  Gaillard,  S.  C.,  who  is  not  supposed  to  have 
been  a  federalist.  Those  who  answered  that  Judge  Chase 
was  guilty,  on  some  of  the  charges,  and  who  are  supposed 
to  have  been  all  Jeffersonians,  were  the  following :  Messrs. 
Anderson,  Baldwin,  Brackenridge,  Brown,  Cocke,  Condit, 

"  Ellery,  Franklin,  Giles,  Rowland,  Jackson,  Logan,  Maclay, 
Moore,  Samuel  Smith,  Stone,  Sumpter,  Worthington, 
Wright.  The  answers  of  the  latter  class  were  very  much 
Taried ;  no  one  considered  the  accused  as  guilty  on  all  the 

*  This  trial  occurred  before  Mr.  Adams  had  changed  his  opinions  as 
to  the  federal  party. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  171 

charges.     So  this  experiment  to  subject  the  judiciary  to  the  ^ 
executive  and  legislative  departments  failed  in  this  instance, 
if  such  was  the  design. 

This  trial  may  be  considered  under  different  aspects. 
The  President,  the  judges,  and  other  civil  officers  may  be 
guilty  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  in  their  official 
stations,  and  some  provision  must  exist  for  their  removal 
and  disqualification  to  hold  office  in  future.  This  provision 
may  be  righteously,  or  oppressiveTy  carried  into  effect.  To 
what  end  it  was  applied,  in  this  instance,  all  may  judge 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  from  the  temper  of 
the  prosecution. 

The  acts,  charged  as  crimes,  were  done  nearly  five  years 
before  the  trial,  and  during  the  federal  administration.  The 
accusation  was  made  in  a  House  of  Representatives,  of 
which  two  thirds  of  its  members  were  there,  because  they 
were  opponents  of  that  administration.  The  accusation  was 
to  be  heard  and  tried  in  a  tribunal,  a  large  majority  of  whose 
members  were  of  the  same  political  cast.  There  was  an  ex- 
pectation, that  the  accused  could  not  escape  a  judgment  of 
condemnation.  It  is  a  disheartening  truth,  that,  in  the  best 
of  governments  which  men  have  invented,  the  malignity  of 
passion  may  assume  all  the  attributes  of  impartial  justice  ; 
and  that  the  promptings  of  personal  hostility  may  infuse  a 
spirit  into  a  body  of  men,  which  impels  them  to  do,  in  their 
official  stations,  such  acts  as  each  one  of  them  alone  would 
be  ashamed  to  do.  That  which  is  still  more  disheartening 
is,  that,  as  this  country  grows  older,  and  as  its  population 
increases,  and  its  parties  become  more  and  more  embittered, 
those  who  submit,  through  ignorance  or  fraud,  to  the  influ- 
ence of  party  delusion,  will  avail  themselves  of  the  constitu- 
tional machinery,  to  remove  and  to  crush  political  adversa- 
ries. In  all  such  painful  forebodings,  it  is  impossible  to  free 
one's  self  from  the  belief,  that  Mr.  Jefferson,  whether  he  so 
intended  to  do  or  not,  has,  by  his  example  and  his  opinions, 
done  more  than  any  other  man  to  mislead  and  pervert  his 
fellow  citizens.  His  theories  of  social  union  and  govern- 
ment were  irrational  and  impracticable.  He  substituted 
mere  popular  impulse,  which  cunning  men  can  make  to  be 
what  they  will,  for  the  enlightened  and  honest  application  of 
abstract  rules.  Popular  election,  really  intended  to  be  the 
protective  power  which  the  people  have  reserved  to  them- 


172  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

selves,  was  converted  by  him  into  the  dangerous  engine,  by 
which  the  people  themselves  may  be  enslaved,  and  made  to 
rejoice  in  their  own  chains,  since  it  is  their  own  act  which 
puts  them  on.  There  are  numerous  instances  in  proof  that 
this  may  be  so.  To  say  nothing  of  events  in  the  decline  of 
the  Roman  republic,  there  are  proofs  enough  in  the  recent 
history  of  France.  At  this  day,  the  President  of  the  United 
States  is  sustained  in  his  views  of  constitutional  power  by 
the  popular  will.  That  will  is  none  other  than  his  own.  It 
makes  no  difference,  whether  a  majority  stand  ready  to  ratify 
and  applaud  all  that  a  president  calls  right,  or  whether  the 
popular  will  is  created  by  such  means  as  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
supposed  to  have  organized,  and  to  have  bequeathed  to  his 
countrymen,  as  his  mode  of"  bringing  Lack  the  constitution 
"  to  its  original  principles." 


LETTER    XLIII. 

SEPTEMBER  3,  1833. 

THE  great  achievement  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  first  four  years 
was  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.     This  country  had  belonged, 
in  early  days,  to  the  French,  whence  its  name.  It  was  after- 
wards ceded   to  Spain,  with  the  Floridas  ;  thus  there  was  a 
territory,  which  stretched  across  the  Mississippi,  and  extend- 
ed southwardly  to  the  ocean,  in  the  possession   of  a  foreign 
power.     In    Washington's    time,  (October    27th,   1795,)    a 
treaty  was  made  with  Spain,  whereby  this  right  was  secured  : 
'  His  Catholic  majesty  will  permit  the  citizens  of  the  United 
'  States,  for  the  space  of  three  years  from   this  time,  to  de- 
'  posit  their  merchandise  and  effects  in   the  port  of  New 
'  Orleans,  and  export  them  from  thence,  without  paying  any 
*'  other  duty  than  a  fair  price  for  the  hire  of  stores ;  and  his 
'  majesty  either  promises  to  continue  this  permission,  &/c., 
'  or  if  he  should  not  agree  to  continue  it  there,  he  will  as- 
'  sign  to  them,  on  another  part  of  the  banks  of  the    Missis- 
'  sippi,  an  equivalent  establishment." 

In  the  same  year,  1795,  a  treaty,  offensive  and  defensive, 
had  been  made  between  France  and  Spain.  In  1801  and 
1802,  the  Spaniards,  under  the  influence  of  France,  com- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  173 

mitted  the  most  offensive  aggressions,  wherever  they  came 
in  contact  with  American  shipping,  or  citizens.  They 
captured  and  carried  into  their  ports  more  than  130  Ameri- 
can vessels  ;  seized  and  imprisoned  the  American  consul  at 
a  port  in  the  island  of  Cuba ;  and  as  early  as  October,  1802, 
Morales,  Intendant  of  Louisiana,  gave  notice,  that  American 
citizens  would  no  longer  be  permitted  to  deposit  their  goods 
at  New  Orleans  ;  nor  was  any  "  equivalent  establishment " 
assigned.  These  wrongs,  on  the  part  of  Spain,  were  well 
known  to  Mr.  Jefferson  long  before  the  meeting  of  Congress 
in  December  of  this  year,  1802.  But  the  message  was 
entirely  silent  concerning  all  Spanish  aggressions.  In 
January,  1803,  the  House  of  Representatives  called  on  the 
executive  for  information,  and  the  fact  of  the  interruption 
of  the  right  of  deposit  was  communicated  ;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  a  secret  message  was  sent,  and  debated  with 
closed  doors.  This  message  is  too  long  to  be  copied,  and  is 
not  worth  the  labor.  It  shows  only  the  sort  of  policy  pur- 
sued by  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  must  be  apparent  on  many 
other  occasions. 

On  demanding  of  Spain  to  redress  this  wrong,  and  to  com- 
ply with  the  treaty  stipulation,  the  American  minister  was 
informed,  that  Louisiana  had  been  ceded  to  France.  Mr. 
Jefferson  then  undertook,  without  consulting  Congress,  to  • 
purchase  Louisiana  of  France,  for  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  ; 
and  to  incorporate  its  inhabitants  with  those  of  the  United 
States.  The  people  of  that  country  were  a  mixture  of 
Spaniards  and  Frenchmen,  in  number  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand.  The  time  taken  for  this  measure  was 
during  the  peace  of  Amiens,  as  it  was  called,  which  lasted 
from  March,  1802,  to  the  17th  of  May,  1803.  The  pur- 
chase was  concluded  in  April,  1803.  On  the  13th  of 
March  Napoleon  announced,  at  an  audience  of  foreign  min- 
isters, the  approaching  rupture  with  England. 

This  was  a  perilous  and  extraordinary  assumption  of 
power  ;  and  was  most  seriously  condemned,  on  principle,  by 
all  the  opponents  of  the  administration.  Mr.  Jefferson  ad- 
mitted, that  he  had  no  constitutional  right  to  make  this  pur- 
chase. It  was  said,  at  the  time,  that  one  object  was  to  aid 
France  ;  the  other  to  escape  the  responsibility  of  asserting 
the  rights  of  the  United  States  by  force. 
15* 


,     *'• 

174  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

The  federal  party  were  reproached  for  their  opposition  to 
s»  this  wise  measure  ;  but  if  the  subject  be  viewed  as  it  then 
appeared,  they  were  clearly  right.  1.  The  title  of  France 
was  contingent.  The  treaty  of  Spain  and  France  provided, 
that  if  the  Duke  of  Parma,  son-in-law  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
were  made  King  of  Etruria,  that  within  six  months  after- 
wards, Louisiana  should  be  ceded  to  France.  Of  course 
the  title  was  to  be  made.  2.  The  boundaries  of  Louisiana 
were  left  undefined,  furnishing  thereby  a  cause  of  future 
contentions.  3.  The  promise  of  a  title  was  fraudulently 
obtained  from  Spain,  by  the  ministry  of  Godoy,  whose  acts 
Spain  might,  at  some  future  day,  disavow.  4.  The  French 
subjects  of  Louisiana  could,  and  would,  probably,  have 
made  any  treatment  of  them  by  the  United  States  a  suffi- 
cient claim  to  the  interposition  of  Bonaparte  to  protect  them. 
5.  The  patronage  acquired  by  the  President  over  this  terri- 
tory was  little  short  of  a  royal  authority.  6.  There  was 
a  provision,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  should  be 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  It  would  have  required  an 
amendment  of  the  constitution  to  make  them  such,  which 
amendment  was  never  made,  nor  proposed.  7.  Louisiana 
^  was  then  not  in  possession  of  France,  but  of  Spain ;  and 
f  the  treaty  of  purchase  itself  provides,  that  a  French  com- 
*•  missioner  should  go  out  to  receive  possession  from  the 
Spanish  officers,  and  make  a  delivery  to  the  United  States. 
These  (and  many  more  objections  might  be  stated)  were 
very  sufficient  grounds  to  the  opposition,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  price,  alleged  bribery,  and  hurry  of  the  transaction. 
At  the  time  of  signing  the  treaty,  it  was  well  known  that 
war  between  France  and  Engjand  was  inevitable,  that  the 
bargain  must  be  forthwith  made,  or  that  the  opportunity  of 
favoring  France  would  be  lost.  Within  twenty  days  hostili- 
ties were  renewed. 

This  diplomatic  operation  has  proved  to  be  far  more  ad- 
vantageous to  the  United  States,  than  there  was  any  ground 
even  to  hope  for,  thirty  years  ago.  The  fears,  then  enter- 
tained, have  disappeared  in  the  changes  which  have  occurred 
in  the  power,  and  in  the  probable  designs  both  of  France 
and  Spain,  in  relation  to  this  country.  And  also,  that  what- 
ever Mr.  Jefferson's  motives  may  have  been,  and  however 
assuming,  to  make  this  purchase,  it  was  certainly  better  to 
have  made  it,  and  in  whole,  than  to  have  had  either  a 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  175 

Spanish  or  French  colony,  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 
Thus,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find,  that  an  act  -^ 
which  would  have  called  for  an  impeachment  under  some 
circumstances,  is  now  regarded   as  the  most  meritorious  of 
his  public  life.     It  will  be  seen,  hereafter,  how  well  founded 
the  apprehensions  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  opponents  were.    With    \ 
respect  to  the  sum,  (fifteen  millions,)  it  was  probably  thrice^A 
as  much  as  needed  to  have  been  given ;  because  Bonaparte    ' 
knew,  at  the  time  of  the  purchase,  that  on  renewal  of  the 
war  the  whole  country  of  Louisiana  would  be  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  the  British  ;  and  would  consequently  be  lost  both 
to  France  and  Spain. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  merits  in  this  purchase  are  not  to  be  esti- 
mated by  the  subsequent  turn  of  affairs  in  Europe,  as  to 
France  and  Spain,  which  no  one  foresaw  or  imagined  ;  and 
least  of  all  men  should  Mr.  Jefferson  applaud  himself,  since 
he  wished  and  believed,  that  Bonaparte  would  subdue  Eng- 
land, instead  of  being  subdued  and  exiled  himself.  If  Mr. 
Jefferson's  ardent  wishes  had  been  realized,  the  people  of  / 
the  United  States  would  have  regretted  the  expenditure  of 
their  millions,  which  would  have  become  necessary  in  de- 
fence against  the  man  to  whom  they  were  given.  In  fact, 
this  brilliant  achievement  was  a  humiliating,  degrading 
policy  in  itself,  and  should  be  the  least  of  all  Mr.  Jefferson's 
claims  to  an  honorable  fame,  notwithstanding  it  has  proved, 
so  far  as  can  now  be  discerned,  a  useful  measure,  excepting 
in  the  amount  which  it  cost. 

The  worshippers  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  (see  July  No.  1834, 
of  North  American  Review,)  vaunt  of  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana,  as  though  Mr.  Jefferson  foresaw,  and  intended 
to  provide  for  the  existence  of  a  great  commercial  city  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinions  on 
commerce  and  cities  are  better  ascertained,  than  any  others 
which  he  had.  It  is  assertion  in  the  face  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
own  declarations,  that  he  wished  to  promote  any  of  the 
benefits  which  have  arisen  from  this  purchase.  The  evi- 
dence is  irresistible,  that  he  was  governed  by  that  policy 
which  characterizes  timid  and  irresolute  men,  who  are  al- 
ways among  the  bravest,  where  there  is  no  danger.  He 
seems  to  have  wished  to  have  Napoleon  successful,  and  yet 
to  have  dreaded  the  consequences  of  that  success.  He  wish- 
ed to  have  England  conquered,  yet  feared  the  "  Republican 


176  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Emperor"  would  not  stop  at  that  conquest.     He  relieved 
himself  by  giving  whatsoever  the  Emperor  demanded.* 


LETTER    XLIV. 

SEPTEMBER  7,  1833. 

AMONG  the  best  legislative  acts  of  John  Adams's  presi- 
/  dency,  was  the  law  for  regulating  the  admission  of  aliens  to 
\citizenship.     It  is  not  enough  that  this  country  opens  its 
/ports  to  all  men,  wheresoever  born,  and  howsoever  educated; 
{    and  whether  educated  or  not ;  and  secures  to  them  protec- 
\tion  of  person  and  property?     Is  it  right  and  just,  relatively 
/\<o  our  own  citizens,  to  confer  on  aliens  an  equal  share  in 
•    the  sovereignty,  after  a  short  residence,  whether  such  aliens 
J    do,  or   do   not    know   anything  of  the   institutions  of  this 
\  country  1     Whether  Mr.  Jefferson  considered  the  restrictive 
provisions  of  the  recent  law  inexpedient  in  themselves  ;  or 
whether  he  included  that  law  in  his  general  condemnation 
of  all  federal  measures,  merely  because  they  were  such,  is 

*  "  And  what  is  to  be  our  security,  that  when  emharked  for  her 
(England)  in  the  war,  she  will  not  make  a  separate  peace  and  leave  us 
in  the  lurch  ?  Her  good  faith  !  The  faith  of  a  nation  of  MERCHANTS  ! 
The  Punica  fides  of  modern  Carthage  !  "  (Jefferson  to  Governor  John 
Langdon,  [wno  was  himself  a  merchant,]  vol.  iv.  p.  146.) 

"And  have  our  commercial  citizens  merited  from  their  country  the 
encountering  another  war  to  protect  their  gambling  enterprises  ? " 
(Jefferson  to  John  Adams,  June  10,  1815,  vol.  iv.  p.  262.) 

"  The  proportion,  which  the  aggregate  of  other  classes  of  citizens 
bears,  in  any  state,  to  that  of  its  husbandmen,  is  the  proportion  of  its 
unsound  to  its  healthy  parts ;  and  is  a  good  enough  barometer,  whereby 
to  measure  its  degree  of  corruption." 

"  The  mobs  of  great  cities  add  just  so  much  to  the  support  of  pure 
government,  as  sores  do  to  the  strength  of  the  human  body."  (Jeffer- 
son's Notes  on  Virginia,  p.  240,  241.) 

"  Our  commercial  dashers,  then,  have  already  cost  us  so  many  thou- 
sand lives,  so  many  millions  of  dollars  more  than  their  persons  and  all 
their  commerce  were  worth."  (Jefferson  to  W.  H.  Crawford.  June  20, 
1816,  vol.  iv.  p.  284.) 

"  A  republican  emperor,  from  his  affection  to  republics,  independent 
of  motives  of  expediency,  must  grant  to  us  the  Cyclops'  boon  of  being 
the  last  devoured."  (Jefferson  to  Langdon,  March  5,  1810,  vol.  iv. 
p.  145.) 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  177 

doubtful.  If  the  former,  his  policy  was  erroneous  ;  if  the 
latter,  it  was  only  characteristic.  No  country  but  the  United 
States  ever  adopted  (it  is  believed)  such  a  policy.  Its 
operation  in  some  of  the  maritime  cities  is  felt  to  be  a  seri- 
ous evil,  whatever  it  may  be  in  the  new  states.  Even  the 
latter  have  derived  no  benefit  from  it,  compared  with  its 
disadvantages.  Impolitic  as  it  may  be,  it  is  one  of  the  evils 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  has  sanctioned  ;  and  there  is  little  hope 
now,  that  it  will  ever  be  removed,  by  returning  to  the  wise 
provisions  of  the  law  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended 
the  repeal.  As  the  law  is  now  construed,  any  alien  who 
makes  a  previous  declaration  of  two  years'  standing,  in  cer- 
tain courts,  of  intention  to  become  a  citizen,  may  become 
such,  with  some  ceremonies  easily  accomplished. 

In  proposing  the  repeal  of  the  naturalization  law,  as  it 
had  been  recently  amended,  as  a  federal  measure,  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson in  his  message  of  December,  1802,  uses  these  words  : 

"  I  cannot  omit  recommending  a  revisal  of  the  laws  on 
"  the  subject  of  naturalization.  Considering  the  ordinary 
"  chances  of  human  life,  a  denial  of  citizenship  under  a  resi- 
"  dence  of  fourteen  years,  is  a  denial  to  a  great  proportion 
"  of  those  who  ask  for  it ;  and  controls  a  policy  pursued  from 
"  their  first  settlement,  by  many  of  these  states,  and  still  be- 
"  lieved  of  consequence  to  their  posterity.  And  shall  we 
"  refuse  to  the  unhappy  fugitives  from  distress  that  hospi- 
"  tality,  which  the  savages  of  the  wilderness  extended  to  our  « 
"  fathers  arriving  in  this  land  ?  Shall  oppressed  humanity 
"  find  no  asylum  on  this  globe  ?  The  constitution,  indeed, 
"  has  wisely  provided  that,  for  admission  to  certain  offices 
"  of  important  trust,  a  residence  shall  be  required  sufficient 
"  to  develope  character  and  design.  But  might  not  the  gen- 
"  eral  character  and  capabilities  of  a  citizen  he  safely  com- 
"  municated  to  every  one  manifesting  a  bondjirle  purpose  of 
"embarking  his  life  and  fortunes  permanently  with  us? 
"  With  restrictions,  perhaps,  to  guard  against  the  fraudulent 
"  usurpation  of  our  flag  ;  an  abuse  which  brings  so  much 
"  embarrassment  and  loss  on  the  genuine  citizen,  and  so 
"  much  danger  to  the  nation  of  being  involved  in  war,  that 
"  no  endeavor  should  be  spared  to  detect  and  suppress  it." 

This  is  a  genuine  Jeffersonian  paragraph.  Is  it  to  be 
most  admired  for  its  clearness  in  communicating  the  writer's 
thoughts ;  for  its  elegance  of  expression ;  for  its  sound 


178  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

policy  ;  for  its  paternal  care  of  the  American  flag  ;  or  for  its 
wise  precaution  in  keeping  the  nation  from  war,  to  protect 
aliens?    Every  benefit,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  desired  for  aliens, 
they  had,  as  the  law  was  when  this  message  was  sent,  except 
the  right  of  voting  and  of  holding  real  estate.     Alienage  is 
not  a  bar  to  purchasing,  and   holding,  and  alienating  real 
estate  ;  though  it   is   to   transmitting  it  to  heirs.     In  some 
states,  aliens  may  hold  real  property  for  all  purposes  for  which 
a  native  citizen  may  hold  it.     Mr.  Jefferson  must  have  de- 
sired, therefore,   principally  to  vest  in  them  the  right  of  suf- 
j  frage,  which  is  a  very  interesting  point  to  native   citizens, 
I  considering  the  great  number  of  foreigners  "  arriving  in  this 
t  land."     There  have  been  some   arguments  against  such  a 
{  policy  ;  and  among  others,  these  : 

"  It  is  for  the  happiness  of  those  united  in  society  to  har- 
"  monize,  as  much  as  possible,  in  matters  which  they  must 
"  of  necessity  transact  together.  ,  Civil  government  being 
"  for  the  sole  object  of  forming  societies,  its  administration 
4  must  be  conducted  by  common  consent.  Every  species 
'  of  government  has  its  specific  principles.  Ours  are  more 
'  peculiar,  perhaps,  than  those  of  any  other  in  the  universe. 
It  is  a  composition  of  the  freest  principles  of  the  English 
constitution,  with  others  derived  from  natural  right  and 
natural  reason.  To  these  nothing  can  be  more  opposed 
than  the  maxims  of  absolute  monarchies.  Yet  from  such 
we  are  to  expect  the  greatest  number  of  emigrants.  They 
will  bring  with  them  the  principles  of  the  government  they 
leave,  imbibed  in  their  early  youth ;  or,  if  able  to  throw 
them  off,  it  will  be  in  exchange  for  an  unbounded  licen- 
tiousness, passing,  as  is  usual,  from  one  extreme  to  another. 
It  would  be  a  miracle  were  they  to  stop  precisely  at  the 
point  of  temperate  liberty.  In  proportion  to  their  num- 
bers, they  will  share  with  us  the  legislation.  Suppose 
twenty  millions  of  republican  Americans  thrown  all  of  a 
'  sudden  into  France,  what  would  be  the  condition  of  that 
'  kingdom  1  If  it  would  be  more  turbulent,  less  happy,  less 
"  strong,  we  may  believe  that  the  addition  of  half  a  million 
"  of  foreigners  to  our  present  numbers  would  produce  a 
"  similar  effect  here." 

This  is  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  argument,  taken  from  his 
"  Notes  on  Virginia,"  pages  125,  126  Probably  it  was 
enough  to  change  his  views,  that  the  recent  naturalization 


ON   PUIJL1C    CHARACTERS.  179 

law  had  been  made  by  federalists.  If  not,  sufficient  reasons 
may  be  found  in  the  policy,  disclosed  in  his  administra- 
tion, with  respect  to  England ;  and  plainly  discernible  in 
his  message  on  naturalization. 

While  it  is  readily  admitted,  that  every  department  of 
industry,  the  bar,  diplomacy,  legislation,  and  even  the  bench, 
has  had  ornaments  of  transatlantic  origin,  which  are  honor- 
able  to  the  country,  yet  the  most  expansive  philanthropy 
cannot  embrace  all  the  human   beings  which  Europe  throws 
forth,  to  the  extent  of  conferring  on  them,  (almost  at  the 
moment  of  arrival,)  a  participation  in  political  sovereignty.  It   ! 
is  right  to  give  to  a  stranger  kindness  and  hospitality,  as  long  "- 
as  he  is  worthy  of  them  ;  but  it  is  the  excess  of  folly  to  allow 
him  an  equal  voice  in  the  government  of  the  family,  and  a 
claim  to  share  the  inheritance  in  common  with  its  members. 
If  Mr.  Jefferson  had  done  no  other  ill-advised  act,  than  thus  *Sj 
throwing  open  the  avenue  to  citizenship,  it  would  be  enough 
to  deprive  him  of  all  consideration  as  a  far-sighted,  patriotic 
statesman. 

If  there  could  be  a  discrimination  between  such  aliens  as\ 
would  understand  and  value  our  institutions,  and  those  who   '. 
cannot,  or  who  do  understand  only  to  pervert  them,  natural- 
ization   might    be   useful    both   to   aliens  and  the  country.  ' 
There  can  be  but  one  rule  for  all ;  and  the  country  is  in  no  ; 
such  want  of  population  as  to  apply  that  rule  to  its  own  in- 
jury.    It  may  happen  that  some  good  citizens  are  excluded 
by  such  a  rule  as  that  adopted  in  Mr.  Adams's  time,  but  this  \ 
weighs  nothing  against  the  evil  of  indiscriminate  admission.* 


LETTER    XLV. 

SEPTEMBER  11,  1833. 

A  NAVY  is  indispensable  to  a  commercial  country,  and  to 
no  one  more  than  to  the  United  States.  It  now  has  the  un- 

*  The  majority  of  the  city  of  New  York,  it  is  said,  indicates  the 
majority  of  the  state ;  and  this,  the  majority  of  the  nation.  What 
would  have  been  the  majority  in  that  city,  for  years  past,  if  Thomas 
Jefferson  had  not  asked  of  Congress  to  repeal  the  law  made  in  John 
Adams's  time  ?  And  what  connexion  had  this  matter  with  the  elec- 
tion of  Andrew  Jackson  1 


180  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

qualified  confidence  and  respect  of  the  whole  nation.    Wash- 
r  ington  began  it,  in  fact,  whoever  may  contend  for  the  honor 
of  originating  the  establishment.     In  Mr.  Adams's  time,  it 
attained  to  some  celebrity,  and  was  growing  in  respect  and 
confidence.     What  sort  of  a  navy  was  it?     Such  as  other 
^commercial  nations  have  established  and  ever  must  establish, 
to  meet  the  naval  force  of  any  other  country.   It  consisted  of 
ships,  well  armed,  officered,  manned,  and  disciplined.     One 
of  the  earliest  built  ships  is   still  the  pride  of  the   nation 
>•*("  Old  Ironsides").     Now    what   did   the   economical    and 
philosophic  Mr.  Jefferson  think  it  best  for  this  commercial 
country  to  do  with  this  infant  navy  ?     He  recommended  its 
reduction,  and  would,  probably,  have   been  glad  to  see  it 
annihilated.     There  is  no  way  of  knowing  from  what  Mr. 
Jefferson  said  what  he  really  intended,  so  far  as  his  "  mes- 
sages" expressed  his  meaning.     When  he  came  into  power, 
,  there  were  fifteen  frigates  and  twelve  smaller  ships.     The 
former  were  immediately  reduced  to  nine  and  the  latter  to 
two.     Instead  of  such   vessels  of  war   as   other   maritime 
.nations  have,  he  substituted  a  quantity  of  GUN-BOATS,  which 
.  were  fit  for  nothing  but  to  destroy  the  lives  of  those  who  at- 
tempted to  navigate  them.     A   small    boat   with  one  great 
gun  mounted  on  its  bow,  was  well   adapted  to  roll  over  in  a 
heavy  sea ;  and  so  it  proved,  on  actual  experiment,  and  Mr. 
Jefferson's  gun-boats  have  long  been  abandoned ;  and  even 
he  seems  to  have  been  convinced  of  the  folly  of  the  inven- 
:  tion.     He  says  himself, '"  This  species  of  naval  armament 
\"can  have  little  effect  towards  protecting  our  commerce  in 
"  the  open  seas,  even  upon  our  own  coasts."     This  was  an 
unexpected  concession,  and  could  have  been  drawn  forth 
only  by  the  truth,  reluctantly  admitted,  that  fifty  such  boats 
were  so  many  egg-shells  against  a  fifty-gun  ship.     In  the 
"  open  sea"  they  were  useless,  and  if  good  for  anything  any 
where,  it  could  only  be  in  shallow  water,  where  no  enemy's 
vessel  could  come. 

Then  as  to  the  economy  of  this  armament.     It  appears 

from  the  official  report  of  Mr.  P.  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury,  soon  after  Mr.  Madison  came  to  the  presidency ; 

That  the  frigate  President  of  56  guns,  cost      $221,000 

Fifty-six  gun-boats,  would  cost  496,000 

Annual  expense  of  a  56  gun-frigate  120,000 

Annual  expense  of  56  gun-boats  655,200 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  181 

Balance  against  gun-boats  535,200 

Each  gun  in  a  frigate  is  supposed  to  be  main- 
tained at  an  annual  expense  of  2,142 
Each  gun,  in  a  gun-boat,  at  an  annual  cost  of     11,700 
This  gun-boat  scheme  is  a  fair  illustration  of  the  utility  H 
and  economy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration.     This  sort    '. 
of  "  armament,"  if  such  it  can  be  called,  seems  to  have  been    1 
authorized  by  act  of  Congress  in  1803.     Mr.  Jefferson  kept    ! 
it  up  during  his  presidency.     It  disappeared  soon  after  his 
retirement. 

It  is  not  distinctly  remembered,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly 
thirty  years,  how  Mr.  Jefferson's  eulogists  considered  this 
exploit  of  the  gun-boats ;  nor  whether  they  applauded  Mr. 
Jefferson  for  his  ingenuity  in  devising  means  for  conquering 
the  enemies  of  the  country,  or  of  defending  it  against  their 
attempts  at  conquest ;  nor  whether  they  applauded  him  for 
his  tenderness  in  guarding  the  money  taken  from  "  the 
mouth  of  labor;"  or  only  for  his  philosophy.  But  this  is  | 
remembered,  that  among  those  who  were  of  his  party  it  was  j 
always  certain,  that  a  federal  President  could  not  do  right, 
and  that  Mr.  Jefferson  could  not  do  wrong. 


LETTER   XLVI. 

SEPTEMBER  15,  1833. 

LOUISIANA  having  been  purchased,  a  question  soon  arose  « 
as  to  boundaries ;  no  other  description  being  given  in  the  \ 
treaty,    than  that   the  territory    purchased  was  that  which   ) 
France  held  before  Spain  acquired  it.     Mr.  Jefferson  con- 
sidered this  to  mean  an  extent  of  country  eastwardly  from 
the  Mississippi  to  the  bay  of  Perdido.     Spain,  then  holding  -, 
Florida,  insisted  that  the  limit  was  the  river  Iberville ;  thus 
cutting  off  about  30,000  square  miles.     This  disputed  terri- 
tory had  already  been  made  a  collection  district  by  act  of 
Congress.     When  Spain   denied    the  claim  of  the  United 
States   and  forcibly  expelled  American  citizens  from  this 
territory,  Bonaparte  was  applied  to  for  an  explanation.     He 
answered  that  France  had  no  right  beyond  the  Iberville,  and, 
consequently,  could  not  mean  to  sell  any.    Spain,  displeased 
16 


182  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

with  the  cession  to  the  United  States,  refused  to  treat,  insist- 
ing that  the  Iberville  was  the  boundary.     While  affairs  were 
•    in  this  condition,  two  remarkable  events  occurred,  the  Mi- 
yranda  expedition  and  the  beginning  of  Burr's  proceedings 
f  in  the  west.     Both  these  affairs  are  very  extraordinary  in 
their  details,  but  cannot  be  followed  out  in  these  sketches, 
further  than  may  be  necessary  to  show  the  character  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  administration. 

v  ,       Miranda  was  the  grandson  of  the  governor  of  Caraccas. 

Y  He  was  in  France  in  the  early  part  of  the  revolution,  and 

/    went  through  a  variety  of  fortune,  as  a  military  officer  in  the 

French  service,  and  as  a  persecuted  individual,  as  successive 

factions  arose.     In  1806,  he  devoted  himself  to  emancipate 

Sonth  America ;    and  knowing  of  the  hostile  spirit  which 

5  had  arisen  between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  he  came 

v  hither  in  the  hope  of  advancing  his  project.    He  openly  fitted 

/^out  and  armed  a  ship  called  the  Leander,  in  the  port  of 

/    New  York.     Several  Americans  having,  or  supposing  they 

had  the  assent,  or  approbation  of  the  government  of  the 

United  States,   aided  Miranda  in  this  expedition  ;    and  a 

/    number  of  young  men  of  respectable  connexions  embarked 

Xon  board  the  Leander,  and  departed  with  Miranda,  all  which 

(    was  supposed  to  be  well  known  at  Washington,  as  no  secret 

was  made  of  the  purpose  of  Miranda. 

The  following  is  copied  from  a  volume,  entitled  "  Me- 
moirs of  Thomas  Jefferson."  Whether  the  facts  therein 
stated  are  true,  or  not,  must  be  judged  of  from  other  facts 
which  are  not  disputable.  Miranda,  "  in  December,  1805, 
"  went  to  Washington,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Mr. 

/'  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  laid  before  him  and 
'  the  President  a  plan  of  an  expedition  against  the  Caraccas. 
'  He  showed  them  letters  from  friends  in  that  country,  which 
'  went  to  prove,  at  least,  the  great  probability  of  success  ; 
'  and  unfolded  to  them  a  plan  of  the  government,  which  he 
'  meant  to  establish  in  those  provinces.  The  President 
'  attentively  perused  and  considered  the  plan ;  kept  it 
'  twenty-four  hours,  and  then  returned  it  to  the  General, 
'  (Miranda,)  with  expressions  of  much  approbation.  Mi- 
'  randa  urged  the  co-operation  of  the  American  government. 
'  Mr.  Madison  replied,  that  Congress  did  not  approve  of 
going  to  war  with  Spain.  Miranda  replied,  that  though 
'  government  should  not  be  disposed  to  aid  him,  he  would 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  183 

"  carry  the  plan  into  execution  himself,  provided  they  would 
"  not  interfere  with  his  preparations  ;  to  which  the  Secretary  ^k 
"  made    answer,   that    provided    Miranda  proceeded   with    \ 
"  proper  precaution,  so  as  not  to  commit  them,  the  govern- 
"  ment  would  shut  their  eyes  upon  the  matter.     With  this 
"  assurance  Miranda  returned  to  New  York  to  make  pre- 
"  parations." 

There  is  some  probability  of  the  truth  of  this  account 
from  the  fact,  that  Colonel  William  S.  Smith,  son-in-law  to  *N 
John   Adams,  was  made  acquainted  with  the  design,  and 
permitted  his  son,  William  Steuben  Smith,  to  accompany 
Miranda.     Mr.  Samuel  G.  Ogden  furnished  Miranda  with'-- 
the  ship  Leander,  to  proceed  to  the  town  of  Caraccas,  and 
to  land  him  there,  or  as  near  thereto,  as  might  be.    Miranda  ., 
carried  out  180  men,  large  quantities  of  military  stores,  two   ^ 
printing  presses,  and  a  number  of  journeymen  printers.     All 
this  was  conducted  so  openly,  as  to  be  a  subject  of  common 
conversation.     The  ship  was  regularly  cleared  at  the  cus- 
tom-house, and  remained  several  days  afterwards  in  port, 
to  increase  the  number  of  men.     All  this,  with  the  excep-  \ 
tion  of  Miranda  himself  and,  perhaps,  a  very  few  others,  was 
American.     The  Leander  sailed  early  in  1806.  v 

On  the  1st  of  March,  1806,  Colonel  Smith  and  Mr.  Og-     > 
den  were  arrested  on  a  warrant  of  Judge  Tallmadge,  and 
being  brought  before  him,  each  was  informed,  that  he  was 
called  on  to  give  evidence   against  the  other.     Questions 
were   propounded,    and   these  gentlemen   were   threatened 
with  imprisonment,  if  they  did  not  answer.     Finding  this 
consequence  inevitable,  they  made  and  signed  a  written  de-   \ 
claration  of  what  they  knew.     A  most  remarkable  prosecu-  ^ 
tion  was  carried  on  against  these  two  men  by  a  Jeffersonian 
judge  ;  all  of  which  may  now  be  seen  of  record  ;  but  when 
it  came  to  the  opinion  of  a  jury,  they  were  honorably  acquit-  _ 
ted.     One  would  like  to  know  what  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr. 
Madison  had  to  do  with  this  prosecution ;  what  motives  they 
had  for  countenancing  this  expedition  of  the  Leander  up  to 
the  hour  of  her  departure ;  and  then  turning  upon  Smith  \ 
and  Ogden,  to  sacrifice  them  in  the  forms  of  a  judicial  pro-  \ 
cess.    May  it  not  have  been  for  two  purposes  :  first,  to  have   'v 
all  the  mischief  done  to  Spain,  which  Miranda  contemplated ; 
and,  secondly,  to  exculpate  themselves,  if  Spain,  or  France 
should  complain?     If  such  were  the  motives,  what  name 


184  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

should  be  given  to  such  statesmen  1     The  end  of  this  expe- 

vdition  was  unfortunate  enough  for  those  who  engaged  in  it. 

They  were  taken,  and  most  of  them  ended  their  lives  in 

Spanish  dungeons.     The  gallant  and  accomplished  Miranda 

was  sent  to  Spain,  and  confined  in  the  dungeons  of  the  in- 

\  quisition  at  Cadiz,  where  he  died  at  the  end  of  four  years. 

-  He  was  called  "  the  earliest  martyr  of  freedom  in  Spanish 

[    America." 

*A  As  to  "  Burr's  conspiracy,"  this  unfortunate  man,  on 
r  leaving  the  vice-presidency,  in  1805,  became  a  wanderer. 
-  He  appeared  in  the  western  states,  in  the  course  of  that 
year ;  and  there  attempted  to  carry  into  effect  some  designs, 
but  precisely  of  what  character  is  not  certain.  It  may  be, 
that  he  calculated  on  a  war  with  Spain,  and  intended  to  ad- 
vance his  own  interests  under  the  supposed  approbation  of 
the  administration,  as  Miranda  did.  It  may  be,  that  he  in- 
tended to  possess  himself  of  Mexico ;  or,  perhaps,  to  plunder 
New  Orleans ;  or  to  sever  the  Union,  with  the  aid  of  Spain, 
and  found  a  western  empire;  perhaps  he  intended,  as  a  last 
resort,  to  effect  a  settlement  of  lands  on  the  river  Washita. 
His  purposes  do  not  appear  to  have  been  disclosed,  so  that 
they  can  be  placed  beyond  conjecture.  Whatever  his  plans 
may  have  been,  it  is  certain,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  knew,  as 
early  as  January,  1806,  that  Mr.  Burr  was  in  the  western 
country,  and  had  plans  of  some  sort  interesting  to  the  Unit- 
ed States. 

Joseph  Hamilton  Daveiss,  at  this  time    attorney  of  the 
United   States    for  the   district  of  Kentucky,   published    a 
pamphlet  to  show  what  he  did  to  detect  Burr.     His  pamph- 
let gives   copies  of  the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, in  the  months  of  January   and  February  of  that  year. 
In  these  letters,  Daveiss  discloses  a  very  intimate  connexion 
_  between  the  celebrated  General  Wilkinson  (Mr.  Jefferson's 
military  chief  at  New  Orleans)   and  Mr.   Burr.     He   also 
mentions,  that  two  men  of  distinction  in  the  western  country 
/were  under  an  annual  stipend  to  promote  the  views  of  Spain. 
I  It  seems  to  have  been  intended   by  Spain  to  detach  all  the 
',  country   west  of  the  mountains   from  the  United  States,  a 
\very  natural  consequence  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 

The  first  letter  of  Daveiss  is  dated  the  10th  of  January, 
1806.  The  first  acknowledgment  of  it  by  Mr.  Jefferson  is 
dated  the  15th  of  February  following.  Although  Mr.  Da- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  185 

veiss  appears  to  have  devoted  himself  most  faithfully  to  the 
investigation  of  the  designs  going  on  in  the  western  coun- 
try, and  wrote  eight  very  circumstantial  letters  to  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, the  next  communication  from  Mr.  Jefferson  was  a 
short  letter  under  date  of  September  12,  1806,  merely 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Daveiss's  disclosures. 
What  motives  Mr.  Jefferson  had ,  for  taking  no  part  in 
defeating  Mr.  Burr's  purposes  at  an  earlier  period,  can  only 
be  conjectured.  He  might  have  intended  to  let  Burr,  like 
Miranda,  do  all  the  injury  to  Spain,  which  he  could  do,  and, 
in  his  own  time,  to  disavow  these  acts,  and  to  have  the 
gratification  of  punishing  a  man,  who  had  dared  to  be  a 
competitor  with  him  for  the  presidency. 

It  appears,  that  towards  the  close  of  1806,  Colonel  Burr 
did  engage  in  some  expedition  to  proceed  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi ;  that  he  had  procured  some  boats,  and 
that  a  small  number  of  men  were  to  accompany  him.  On  - 
the  night  of  the  10th  of  December,  1806,  there  were  assem-  "* 
bled  at  Blannerhasset' s  Island,  in  Ohio  river,  a  few  men, 
who  had  two  or  three  boats,  on  board  of  which  some  arms 
are  said  to  have  been  laden.  These  boats  departed  that 
night,  and  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  Cumberland  river. 
Burr  was  not  of  this  party,  but  descended  the  Cumberland 
with  some  boats,  and  there  joined  the  Blannerhasset  party  ; 
and  the  whole  force  proceeded  down  the  Ohio,  and  into  the 
Mississippi.  The  number  of  boats,  after  Blannerhasset 
united  with  Burr,  was  said  to  be  not  more  than  eight,  and 
the  number  of  men  not  exceeding  sixty.  Before  this  time 
Burr  had  been  twice  accused  by  grand  juries  in  Kentucky  ; 
but  there  was  no  sufficient  ground  to  proceed  against  him. 
On  hearing  of  the  second  accusation,  he  voluntarily  pre- 
sented himself  at  court,  and  was  discharged. 

An  extensive  combination  had,  undoubtedly,  been  con-  -\ 
templated  ;  and  in  part  effected  for  some  purpose.     General -< 
James  Wilkinson,  then  at  New  Orleans,  was  in  some  way     '. 
connected  with  this  affair,  but  in  what  manner  and  to  what 
extent  seems  to  be  questionable.     There  was  a  communi- 
cation in  cipher  between  him  and  Burr.     The  only  letter 
so  written  seems  to  have  had  relation  to  an  invasion  of  Span- 
ish   territory.     It  is  hardly   doubtful   whether  the  adminis- 
tration were  ignorant  of  this.     If  they  were  not,  it  is  difficult 
to  account  for  continued  confidence  in  Wilkinson  to  the 
16* 


186  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

close  of  his  life.     Some  persons  had  gone  by  sea  to  New 
Orleans  in  expectation  of  Burr's  arrival,  and  among  others, 

-."  Mr. Swartwout,  of  New  York,  and  the  famous  Dr.  Boll- 
man.  Whatever  the  plot  may  have  been,  it  was  entirely 
defeated.  At  the  time  which  best  suited  the  purposes  of 
the  administration,  the  western  country  was  awakened ;  or- 
ders were  issued  to  the  naval  and  military  force  of  the  United 
States  to  take  Burr  and  his  party,  while  descending  the 
river,  and  "  if  it  shall  become  necessary  for  that  purpose, 

/  to  destroy  his  boats."  Apprised  of  these  measures,  Burr 
.thought  proper  to  be  landed  somewhere  on  the  shores  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  thence  found  his  way  to  the  Tombigbee 

I  river,  in  the  Mississippi  territory,  on  the  19th  of  February, 
1807,  accompanied  by  one  person. 

It  appears  that  Burr  was  in  advance  of  his  companion 
thirty  or  forty  yards,  in  passing  a  settlement  called  Wash- 
ington Court  House,  at  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  Burr 
passed  on  without  halting  or  speaking  ;  but  his  companion 
inquired  of  one  standing  at  the  door  of  a  public  house  for 
the  dwelling  of  a  Major  Hinson,  and  on  being  answered 
followed  Burr.  The  person  inquired  of,  suspecting  the  first 
traveller  to  be  Burr,  followed  with  a  sheriff  to  Hinson's,  and 
there  having  his  suspicions  confirmed,  went  to  Fort  Stod- 
dard,  and  obtained  a  military  officer  and  four  soldiers,  who 
took  Burr  into  their  custody.  He  was  thence  conducted  as 
a  prisoner  to  Richmond,  where  he  arrived  towards  the  close 
of  the  month  of  March. 


LETTER    XLVII. 

SEPTEMBER  21,  1833. 

ON  the  30th  of  March,  1807,  George  Hay,  Esq.,  Attorney 
of  the  United  States  for  Virginia,  applied  to  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  to  commit  Colonel  Burr  on  the  charge  of  treason. 
A  preliminary  examination  was  had  of  the  evidence,  and 
the  judge  was  of  opinion,  that  it  did  not  authorize  a  com- 
mitment for  that  crime,  but  only  for  a  misdemeanor ;  and 
Burr  was,  therefore,  allowed  to  find  bail  for  his  appearance 
at  the  next  Circuit  Court  at  Richmond ;  bail  was  given. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  187 

On  the  22d  of  May,  the  Circuit  Court  was  opened.     The 
counsel  for  the  prosecution  were  George  Hay,  Alexander  / 
McRae,  and  William  Wirt.     For  Burr,  John  Baker,  Benja-^S 
min  Botts,  John  Wickham,  Edmund  Randolph,  and  Luther 
Martin  appeared.     At  a  subsequent  day,  Charles  Lee  also    ' 
appeared.     To  these  may  be  added  Burr  himself,  who  had  \ 
been  a  lawyer  of  great  eminence.     Many  days  were  passed 
in  selecting  a  grand  jury.     Among   others  William  B.  Giles 
had  been  summoned,  who  had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son of  the  certainty  of  Burr's  guilt.     This  gentleman,  no 
doubt  at  Mr.  Jefferson's  suggestion,  had  moved  the  Senate  . 
to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  which  motion,  if  suc- 
cessful in  both  branches,  would  have  given  Mr.  Jefferson 
unlimited  control  over  the  personal  liberty  of  every  citizen 
in  the  United  States.    The  motion  was  rejected  even  by  that 
Congress.     Mr.  Giles  seems  to  have  had  little  doubt  of  his 
fitness  to  serve  as  grand  juror.     But  after  examination  and 
discussion  he  withdrew.     John  Randolph  (the  same    who  » 
was  sent  recently  as  minister  to  Russia)  was  foreman  of  the 
grand  jury. 

There  appears  to  have  been  much  discussion  in  court  on 
the  evidence  which  should  go  to  the  grand  jury.  Among 
other  persons  called  as  witnesses  for  the  government  was 
Dr.  Erick  Bollman,  for  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  had  prepared  a 
certificate  of  pardon,  which  Mr.  Hay  presented  to  Bollman 
in  court,  and  which  Bollman  peremptorily  refused  to  accept. 
He  was,  however,  sworn  and  sent  to  the  jury. 

While  the  jury  were  deliberating,  the  court  were  engaged 
in  a  long  argument  on  a  motion  to  punish  General  Wilkinson  > 
for  contempt  of  court,  in  having  unlawfully  caused  one  Knox 
to  be  arrested,  imprisoned,  and  forcibly  conducted  on  board 
a  United  States  vessel,  called  the  Revenge,  at  New  Orleans, 
and  thence  brought  to  Richmond,  as  a  witness  against  Burr. 
The  proceedings  of  Wilkinson  appear  to  have  been  arbitrary 
and  oppressive,  and  enforced  by  his  military  authority  ;  but 
the  Chief  Justice  decided,  that  he  was  not  chargeable  with 
contempt.  Wilkinson  came  from  New  Orleans  in  the  same 
vessel.  The  precise  charge  against  him  was,  that  he  had 
used  illegal  means  ;  and  had  invaded  the  privilege  of  wit- 
nesses, tending  to  the  corruption  of  evidence  ;  and  materially 
to  affect  the  justice  and  dignity  of  the  court,  so  as  to  subject 
him  to  process  of  contempt.  But,  as  before  stated,  the 
charge  was  not  sustained. 


Ijy 

188  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

On  the  24th  of  June,  the  grand  jury  came  in  with  charges 

'    of  treason  and  misdemeanor  against  Burr  ;  and  with  like 

V^charges  against  Herman  Blannerhasset.     Afterwards  similar 

charges  were  found  against  General  Jonathan  Dayton  and 

•one  Smith.     Great  difficulties  occurred  in  selecting  a  jury 

for  trial ;  party  feelings  had  taken  so  strong  a  hold,  that 

almost  every  person  called  seemed  to  have  made  up  his  mind 

/from  rumors  and  newspaper  statements.     The  selection  of  a 
jury  occasioned  a  long  delay. 

On  the  17th  of  August,  Burr  was  put  on  trial,  charged 
o     with  having  excited  insurrection,  rebellion,  and  war,  on  the 
p    10th  of  December,  1806,  at  Blannerhasset's  Island,  in  Vir- 
ginia.    Secondly,  the  same  charge  was  repeated,  with  the 
addition  of  a  traitorous  intention  of  taking  possession  of  the 
city  of  New  Orleans  with  force  and  arms.     To  all  which  he 
pleaded  not  guilty. 

Many  witnesses  were  examined  to  show  in  what  manner 
Colonel  Burr  had  employed  himself,  in  the  western  country, 
in  1805  and  1806 ;  and  to  show  that  he  had  contracted  for 
boats  and  provisions  ;  and  had  conferred  with  divers  per- 
sons, to  some  of  whom  he  had  disclosed  one  purpose,  and 
to  some  another,  according  to  the  expectation  of  operating 

,  on  them  through  different  motives.  The  probability  is, 
that  Burr  was  then  a  desperate  man.  He  was  an  exile  from 
the  state  of  New  York,  in  consequence  of  the  pendency 
there  of  the  indictment  for  the  murder  of  Colonel  Hamilton  ; 
he  had  lost  the  popular  favor ;  his  means  had  been  much 
reduced ;  he  held  the  administration  in  contempt ;  he  had 
insatiable  ambition  ;  and  appears  to  have  thirsted  for  oppor- 
tunity to  distinguish  himself,  and  to  retrieve  his  standing 
at  all  hazards.  Yet,  as  circumstances  now  appear,  one  can- 
not but  think,  that  a  man  of  Burr's  sagacity  must  have  had 
some  assurances  and  encouragement  from  the  government, 
or  from  its  military  chief,  Wilkinson,  that  he  might  move 
against  the  Spanish  territories,  whatever  other  designs  he 

\  may  have  had.  If  Burr  had  no  such  reliance  on  govern- 
ment, it  is  improbable  so  intelligent  a  person  should  have 
imagined,  that  he  could  proceed  successfully  with  his  few 
boats  and  men,  even  if  permitted  to  do  as  he  pleased.  If 
his  object  was  to  seize  New  Orleans,  he  must  have  been 

I  deranged  to  think  his  armament  sufficient  for  his  purpose, 

/    if  he  had  not  been  assured  of  Wilkinson's  co-operation.     If 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  189 

Wilkinson  can  be  supposed  to  have  favored  Burr's  design, 
he  may  have  changed  his  mind  at  a  convenient  time  ;  or 
he  may  have  accepted  Burr's  confidence,  with  the  intention 
of  defeating  his  projects,  when  this  could  be  most  effectually 
done.  It  is  very  possible  that  Mr.  Burr,  who  is  yet  living, 
may  leave  some  account  of  these  transactions. 

Among  the  witnesses  called  by  the  government  against 
the  accused  was    a   very   extraordinary   man,    well    known  N 
and  much  esteemed   for  his  exploits  on  the  northern  coast    ' 
of  Africa.     His  testimony  is  interesting,  because  it  discloses 
his  views  of  Colonel  Burr ;  and   because  it  gives  some  ac- 
count of  himself.     It  should  be  remarked,  that  the  counsel 
of  the  accused  had  insisted,  that  the  government's  counsel 
ought  to  be  required  to  prove,  in  the  first  instance,  some 
overt  act  of  levying  war  against  the  United  States,  accord-  * 
ing  to  the  charge  in  the  indictment,  viz.  at  Blannerhasset's  \ 
Island,  in  the  Ohio  river,  in  the  month  of  December,  1806. 
This,  like  other  suggestions,  was  fully  argued,  and  it  was 
decided  to  be  proper  first  to  offer  such  proof.     The  gentle- 
man  above  alluded  to,   Geneial  William   Eaton,  was  then  ^ 
called  as  a  witness,  and  it  was  asked  whether  he  was  called 
to  prove  the  overt   act.     It  was  answered  that  he  was  not, 
but  to  prove  the  previous  intention  of  Burr.     He  was  objected 
to,  and  another  argument  ensued  ;  but  the  court  decided, 
that  evidence  might  be  given  of  the  intentions  entertained 
by  Burr,  as  these  might  show  the  character  of  the  acts  done 
at  the   island.     General    Eaton   was  thereupon  sworn   and  \ 
examined.      Commodore  Truxton  was  also  sworn  and  ex- J 
amined.      The    testimony  of  these    two   witnesses    furnish   A 
the  best  materials  for  judging  of  the  real  designs  of  Burr  ; 
but  these  have  no  longer  such  interest  as  to  make  it  worth 
while  to  transcribe  this  evidence. 


LETTER   XLVIII. 

SEPTEMBER  25,  1833. 

SEVERAL  other  witnesses  were  examined  to  prove  the  acts 
done  at  Blannerhasset's  Island  by  Colonel  Burr's  order,  or 
suggestion.  The  sum  of  this  evidence  was,  that  he  had 


190  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

directed  the  building  of  boats  and  the  purchase  of  provi- 
sions ;  and  that  three  or  four  boats  and  some  men  with 
arms  were  at  the  Island  about  the  10th  of  December  ;  that 
under  fear  of  being  taken  by  the  militia,  this  party  left  the 
Island  in  their  boats  in  the  night,  and  went  down  the  Ohio. 
1  It  appeared  that  Burr  had  been  at  the  Island,  though  not 
there  at  any  time,  while  this  party  were  there,  but  was  at  a 
distance  of  hundreds  of  miles,  and  in  another  state,  (Ken- 
tucky.) The  counsel  for  the  accused  then  moved  the  court, 
that  the  further  examination  should  be  arrested,  inasmuch 

\  as  it  was  proved  that  Burr  was  not  present  when  the  overt 
^act,  (if  such  it  was,)  alleged  in  the  indictment,  took  place. 
.  This  motion  produced  one  of  the  most  learned  and  able 

X  arguments  to  be  found  in  the  whole  course  of  judicial  pro- 
ceedings.    As  much  of  it  as  is  reported  spreads  over  more 

!  than  450  pages.  The  Chief  Justice  pronounced  his  opinion 
on  the  31st  of  August.  At  the  commencement  he  says : 

'  "  A  degree  of  eloquence,  seldom  displayed  on  any  occasion, 
"  has  embellished  a  solidity  of  argument  and  a  depth  of 
"  research,  by  which  the  court  has  been  greatly  aided  in 

V  "  forming  the  opinion  which  it  is  about  to  deliver."  This 
*  carefully  prepared  and  elaborate  opinion  resulted  in  this ; 
that  as  the  counsel  for  the  government  were  not  understood 
to  deny,  that  if  the  overt  act  be  not  proved  by  two  witnesses, 
so  as  to  be  submitted  to  the  jury,  all  other  testimony  must 
be  irrelevant ;  because  no  other  testimony,  (as  to  subsequent 
acts,)  could  prove  the  overt  act.  That  an  assembly  on  Blan- 
nerhasset's  Island  was  proved  by  the  requisite  number  of 
witnesses,  and  the  court  might  submit  to  the  jury,  whether 
that  assemblage  amounted  to  a  "  levying  of  war  ; "  but  the 
presence  of  the  accused  at  that  assemblage  being  no  where 
alleged,  except  in  the  indictment,  the  overt  act  was  not 
proved  by  a  single  witness  ;  and,  of  consequence,  all  other 
testimony  must  be  irrelevant. 

After  this  opinion  had  been  delivered,  Mr.   Hay   asked 
time  to  consider  what  his  duty  further  required.     When  the 

I    court  met  at  a  late  hour  in  the  afternoon,  Mr.  Hay  said, 

1    he  had  examined  the  opinion,  (which  had  been  Iranded  to 

'  him  in  writing,)  and  that  he  must  leave  the  case  with  the 
jury.  The  verdict  was,  "  We  of  the  jury  say,  that  Aaron 
"  Burr  is  not  proved  to  be  guilty  under  this  indictment,  by 
"  any  evidence  submitted  to  us.  We,  therefore,  find  him 


I 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  191 

"  not  guilty."     Burr  was  tried  at  the  same  court  on  the  in- 
dictment for  misdemeanor  and  acquitted.     At  the  conclu-    v 
sion,  Colonel  Burr  was  ordered  to  be  committed  to  answer 
in  the  state  of  Ohio  to  the  charge  of  setting  on  foot,  and 
providing  the  means  for  a  military  expedition  in  that  state, 
against  the  territories  of  a  foreign  prince,  with  whom  the 
United  States  were  at  peace.     He  gave  bail  for  his  appear-  » 
ance,  and  was  set  at  liberty.     Whether  any  prosecution  "in    | 
this  respect  occurred,  it  has  not  seemed  worth  while  to  in-^ 
quire.     None  is  remembered.     In  1808,  Colonel  Burr  was    ; 
in   England.     He   returned   in   1812.     He  came  home  to 
dwell  in  a  humble  seclusion,  and  was  known  only  as  a  prac- 
titioner at  the  bar. 

Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  lose  sight  of  Burr.     In  a  letter  to 
Dr.  James  Brown,  October  27,  1808,  (vol.  iv.  p.  115,)  he 
says :  "  Burr  is  in  London,  and  is  giving  out  to  his  friends,     » 
"  that    government    (English)    offers  him   two   millions  of 
"  dollars,  the  moment  he  can  raise  an  ensign  of  rebellion, 
"  as  big  as  a  pocket  handkerchief.     Some  of  his  partisans   ^ 
"  believe  this,  because  they  wish  it." 

The  trial  being  over,  and  the  law  having  had  its  fair 
operation  on  the  case,  it  might  be  supposed  that  a  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  Union  would  be  contented  with  having 
done  his  duty ;  and  that  decorum  towards  a  co-ordinate 
branch  of  the  government  would  have  prevented  him  from 
dipping  his  pen  anew.  Most  extraordinary  is  it,  that  one  of  \ 
his  own  family  should  have  given  to  the  world  the  following 
picture  of  the  true  character  of  the  man.  (See  vol.  iv. 
p.  102.) 

To  George  Hay. 

11  MONTICELLO,  September  4,  1807. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  Yours  of  the  1st  came  to  hand  yesterday.  The  event 
"  has  been,"  (here  a  number  of  stars  are  introduced,  show- 
ing that  something  was  icritlen,  which  even  Mr.  Jefferson's 
editor  did  not  venture  to  disclose,)  "  that  is  to  say,  not  only 
"  to  clear  Burr,  but  to  prevent  the  evidence  from  ever  going 
"  before  the  world.  It  is  now,  therefore,  more  than  ever  in- 
"  dispensable,  that  not  a  single  witness  be  paid,  or  permitted 
"  to  depart,  until  his  testimony  has  been  committed  to 


192  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  writing,  either  as  delivered  in  court,  or  as  taken  by  your- 
"  self  in  the  presence  of  any  of  Burr's  counsel,  who  may 
"  choose  to  cross-examine.  These  whole  proceedings  will 
"  be  laid  before  Congress,  that  they  may  decide,  whether 
"  the  defect  has  been  in  the  evidence  of  guilt,  or  in  the  law, 
"  or  in  the  application  of  the  law ;  and  that  they  may  pro- 
"  vide  the  proper  remedy  for  the  past  and  for  the  future. 

"  I  must  pray  you,  also,  to  have  an  authentic  copy  of  the 
"  record  made  out,  (without  saying  for  what,)  and  to  send  it 
"  to  me.     If  the  judge's  opinions  make  not  a  part  of  it,  then 
"  I  must  ask  a  copy  of  them  either  under  his  hand,  if  he 
"  delivers  one  signed,  or  duly  proved  by  affidavit. 
\l        "  This  criminal  is  preserved  to  become  the  rallying  point 
j\  "  of  all  the  disaffected  and  worthless  in  the  United  States  ; 
I     "  and  to  be  the  pivot,  on  which  all  the  intrigues  and  con- 
"  spiracies,  which  foreign  governments  may  wish  to  disturb 
"  us   with,  are  to  turn.     If  he  is  convicted  of  the  misde- 
"  meaner,  the  judge   must,  in  decency,  give  us  respite  by 
"  some  short  confinement  of  him ;  but  we  must  expect  it  to 
"  be  very  short.     Be  assured  yourself,  and  communicate  the 
"  same   assurances  to  your  colleagues,  that  your  xand  their 
"  zeal  and  abilities  have  been  displayed  in  this  affair,  to 
"  my  entire  satisfaction,  and  to  your  own  honor." 
.'        Such  is  the  letter  which  Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  concern- 
l^ing  the  official  conduct  of  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice  of 
I    the  United  States !     Is  it  or  not  the  outpouring  of  a  pecu- 
'••    liarly  organized  mind,  at  having  lost  its  expected  victim  ? 
Is   it  or  not  a  search  after   means  to   dishonor   a  judicial 
officer,  perhaps  to  impeach  and  remove  him,  because  he  did 
not  convict,  on  solemn  public  trial,  with  the  guard  of  a  jury, 
one  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  had  condemned  in  his  closet,  un- 
heard, on  the  testimony  of  his  own  parasites  ?     Is  such  a 
man  a  fit  person  to  conceive  of  the  solemnity  and  purity  of 
the  administration  of  justice,  where  human  life  is  involved, 
and  where  the  law  declares  every  man  to  be  presumed  in- 
nocent until    found   guilty  ?     If  Mr.   Jefferson   could  have 
placed  Tallmadges  and  Halls  on  the  bench,  at  his  plea- 
sure, and  could  have  packed  his  juries,  what  would  have 
been  the  fate  of  the  "  disaffected  and  the  worthless,"  in  this 
s  land  of  liberty  !     Whatever  may  be  thought  of  Burr,  and 
however  desperately  wicked  any  one  may  please  to  think 
him ;  it  is  the  principle  of  action,  disclosed  in  this  letter, 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  193 

which  terrifies  and  astonishes,  considering  what  station  he 
held,  who  wrote  it.  Here  is  one  more  proof,  that  those,  who 
talk  and  boast  the  loudest  of  republican  liberty,  are  the  men 
least  qualified  to  be  trusted  with  power. 

This  trial  requires  some  remarks.  In  the  course  of  the 
argument,  some  suggestions  were  made,  (and  very  possibly 
in  consequence  of  the  letters  written  to  Mr.  Hay  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  during  the  trial,)  that  the  court  might  be  under 
some  bias  favorable  to  Colonel  Burr.  These  called  for  some 
notice  on  the  part  of  the  Chief  Justice.  He  did  notice  them^, 
with  calmness,  self-respect,  and  dignity,  which  deserves  to  f 
be  remembered  for  ever,  not  only  to  his  due  honor,  but  as 
an  example  of  judicial  independence  and  propriety,  on 
which,  no  doubt,  the  liberties  of  this  country  depend,  Mr. 
Jefferson's  doctrines  notwithstanding. 

"  Much,"  says  the  Chief  Justice,  "  has  been  said,  in  the 
"  course  of  the  argument,  on  which  the  court  feels  no  incli- 
"  nation  to  comment  particularly,  but  which  may,  perhaps, 
"  not  improperly  receive  some  notice.  That  this  court 
"  dares  not  usurp  authority  is  most  true.  That  this  court 
"  dares  not  shrink  from  its  duty  is  not  less  true.  No  man 
"  is  desirous  of  becoming  the  peculiar  subject  of  calumny. 
"  No  man,  might  he  let  the  bitter  cup  pass  from  him  with- 
"  out  self-reproach,  would  drain  it  to  the  bottom.  But  if  he 
"  have  no  choice  in  the  case  ;  if  there  be  no  alternative  pre- 
"  scribed  to  him,  but  a  dereliction  of  duty,  or  the  opprobrium 
"  of  those  denominated  the  world,  he  merits  the  contempt, 
"  as  well  as  the  indignation  of  his  country,  who  can  hesitate 
"  which  to  embrace. 

"  That  gentlemen,  in  a  case  the  most  interesting,  in  the 
"  zeal  with  which  they  advocate  particular  opinions,  and 
"  under  the  conviction,  in  some  measure,  produced  by  that 
"  zeal,  should,  on  each  side,  press  their  arguments  too  far; 
"  should  be  impatient  at  any  deliberation  in  the  court ;  and 
"  should  suspect,  or  fear  the  operation  of  motives,  to  which 
"  alone  they  can  ascribe  that  deliberation,  is,  perhaps,  a 
"  frailty  incident  to  human  nature  ;  but  if  any  conduct  on 
"  the  part  of  the  court  could  warrant  a  sentiment  that  it 
"  would  deviate  to  the  one  side  or  to  the  other,  from  th« 
"  line  prescribed  by  duty  and  law,  that  conduct  would  be 
"  viewed  by  the  judges  themselves  with  an  eye  of  extreme 
17 


194  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  severity,  and  would  long  be  recollected  with  deep  and 
"  serious  regret." 

These  are  the  sentiments  of  one  who  understood  the 
sacred  trust  of  administering  justice  according  to  law,  in  a 
government  of  laws ;  sentiments,  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
incapable  of  conceiving.  He  is  rather  to  be  commiserated 
than  reproached  for  his  incapacity. 

This  trial  deserves  remark  on  other  grounds.  The  time 
may  come,  when  a  popular  President  and  a  subservient 
Senate  may  place  in  judicial  seats  mere  instruments  of  ex- 
ecutive will.  This  is  one  way  in  which  despotism  may  ap- 
proach, and  not  an  improbable  one ;  quite  as  probable  as  in 
military  form.  We  have  already  seen  something  of  this  in 
Mr.  Jefferson's  reign  (embargo  times)  ;  nothing  was  want- 
ing then  but  the  proper  instruments. 

At  the  time  of  this  trial,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  acquired  to 
himself,  almost  entirely  by  his  pen,  an  astonishing  supremacy 
over  public  opinion.  All  who  did  not  bow  to  him  were  the 
"  disaffected  and  the  worthless."  He  cordially  hated  Burr. 
Every  measure  had  been  taken  to  pre-occupy  the  minds  of 
the  citizens  against  him.  It  was  hardly  to  be  expected,  that 
he  should  have  a  fair  trial  any  where  ;  and  especially,  per- 
haps, in  the  state  in  which  he  was  tried ;  for  there  he  had 
been  prejudged  by  many  of  the  most  influential  men  on  Mr. 
Jefferson's  own  assurances  of  his  guilt.  It  is  of  no  import- 
ance who,  or  what  the  accused  may  have  been  ;  he  was 
entitled  to  a  trial  according  to  law. 

Taking  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  trial  into  view, 
it  is  one  of  remarkable  interest,  and  is  well  worth  considera- 
tion for  the  instruction  which  it  imparts.  The  accused  had 
been  the  equal  competitor  with  his  real  prosecutor  for  the 
highest  office  in  a  great  republic.  He  was,  for  four  years, 
second  only  to  him,  and  had  but  recently  descended  from 
his  elevation.  His  trial  was  for  his  life,  nor  for  his  life  only, 
but  that  it  might  end  on  the  gibbet,  for  a  cri.ne  so  infamous 
as  to  include,  in  its  complete  perpetration,  almost  every 
other  in  the  catalogue  of  crimes.  Here  was  a  grand  jury 
who  believed  him  so  far  guilty,  as  to  think  it  their  duty  to 
subject  him  to  that  trial.  Here  was  a  collection  of  jurors, 
as  fair  and  impartial,  perhaps,  as  the  state  of  public  excite- 
ment would  permit ;  and  here  were  learned  and  eminent 
counsel  on  both  sides.  The  one  intent  to  convict,  not  only 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  195 

because  they  thought  this  the  line  of  professional  and  pa- 
triotic duty,  but  because  they  could  not  shut  out  from  view, 
that  conviction  would  be  grateful  to  the  man  of  the  people. 
The  other  side,  intent  on  applying  the  law  and  the  evidence, 
as  it  should  be  applied  ;  and,  perhaps,  influenced  by  the  fact, 
that  they  had  some  responsibility  in  shielding  one,  whose 
condemnation  would  have  been,  not  merely  an  act  of  justice, 
but  a  political  triumph.  Presiding  over  this  contention,  sat 
one,  who  could  have  felt  no  favor  for  the  accused :  and  who 
must  have  abhorred  the  crimes  which  the  indictment  alleged. 
He  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of  the  character  of  the 
prosecution.  In  such  circumstances,  happily  for  him,  he 
could  rise  above  all  motives,  which  the  pure  administration 
of  justice  rejected.  It  has  rarely  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any 
man,  to  have  had  occasion  to  seek  so  earnestly  for  the  truth, 
both  as  to  the  law  and  as  to  the  evidence  ;  and  to  no  man, 
to  have  conducted  himself  with  more  dignity  and  magna- 
nimity, in  the  most  responsible  station  in  which  one  can  be 
placed. 

There  is  an  emotion  of  sadness  in  reflecting  on  the  pro- 
fessional labor  of  this  case.     The  feelings  and  the  exertions 
of  an  advocate  are  little  appreciated  by  the  world.     The 
judge  has  to  feel  the  way  of  his  duty  and  to  adhere  to  it, 
leaving  consequences  to  themselves.     The  accused  must  be  « 
presumed  to  have  thought  of  consequences,  before  he  took  | 
on  himself  to  act ;  but  he  confides  his  hopes  and  his  fears,  i 
his  life  and  his  fame  to  his  counsel ;  and  they  painfully  re- 
alize that  he  does  so.     Laborious,  indeed,  must  have  been  ^ 
the  exertions,  in  the  intensity  of  summer,  in  a  southern  l 
clime,  in  this  serious  investigation.     The  arguments  as  re-  ] 
ported  give  some  intimation  of  what  these  exertions  were,"1^ 
in  searching  out,  comparing,  and  arranging  authorities  ;  but    j 
they  do  not  and  cannot  disclose  to  the  world  the  painful   ] 
anxiety  of  preparing  and  delivering  the  result  of  intense  in-   3 
tellectual  effort. 

There  is  one  circumstance  in  this  affair  of  Colonel  Burr, 
which  ought  to  be  noticed,  as  it  shows  Mr.  Jefferson's  views  " 
of  the  proper  exercise  of  power.  Swartwout  and  Bollman 
had  been  forcibly  seized  by  General  Wilkinson  at  New  Or- 
leans, and  sent  under  guard  to  the  city  of  Washington,  and 
there  committed  to  prison.  If  these  persons  had  been  guilty, 
or  liable  to  be  put  on  trial  at  all,  the  trial  should  have  been 


196  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

had  in  the  district  in  which  the  crime  was  committed,  viz. 
the  Mississippi  territory,  in  which  the  seat  of  justice  was  at 
New  Orleans.  These  persons  moved  the  court  for  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  both  of  them  were  discharged,  because 
the  proper  place  of  prosecution,  if  there  were  evidence 
against  them,  was  New  Orleans  and  not  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington. If  Wilkinson  did  not  act  by  order  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
he  acted  with  his  approbation.  Hence  it  appears  what  views 
Mr.  Jefferson  entertained  as  to  the  exercise  of  power ; 
and  what  he  would  have  done,  if  his  friend  Giles's  motion 
to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  had  prevailed.  The 
only  apology  which  can  be  offered  for  Mr.  Jefferson  is,  that 
he  seems  to  have  sincerely  believed  the  will  of  a  President 
elected  by  the  people,  (and  none  could  be  considered  as  part 
of  the  people  who  did  not  vote  for  him,)  to  be  the  supreme 
law.  Thus  it  is  obvious,  that  the  will  of  such  a  President 
is  a  despotism  ;  and  of  the  worst  sort,  because  he  can  give 
it  the  forms  of  law,  when  he  can  surmount  the  obstacle  of 
judiciary  interference. 

NOTICE  OF  MR.  WIRT. 

'  MR.  WIRT,  who  makes  a  distinguished  figure  in  this  trial, 
v^was  then  about  thirty-four  years  of  age.  At  the  age  of-about 
,  fifty-seven,  an  opportunity  occurred  to  observe  him,  when 
I  he  appeared  in  Boston,  as  counsel  in  a  cause  of  great 

•  interest  to  the  parties.     He  was  a  tall,  handsome  man,  well 

•  formed  and  rather  full  person,  of  polished  and  amiable  man- 
v  ners.     He  observed  a   highly   decorous   deportment  in  his 
j  forensic    tactics.     In  private  society    (while  in  Boston)    he 

was  grave,  thoughtful,  and  not  disposed  to  conversation. 
WHe  was  said  to  be  a  true  gentleman  in  his  feelings  and  in- 
/tercourse  with  others,  and  deservedly  beloved  in  his  domes- 
/  tic  relations.  He  was  a  scholar,  a  profound  lawyer,  and  a 
\  man  of  real  eloquence,  founded  on  substantial  intellectual 

•  power.     His  fame  was  entirely  professional',  excepting  that 
he  wrote  a  small  volume,  entitled  the  British  Spy,  describ- 

^  ing  certain  eminent  men ;  and  the  Life  of  Patrick  Henry. 
The  former  was  much  esteemed  for  the  elegance  of  its 
style  ;  of  the  latter,  it  is  said,  that  he  thought  he  had  not 
acquitted  himself  as  well  as  he  supposed  he  had  when  he 
sent  it  to  the  press.  Since  the  foregoing  page  was  written, 
the  sorrowful  intelligence  is  received,  that  this  gentleman 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  197 

has  deceased  in  the  midst  of  his  professional  labors;  one 
more  proof  of  the  severe  cost  and  peril  of  eminence  at  the 
bar.     The  following  extract  will   give  some,  though  but  a 
faint  impression  of  the  eloquence  to  which  Mr.  Wirt  co"uld 
ascend.     It  is  taken  from  one  of  the  many  speeches  which  Y 
he  made  in  the  course  of  Burr's  trial.     It  is  extracted  for  / 
the  further  purpose  of  showing  this  gentleman's    view  of 
Burr's  machinations. 

"  Who  Aaron  Burr  is,  we  have  seen,  in  part,  already.  I 
"  will  add,  that  beginning  his  operations  in  New  York,  he 
"  associates  with  him  men  whose  wealth  is  to  supply  the  ne- 
"  cessary  funds.  Possessed  of  the  mainspring,  his  personal 
"  labor  contrives  all  the  machinery.  Pervading  the  conti- 
"  nent  from  New  York  to  New  Orleans,  he  draws  into  his 
"  plan,  by  every  allurement,  men  of  all  ranks  and  descrip- 
"  tions.  To  youthful  ardor  he  presents  danger  and  glory  ; 
"to  ambition,  —  rank,  titles,  and  honors;  to  avarice,  —  the 
"  mines  of  Mexico.  To  each  person  whom  he  addresses 
"  he  presents  the  object  adapted  to  his  taste.  Civil  life  is, 
"  indeed,  quiet  upon  its  surface,  but  in  its  bosom  this  man 
"  has  contrived  to  deposit  the  materials,  which,  with  the 
"  slightest  touch  of  his  match,  produce  an  explosion  to  shake 
"  the  continent.  In  the  autumn  of  1806,  he  goes  forth,  for 
"  the  last  time,  to  apply  this  match.  He  meets  with  Blan-  \ 
"  nerhasset. 

-    "  And  who  is  Blannerhasset  ?   A  man  of  letters,  who  fled    \ 
"  from  the  storms  of  his  own  country,  to  find  quiet  in  ours. 
"  He  sought  quiet  and  solitude  in  the  bosom  of  our  western      / 
"  forests.     But   he   carried  with  him    taste,   science,    and 
"  wealth;  and  lo  !  the  desert  smiled.     Possessing  himself  of 
"  a  beautiful  island,  in  the  Ohio,  he  rears  upon  it  a  palace, 
"  and  decorates  it  with  every  embellishment  of  fancy.     A 
"  shrubbery,   that   Shenstone  might    have   envied,    blooms 
"  around  him.     Music,  that  might  have  charmed  Calypso 
"  and    her  nymphs,  is  his.      An  extensive  library  spread  *"> 
"  its  treasures  before  him.     A  philosophical  apparatus  offers 
"  to  him  all  the  secrets  and  mysteries  of  nature.     Peace, 
"  tranquillity,   and   innocence   shed   their  mingled  delights 
"  around   him.     And   to   crown   the   enchantment  of  the 
"  scene,  a  wife  who  is  said  to  be  lovely  beyond  her  sex,  and--L 
"  graced  with  every   accomplishment   that   can   render   it 
17* 

** 


198  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  irresistible,  had  blessed  him  with  her  love,  and  made  him 
"  the  father  of  several  children. 

"  The  destroyer  comes  !  he  comes  to  change  this  para- 
"  disc  into  hell.  Yet  the  flowers  do  not  wither  at  his  ap- 
"  proach.  No  monitory  shuddering  through  the  bosom  of 
"  their  unfortunate  possessor  warns  him  of  the  ruin  that  is 
"  coming.  A  stranger  presents  himself.  Introduced  to 
"  their  civilities  by  the  high  rank  which  he  had  lately  held 
"  in  his  country,  he  soon  finds  his  way  to  their  hearts,  by 
"  the  dignity  and  elegance  of  his  demeanor,  the  light  and 
"  beauty  of  his  conversation,  and  the  seductive  and  fasci- 
"  nating  powers  of  his  address.  Innocence  is  ever  simple 
W"  and  credulous.  Conscious  of  no  design  itself,  it  suspects 
\  "  none  in  others.  Such  was  the  state  of  Eden,  when  the 
"  serpent  entered  its  bowers. 

"  By  degrees  he  infuses  into  the  heart  of  Blannerhasset 
"  the  poison  of  his  own  ambition.  He  breathes  into  it  the 
"  fire  of  his  own  courage ;  a  daring  and  desperate  thirst  for 
"  glory  ;  an  ardor,  panting  for  great  enterprises  ;  for  the 
"  storm,  bustle,  and  hurricane  of  life.  In  a  short  time  the 
"  whole  man  is  changed  ;  every  object  of  former  delight 
"  is  relinquished.  No  more  he  enjoys  the  tranquil  scene. 
"  His  books  are  abandoned.  His  shrubbery  blooms,  and 
"  breathes  its  fragrance  upon  the  air,  in  vain.  His  ear  no 
"  longer  drinks  the  rich  melody  of  music  ;  it  longs  for  the 
"  trumpet's  clangor  and  the  cannon's  roar.  Even  the  prattle 
"  of  his  babes,  once  so  sweet,  no  longer  affects  him.  The 
"  angel  smile  of  his  wife,  which  hitherto  touched  his  bosom 
"  with  ecstacy  unspeakable,  is  now  unseen  and  unfelt.  His 
"  imagination  has  been  dazzled  by  visions  of  diadems,  of 
"  stars,  and  garters,  and  titles  of  nobility,  &LC.  &LC. 

"  In  a  few  months,  we  find  the  beautiful  and  tender  part- 
"  ner  of  his  bosom,  whom  he  lately  permitted  not  '  the  winds 
"  of  summer  to  visit  too  roughly ; '    we  fyid  her  shivering 
"  on  the  winter  banks  of  the  Ohio,  and  mingling  her  tears 
'  with  the  torrents  that  froze  as  they  fell.     Yet  this  unfor- 
'  tunate  man,  thus  deluded  from  his  interest  and  his  happi- 
'  ness,  thus  seduced  from  the  paths  of  innocence  and  peace, 
'  thus  confounded  in  the  toils  that  were  deliberately  spread 
'  for   him,   and   overwhelmed  by  the  mastering  spirit  and 
c  genius  of  another;  —  this  man,  thus  ruined  and  undone, 
4  and  made  to  play  a  subordinate  part  in  this  grand  drama 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  199 

'  of  guilt  and  treason,  —  this  man  is  to  be  called  the  prin- 
'  cipal  offender  ;  while  he,  by  whom  he  was  thus  plunged 
'  in  misery,  is  comparatively  innocent,  a  mere  accessory  ! 
'  Is  this  reason  1  Is  it  law  '?  Is  it  humanity  ?  Sir,  neither 
'  the  human  heart,  nor  the  human  understanding  will  bear 
'  a  perversion  so  monstrous  and  absurd !  so  shocking  to  the 
'  soul !  so  revolting  to  reason  !  Let  Aaron  Burr,  then,  not 
'  shrink  from  the  high  destination  which  he  has  courted ;  ^ 
'  and  having  already  ruined  Blannerhasset  in  fortune,  char- 
'  acter,  and  happiness  for  ever,  let  him  not  attempt  to  finish 
'  the  tragedy,  by  thrusting  that  ill-fated  man  between  him- 
'  self  and  punishment."  (Burr's  Trial,  vol.  ii.  pp.  96,  98.) 
Highly  honorable  testimonials  of  Mr.  Wirt's  professional 
eminence  and  individual  worth  occurred  on  the  event  of 
his  decease,  as  well  among  the  members  of  the  bar  as  in 
court  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  latter  an 
unusual  occurrence,  as  he  had  never  been  a  member  of 
Congress,  though  he  had  been  Attorney  General  twelve 
years,  (from  1817  to  1829 — Monroe's  and  J.  Q.  Adams's 
administrations.) 


LETTER    XLIX. 

OCTOBER  10,  1833. 

IN  1795,  Alexander  Hamilton,  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight, 
resumed  the  practice  of  the  law  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
and  there  continued  until  the  close  of  his  life.  In  Decem- 
ber of  that  year,  his  personal  appearance  was  this :  He  was 
under  middle  size,  thin  in  person,  but  remarkably  erect  and 
dignified  in  his  deportment.  His  bust,  seen  in  so  many 
houses,  and  the  pictures  and  prints  of  him  make  known, 
too  generally,  the  figure  of  his  face,  to  make  an  attempt  at 
description  expedient.  His  hair  was  turned  back  from  his 
forehead,  powdered,  and  collected  in  a  club  behind.  His 
complexion  was  exceedingly  fair,  and  varying  from  this  only 
by  the  almost  feminine  rosiness  of  his  cheeks.  His  might 
be  considered,  as  to  figure  and  color,  an  uncommonly  hand- 
some face.  When  at  rest,  it  had  rather  a  severe  and 
thoughtful  expression  ;  but  when  engaged  in  conversation, 


200  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

V 

it  easily  assumed  an  attractive  smile.  He  was  expected, 
one  day  in  December,  1795,  at  dinner,  and  was  the  last 
who  came.  When  he  entered  the  room,  it  was  apparent 
from  the  respectful  attention  of  the  company,  that  he  was  a 
distinguished  individual.  He  was  dressed  in  a  blue  coat, 
with  bright  buttons  ;  the  skirts  of  his  coat  were  unusually 
long.  He  wore  a  white  waistcoat,  black  silk  small  clothes, 
white  silk  stockings.  The  gentleman,  who  received  him  as 
a  guest,  introduced  him  to  such  of  the  company  as  were 
strangers  to  him  ;  to  each  he  made  a  formal  bow,  bending 
very  low,  the  ceremony  of  shaking  hands  not  being  observed. 
The  fame  of  Hamilton  had  reached  every  one,  who  knew 
any  thing  of  public  men.  His  appearance  and  deportment 
accorded  with  the  dignified  distinction  to  which  he  had  at- 
tained in  public  opinion.  At  dinner,  whenever  he  engaged 
in  the  conversation,  every  one  listened  attentively.  His 
mode  of  speaking  was  deliberate  and  serious ;  and  his  voice 
engagingly  pleasant.  In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  he 
was  in  a  mixed  assembly  of  both  sexes ;  and  the  tranquil 
reserve,  noticed  at  the  dinner  table,  had  given  place  to  a 
social  and  playful  manner,  as  though  in  this  he  was  alone 
ambitious  to  excel. 

The  eloquence  of  Hamilton  was  said  to  be  persuasive  and 
commanding ;  the  more  likely  to  be  so,  as  he  had  no  guide 

*  but  the  impulse  of  a  great  and  rich  mind,  he  having  had 
little  opportunity  to  be  trained  at  the  bar,  or  in  popular 
assemblies.  Those  who  could  speak  of  his  manner  from  the 
best  opportunities  to  observe  him,  in  public  and  private, 
concurred  in  pronouncing  him  to  be  a  frank,  amiable,  high- 
minded,  open-hearted  gentleman.  He  was  capable  of  in- 
spiring the  most  affectionate  attachment ;  but  he  could 
make  those,  whom  he  opposed,  fear  and  hate  him  cordially. 
He  was  capable  of  intense  and  effectual  application,  as  is 
abundantly  proved  by  his  public  labors.  But  he  had  a 
rapidity  and  clearness  of  perception,  in  which  he  may  not 
have  been  equalled.  One,  who  knew  his  habits  of  study, 

,  said  of  him,  that  when  he  had  a  serious  object  to  accomplish, 
his  practice  was  to  reflect  on  it  previously;  and  when  he 
had  gone  through  this  labor,  he  retired  to  sleep,  without 
regard  to  the  hour  of  the  night,  and  having  slept  six  or 

.  seven  hours,  he  rose,  and  having  taken  strong  coffee,  seated 
himself  at  his  table,  where  he  would  remain  six,  seven,  or 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  201 

eight  hours  ;    and  the  product  of  his  rapid  pen,  required  \ 
little  correction  for  the  press.     He  was  among  the  few,  alike    4 
excellent,  whether  in  speaking,   or  in   writing.     In  private 
and  friendly  intercourse,  he  is  said  to  have  been  exceedingly 
amiable,  and  to  have  been  affectionately  beloved. 

Aaron  Burr  was  at  this  time,  (December,  1795,)  probably  \j 
about  Hamilton's  age.  He  had  attained  to  celebrity  as  a  > 
lawyer  at  the  same  bar.  He  was  of  about  the  same  stature 
as  Hamilton,  and  a  thin  man,  but  differently  formed.  His 
motions  in  walking  were  not,  like  Hamilton's,  erect,  but  a 
little  stooping,  and  far  from  graceful.  His  face  was  short  and 
broad  ;  his  black  eyes  uncommonly  piercing.  His  manner 
gentle  and  seductive.  But  he  had  also  a  calmness  and 
sedateness,  when  these  suited  his  purpose,  and  an  eminent 
authority  of  manner,  when  the  occasion  called  for  this.  He 
was  said  to  have  presided  with  great  dignity  in  the  Senate, 
and,  especially,  at  the  trial  of  Judge  Chase.  Though  emi- 
nent as  a  lawyer,  he  was  not  said  to  be  a  man  of  distin- 
guished eloquence,  nor  of  luxuriant  mind.  His  speeches 
were  short  and  to  the  purpose. 

Hamilton  considered  him,  both  as  a  man  and  as  a  politi- 
cian, much  as  he  proved  to  be  in  after  life ;  and  was  not 
careful  to  conceal  his  opinions.  In  short,  he  held  Burr  to- 
be  an  ambitious  and  dangerous  man,  and  was  indiscreet 
enough  to  have  expressed  his  opinions  in  such  a  manner,  as 
to  enable  Burr  to  take  offence,  and  to  call  him  to  account. 

It  seems,  that  a  certain  Dr.  Charles  D.  Cooper  had  written 
a  letter  to  some  one,  in  which  he  said,  "  General  Hamilton 
"  and  "  (another  person  who  need  not  be  named)  "  have 
"  declared  in  substance,  that  they  looked  upon  Mr.  Burr  as 
"  a  dangerous  man,  and  one  who  ought  not  to  be  trusted 
"  with  the  reins  of  government."  "  I  could  detail  to  you 
"  a  still  more  despicable  opinion,  which  General  Hamilton 
"  has  expressed  of  Mr.  Burr."  On  the  18th  of  June,  1804, 
this  letter  had,  sometime  after  its  publication,  come  to  Burr's 
knowledge,  and  on  that  day  he  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  Hamil- 
ton, by  Mr.  Van  Ness,  in  which  he  demanded  "  a  prompt 
"  and  unqualified  acknowledgment,  or  denial  of  the  use  of 
"  any  expression,  which  would  warrant  the  assertions  of 
"  Dr.  Cooper." 

On  the  20th,  General  Hamilton  made  a  reply  of  some 
length,  commenting  on  the  demand  made  on  him,  and  on 


202  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

the  expressions  imputed  to  him,  and  concluded  by  saying, 
"  I  stand  ready  to  avow  or  disavow,  promptly  and  explicitly, 
"  any  precise  or  definite  opinion,  which  I  may  be  charged 
"  with  having  declared  of  any  gentleman."  "  It  cannot  be 
"  expected  that  I  shall  enter  into  an  explanation,  upon  a 
"  basis  so  vague  as  that  which  you  have  adopted.  I  trust, 
"  on  more  reflection,  you  will  see  the  matter  in  the  same 
"  light  with  me.  If  not,  I  can -only  regret  the  circumstance 
"  and  abide  the  consequences." 

On  the  21st,  Burr  answered,  and  among  other  things  said, 

"  Political  opposition  can  never  absolve  gentlemen  from  the 

"  necessity  of  rigid  adherence  to  the  laws  of  honor  and  the 

"  rules  of  decorum.     I  neither  claim  such  privilege,  nor  in- 

'  dulge  it  in  others.     The  common  sense  of  mankind  affixes 

'  to  the  epithet  adopted  by  Dr.  Cooper,  the  idea  of  dishonor. 

'  It  has  been  publicly  applied  to  me,  under  the  sanction  of 

*  your   name.      Your   letter    has    furnished   me  with  new 

'  reasons  for  requiring  a  definite  reply." 

On  the  22d,  General  Hamilton  consulted  with  a  friend, 
(Mr.  Pendleton,)  and  showed  to  him  an  intended  answer  of 
that  date,  in  which  he  said,  after  some  introductory  remarks, 
"  If  by  a  definite  reply,  you  mean  the  direct  avowal  or  dis- 
"  avowal,  required  in  your  letter,  I  have  no  other  answer  to 
"  give  than  that  which  has  already  been  given.  If  you 
"  mean  any  thing  different,  admitting  of  greater  latitude,  it 
"  is  requisite  you  should  explain." 

Conversations  and  correspondence  ensued  between  Mr. 
Pendleton  and  Mr.  Van  Ness,  in  which  it  was  made  known 
to  the  latter,  that  General  Hamilton  could  truly  say,  that  he 
recollected  only  one  conversation  in  which  Dr.  Cooper  was 
present ;  and  that  it  turned  wholly  on  political  topics,  and 
did  not  attribute  to  Burr  any  instance  of  dishonorable  con- 
duct ;  nor  relate  to  his  private  character  ;  and  that  in  rela- 
tion to  any  other  language,  or  conversation,  which  Burr 
would  specify,  a  prompt  or  frank  avowal  or  denial  would  be 
given. 

This  intercourse  resulted  in  the  express  declaration  of 
Mr.  Burr's  friend,  Van  Ness,  "  That  no  denial,  or  declara- 
"  tion  will  be  satisfactory,  unless  it  be  general,  so  as  wholly 
"  to  exclude  the  idea,  that  rumors  derogatory  to  Colonel 
"  Burr's  honor  have  originated  with  General  Hamilton  ;  or 
"  have  been  fairly  inferred  from  any  thing  he  has  said.  A 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  203 

"  definite  reply  to  a  requisition  of  this  nature  was  demanded 
"  by  Colonel  Burr's  letter  of  the  21st  instant.  This  being 
"  refused  invites  the  alternative  alluded  to  in  General  Ham- 
"  ilton's  letter  of  the  20th." 

Mr.  Pendleton  made  a  very  becoming  answer,  showing 
the  extended  requisition  which  this  last  letter  contained,  and 
perceiving  the  intention  of  both  Burr  and  Van  Ness  to  have 
the  matter  settled  in  one  way  and  no  other,  appointed  a  time 
to  receive  the  communication. 

On  the  receipt  of  "  the  message,"  General  Hamilton 
made  a  calm,  deliberate  commentary  on  the  transaction,  as 
far  as  it  had  gone,  and  put  it  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Pendle- 
ton, who  offered  it  to  Mr.  Van  Ness,  but  he  declined  re- 
ceiving it ;  alleging  that  he  considered  the  correspondence 
closed.  In  this  commentary  General  Hamilton  remarks, 
that  if  the  alternative  alluded  to  is  definitely  tendered,  it 
must  be  accepted  ;  but  that,  as  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States  was  then  sitting,  he  could  not  suddenly  with- 
draw from  his  duties  there ;  and  that  the  time  of  meeting 
must  be  subsequently  arranged.  General  Hamilton  seems 
to  have  had  a  foreboding  of  his  fate.  On  Friday,  July  6th, 
the  Circuit  Court  closed,  and  Mr.  Pendleton  informed  Mr. 
Van  Ness,  that  General  Hamilton  would  be  ready  at  any 
time  after  the  following  Sunday. 

If  Colonel  Burr  was  resolved  from  the  beginning  to  meet 
Hamilton  and  to  force  him  into  conflict,  as  the  record  of 
this  affair  would  indicate,  he  had,  afterwards,  abundant 
reason  to  regret,  that  it  was  Hamilton,  and  not  himself, 
who  fell. 

On  Wednesday,  July  llth,  (1804,)  the  parties  crossed  the 
North  River  to  Hoboken  on  the  Jersey  shore.  Hamilton 
arrived  at  seven  in  the  morning.  Burr,  as  had  been  agreed, 
was  already  on  the  ground,  accompanied  by  Van  Ness  and 
a  surgeon.  Hamilton  was  attended  by  Pendleton,  as  his 
second,  and  Dr.  Hosack.  Hamilton  was  shot  at  the  first 
fire,  the  ball  entering  his  right  side,  and  passing  through  to 
the  vertebrae.  When  the  ball  struck  him,  he  raised  himself 
involuntarily  on  his  toes  and  turned  a  little  to  the  left,  at 
which  moment  his  pistol  went  off  and  he  fell  on  his  face. 
Dr.  Hosack  immediately  came  up  and  found  him  sitting  on 
the  ground,  supported  in  the  arms  of  Pendleton ;  he  had 
strength  enough  to  say,  "  This  is  a  mortal  wound,  Doctor," 


204  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

and  then  sunk  away  and  became,  to  all  appearance,  lifeless. 
He  was  taken  on  board  the  barge  and  continued  insensible, 
until  he  was  about  fifty  yards  from  the  shore,  when  he  re- 
vived in  consequence  of  the  applications  made  to  that  end, 
and  said,  "  my  vision  is  indistinct."  His  vision  became 
clearer,  and  seeing  the  pistol  which  he  had  held  in  his  hand, 
he  said,  "  Take  care  of  that  pistol,  it  is  undischarged  and 
"  still  cocked,  it  may  go  off  and  do  harm ;  Pendleton  knows 
"  I  did  not  mean  to  fire  at  him."  It  would  thus  seem,  that 
Hamilton  was  ignorant  that  he  had  discharged  his  pistol. 
As  he  approached  the  shore,  he  said,  "  Let  Mrs.  Hamilton 
"  be  immediately  sent  for ;  let  the  event  be  gradually  broken 
"  to  her,  but  give  her  hopes." 

General  Hamilton  lived  in  agony  until  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  following  day.  In  the  affecting  narration 
of  Dr.  Hosack  of  the  closing  scenes  of  Hamilton's  life,  he 
says,  "  The  great  source  of  his  anxiety  seemed  to  be  in  his 
'  sympathy  with  his  half  distracted  wife  and  children.  He 
'  spoke  to  me  frequently  of  them ;  '  my  beloved  wife  and 
'  children,'  were  always  his  expressions.  His  fortitude 
'  triumphed  over  his  situation,  dreadful  as  it  was.  Once, 
'  indeed,  at  the  sight  of  his  children,  brought  to  the  bed- 
'  side  together,  seven  in  number,  his  fortitude  forsook  him  ; 
'  he  opened  his  eyes,  gave  them  one  look,  and  closed  them 
'  again  until  they  were  taken  away.  He  alone  could  calm 
'  the  frantic  grief  of  their  mother.  '  Remember,  my  Eliza, 
'  you  are  a  Christian,'  were  the  words,  which,  with  a  firm 
'  voice,  but  in  a  pathetic  and  impressive  manner,  he  ad- 
'  dressed  to  her."  Dr.  Hosack  concludes  his  narrative  with 
the  truly  appropriate  words  — 

"  Incorrupta  fides —  nudaque  veritas  ; 
"  Quando  ullam  inveniet  parem  ? 
"  Multis  ille  quidem  flebilis  occidit." 

As  the  state  of  public  opinion  then  was,  and  as  it  may 
still  be  with  some  persons,  was  Hamilton  justifiable  in  haz- 
arding his  life  against  such  a  foe  as  Aaron  Burr  1  No  one 
will  deny,  that,  in  whatsoever  remarks  he  may  have  made  on 
the  conduct  and  character  of  Burr,  he  was  influenced  by 
good  and  patriotic  motives.  If  he  thought  it  was  dangerous 
to  trust  Burr  with  power  in  the  republic,  was  he  or  not  right 
in  striving  to  prevent  his  elevation?*  If  he  thought  he  dis- 

*  Burr  (if  rightly  remembered)  was  candidate  for  Governor. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  205 

cerned  the  real  character  of  this  man,  was  he  forbidden  to 
disclose  it  to  prevent  public  evil  ?     What  rule  is  a  man  to 
prescribe  to  himself,  in  an  elective  republic,  as  to.  disclosing 
what  he  may  honestly  believe  to  be  promotive  of  the  public 
welfare  and  preventive  of  public  mischief?     In  such  a  case, 
it  is  believed,  that  one  has  a  right  to  speak  the  truth  of  men, 
from  good  motives  and  for  justifiable  ends,  especially  when 
the  party  spoken  of  is  a  candidate  for  public  suffrage.     But 
prudence  requires,  that  one  should  be  careful  to  whom  and 
before  whom  he  speaks.     Having  spoken  from  good  motives 
and  for  justifiable  ends,  no  rule  prescribed  by  any  respect-, 
able  authority  demands  of  one  to  risk  his  life.     If  this  be  ] 
not  so,  a  reckless  Catiline  may  silence  a  thousand  Ciceros.  ) 
In  this  case  Hamilton  was  in  a  trying  condition.     He  had 
spoken  of  Burr  what  he  believed  to  be  true ;  he  could  not 
disavow  what  he  had  said,  nor  could  he  apologize,  because   "\ 
he  thought  he  had  spoken  only  what  was  true,  and  that  it  J 
was  right  so  to  speak.    He  was  a  soldier,  and  could  not  bear,  ** 
the  imputation  of  wanting  spirit ;  least  of  all  could  he  bear 
the  supercilious  vaunting  of  Aaron  Burr,  that  he  had  been 
called  by  him  to  account,  and  shrunk  from  the  call.     But 
Hamilton  mistook  the  probable  judgment  of  the  world.     If 
he  had  refused  the  meeting  with  Burr,  public  opinion  would 
have  absolved  him.     He  thought  this  could  not  be  so.     He  *'••• 
went  to  the  field  of  death  from  a  mistaken  but  elevated  sense 
of  self-respect.     Doubtful  of  the  public  judgment,  yet  feeling 
how  pernicious  his  example  might  be,  he  conceived  himself 
bound  to  bespeak  the  candor  of  the  world,  if  it  should  be  his 
fate  to  fall.    The  last  paper  he  ever  wrote  was  the  following : 

"  On  my  expected  interview  with  Colonel  Burr,  I  think  it 
"  proper  to  make  some  remarks  explanatory  of  my  conduct, 
"  motives,  and  views. 

"  I  was  certainly  desirous  of  avoiding  this  interview,  for-,, 
"  the  most  cogent  reasons.  1.  My  religious  and  moral  prin- 
"  ciples  are  strongly  opposed  to  the  practice  of  duelling  ; 
"  and  it  would  ever  give  me  pain  to  be  obliged  to  shed  the 
"  blood  of  a  fellow  creature,  in  a  private  combat  forbidden 
"  by  the  laws.  2.  My  wife  and  children  are  extremely  dear 
"  to  me,  and  my  life  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  them  in 
"  various  views.  3.  I  feel  a  sense  of  obligation  towards  my 
"  creditors,  who,  in  case  of  accident  to  me,  may,  by  the 
"  forced  sale  of  my  property,  be  in  some  degree  sufferers.  I 
18 


206  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  did  not  think  myself  at  liberty,  as  a  man  of  probity,  lightly 
"  to  expose  them  to  this  hazard.  4.  I  am  conscious  of  no 
"  ill  will  to  Colonel  Burr,  distinct  from  political  opposition, 
"  which,  as  I  trust,  has  proceeded  from  pure  and  upright 
"  motives.  Lastly,  I  shall  hazard  much  and  can  possibly 
".gain  nothing  by  the  issue  of  the  interview. 

"  But  it  was,  as  I  conceive,  impossible  for  me  to  avoid  it. 

"  There  were  intrinsic  difficulties  in  the  thing,  and  artificial 

embarrassments  from  the  manner  of  proceeding  on  the 

part  of  Colonel  Burr.     Intrinsic,  because  it  is  not  to  be 

denied  that  my  animadversions  on  the  political  principles, 

"  character,  and  views  of  Colonel  Burr  have  been  extremely 

severe  ;  and  on  different  occasions,  I,  in   common  with 

many  others,  have  made  very  unfavorable  criticisms  on 

"  particular  instances  of  the  private  conduct  of  this  gentle- 

"  man. 

"  In  proportion  as  these  impressions  were  entertained  with 
"  sincerity,  and  uttered  with  motives  and  for  purposes, 
"  which  might  to  me  appear  commendable,  would  be  the 
"  difficulty,  (until  they  could  be  removed  by  evidence  of 
"  their  being  erroneous,)  of  explanation,  or  apology.  The 
"  disavowal  required  of  me  by  Colonel  Burr,  in  a  general 
"  and  indefinite  form,  was  out  of  my  power,  if  it  had  been 
"  really  proper  for  me  to  submit  to  be  so  questioned  ;  but  I 
"  was  sincerely  of  opinion,  that  this  could  not  be  ;  and  in 
"  this  opinion  I  was  confirmed  by  a  very  moderate  and  judi- 
"  cious  friend,  whom  I  consulted.  Besides  that,  Colonel 
"  Burr  appeared  to  me  to  assume,  in  the  first  instance,  a 
"  tone  unnecessarily  peremptory  and  menacing  ;  and  in  the 
"  second,  positively  offensive.  Yet  I  wished,  as  far  as  might 
"  be  practicable,  to  leave  a  door  open  for  accommodation. 
"  This,  I  think,  will  be  inferred  from  the  written  communi- 
"  cations  made  by  me  and  by  my  direction ;  and  would  be 
"  confirmed  by  the  conversation  between  Mr.  Van  Ness  and 
"  myself,  which  arose  out  of  the  subject.  I  am  not  sure 
"  whether,  under  all  the  circumstances,  I  did  not  go  further 
"  in  the  attempt  to  accommodate,  than  a  punctilious  delicacy 
"  will  justify.  If  so,  I  hope  the  motives  I  have  stated  will 
"  excuse  me. 

"It  is  not  my  design  in  what  I  have  said  to  affix  any 
"  odium  on  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Burr,  in  this  case.  He 
"  doubtless  has  heard  of  animadversions  of  mine,  which 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  207 

"  bore  very  hard  upon  him  ;  and  it  is  probable  that,  as  usual, 
"  they  were  accompanied  by  some  falsehoods.  He  may 
"  have  supposed  himself  under  a  necessity  of  acting  as  he 
"  has  done.  I  hope  the  grounds  of  his  proceeding  have 
"  been  such  as  ought  to  satisfy  his  own  conscience. 

"  I  trust  at  the  same  time,  that  the  world  will  do  me  the 
"  justice  to  believe,  that  I  have  not  censured  him  on  light 
"  grounds  ;  nor  from  unworthy  inducements.  I  certainly 
"  have  had  strong  reasons  for  what  I  may  have  said,  though 
"  it  is  possible,  that,  in  some  particulars,  I  may  have  been 
"  influenced  by  misconstruction  or  misinformation.  It  is 
"  also  my  ardent  wish,  that  I  may  have  been  more  mistaken 
"  than  I  think  I  have  been  ;  and  that  he,  by  his  future  con- 
"  duct,  may  show  himself  worthy  of  all  confidence  and 
"  esteem,  and  prove  an  ornament  and  blessing  to  the  country. 
"  As  well  because  it  is  possible,  that  I  may  have  injured 
"  Colonel  Burr,  however  convinced  myself,  that  my  opin- 
"  ions  and  declarations  have  been  well  founded,  as  from  my 
"  general  principles  and  temper  in  relation  to  such  affairs,  I 
"  have  resolved,  if  our  interview  is  conducted  in  the  usual 
"  manner,  and  it  pleases  God  to  give  me  the  opportunity,  to 
"  reserve  and  throw  away  my  first  fire  ;  and  I  have  thoughts 
"  even  of  reserving  my  second  fire  ;  and  thus  giving  a  double 
"  opportunity  to  Colonel  Burr  to  pause  and  to  reflect.  It  is 
"  not,  however,  my  intention  to  enter  into  any  explanation 
"  on  the  ground.  Apology,  from  principle,  I  hope,  rather 
"  than  pride,  is  out  of  the  question. 

"  To  those,  who,  with  me,  abhorring  the  practice  of  duel- 

ling, may  think,  that  I  ought  on  no  account  to  have  added 

to  the  number  of  bad  examples,  I  answer,  that  my  relative 

situation,  as  well  in  public  as  private,  enforcing  all  the 

considerations  which  constitute  what  men  of  the  world 

denominate  honor,  imposed  on  me  (as  I  thought)  a  pecu- 

liar necessity  not  to  decline  the  call.     The  ability  to  be, 

in  future,  useful,  whether  in  resisting  mischief,  or  effect- 

"  ing  good,  in  those  crises  of  our  public  affairs  which  seem 

"  likely  to  happen,  would,  probably,  be  inseparable  from  a 

"  conformity  to  public  prejudice  in  this  particular. 


However  deeply  to  be  regretted  it  is,  that  the  name  and 
memory  of  Hamilton  must  for  ever  be  associated  with  the 


208  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

odious  offence  of  duelling,  it  is  some  relief,  that  there  is  his 
own  condemnation  of  the  practice.  If  there  be  any  atone- 
ment, even  for  him,  it  is  found  in  the  judgment  which  he 
formed,  however  erroneously,  that  his  future  usefulness  to 
his  country  depended  on  his  obedience  to  the  barbarous 
"  law  of  honor." 

On  Saturday  the  14th  of  July,  the  remains  of  General 
Hamilton  were  consigned  to  the  tomb,  with  every  mark  of 
respect  and  honor,  and  with  demonstrations,  universal  and 
heartfelt,  of  touching  grief.  From  a  stage,  erected  in  the 
portico  of  Trinity  Church,  Gouverneur  Morris,  having  with 
him  four  sons  of  Hamilton,  (the  oldest  sixteen  and  the 
youngest  six,)  pronounced  an  extemporaneous  oration  over 
the  remains  of  Hamilton,  to  an  afflicted  multitude.  What 
occasion,  in  the  history  of  the  human  family,  could  be  more 
touching  !  It  was  HAMILTON  who  had  fallen,  in  the  midst  of 
manhood  and  usefulness,  and  by  the  hand  of  BURR  !  The 
oration  was  worthy  of  the  difficult  and  delicate  occasion. 
It  was  uttered  by  one  who  felt  the  full  sense  of  gratitude 
due  from  the  country,  and  who  fully  comprehended  the  irre- 
parable loss  which  the  country  had  sustained.  It  was  the 
overflowing  of  a  mind  that  knew  how  to  estimate  the  highest 
human  worth,  and  the  bereavement  which  affectionate  friend- 
ship had  to  mourn. 

The  national  misfortune  was  every  where  felt  to  be  such, 
by  all  who  were  not  steeped  in  party  venom.  Many  funeral 
orations  were  pronounced  ;  among  others,  one  in  Boston 
by  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  which  was  worthy  of  his  own  repu- 
tation and  of  the  lamented  object  of  his  eulogy.  Rufus 
King  was  among  the  audience  on  this  occasion.  It  was 
delivered  to  a  crowded  assembly  in  King's  Chapel,  on  the 
26th  of  July.  Among  the  concluding  paragraphs  is  this 
faithful  picture  of  the  public  feeling  :  "  The  universal  sor- 
row, manifested  in  every  part  of  the  Union  upon  the 
melancholy  exit  of  this  great  man,  is  an  unequivocal  tesli- 
'  monial  of  his  public  worth.  The  place  of  his  residence  is 
'  overspread  with  a  gloom  which  b'espeaks  the  pressure  of  a 
'  public  calamity  ;  and  the  prejudices  of  party  are  absorbed 
'  in  the  overflowing  tide  of  national  grief." 

Whatsoever  Thomas  Jefferson  may  have  recorded  of  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  time  and  good  sense  are  doing  justice  to 
both.  The  fame  of  Hamilton,  associated  with  the  fame  of 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  209 

Washington,  grows  brighter  and  dearer  to  intelligent  and 
patriotic  Americans,  while  that  of  Jefferson,  (with  his  own 
helping  hand,)  if  remembered  at  all,  will  be  only  to  show 
the  difference  between  patriotism  and  its  counterfeit. 


LETTER   L. 

OCTOBER  15,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON  professes,  in  his  communications  to  Con- 
gress, to  be  conscientiously  careful  of  a  "  just  economy ;" 
he  assumes  to  be  impartial  in  all  dealings  with  foreign  na- 
tions;  and  scrupulously  attentive  to  national  honor.  His 
pretensions  in  all  these  respects,  may  be  tested  by  a  single 
transaction. 

The  boundaries  of  Louisiana  not  having  been  defined, 
and  Spain  being  exasperated  at  the  purchase,  a  state  of  hos 
tility  had  arisen  with  Spain,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  hoped  to 
allay  by  negotiation.     Mr  Monroe,  the  ever-ready  diploma- 
tist of  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  sent  to  Madrid,  and  there  passed 
five  months  in  an   humiliating  attempt  at  compromise.     He  ^ 
was,  at  length,  bold  enough  to  say,  that  there  were  but  two  \ 
modes,  arbitration  or  war.     Spain  answered,  that  she  should   j 
not  choose  arbitration. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  compelled  to  make  a  communication 
to  Congress,  which  was  confidential  and  secret,  and  wherein 
he  makes  known,  that  the  very  difficulties,  (so  far  as  France 
and  Spain  were  concerned,)  which  the  federalists  had  pre- 
dicted, had  actually  occurred.     This  message  is  dated  the 
6th  December,  1806,  and  from  it  the  following  extracts  are 
made.      "  A  convention  was  accordingly  entered  into  be- 
'  tween  our  minister  of  Madrid  and  the  minister  of  Spain 
'  for  foreign  affairs,  by  which  it  was  agreed,  that  spoliations 
'  by  Spanish  subjects,  in  Spain,  should  be  paid  for  by  that 
'  nation  ;  those  committed  by  French  subjects,  and  carried 
'  into  Spanish  ports,  should  remain  for  further  discussion. 
'  Before  this  convention   was  returned  to  Spain  with  our 
'  ratification,  the   transfer   of  Louisiana   by  France,  took 
'  place,  an  event  as  unexpected  as  disagreeable  to  Spain. 
'  From  that  moment,  she  seemed  to  change  her  conduct 
18* 


210  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  and  disposition  towards  us.  It  was  first  manifested  by 
"  her  protest  against  the  right  of  France  to  alienate  Louis- 
"  iana  to  us  ;  which  was,  however,  soon  retracted  ;  and  the 
"  right  confirmed.  (How  ?)  Then,  high  offence  was  mani- 
"  fested  at  the  act  of  Congress,  establishing  a  collection  dis- 
"  trict  on  the  Mobile.  She  now  refused  to  ratify  the  con- 
"  vention,  &,c." 

.f  The  message  goes  on  to  say,  that  James  Monroe  was  sent 
V  over,  to  settle  boundaries.  "  Spain  reserved  herself  for 
^events."  Monroe,  after  five  months'  labor,  effected  nothing ; 
no  indemnity  for  spoliations  ;  no  acknowledgment  of  limits 
beyond  the  Iberville ;  and  that  "  our  line  to  the  west  was  one 
"  which  would  have  left  us  but  a  string  of  land  on  the  Mis- 
"  sissippi."  Each  party  was  thus  left  to  pursue  its  own  mea- 
sures. Those,  which  they  have  chosen  to  pursue,  "  authorize 
/"  the  inference,  that  it  is  their  intention  to  advance  on  our 
"  possessions,  until  met  by  an  opposing  force."  "  France 
"  took  the  ground,  that  they  acquired  no  right  beyond  the 
"  Iberville,  and  meant  to  deliver  us  none  beyond  it."  "  The 
"  protection  of  our  citizens,  the  spirit  and  honor  of  our 
"  country  require,  that  force  should  be  interposed  to  a  cer- 
"  tain  degree."  "  The  course  to  be  pursued  will  require  the 
"  command  of  means,  which  it  belongs  to  Congress  exclu- 
"  sively  to  yield,  or  deny." 

Thus  we  have  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  admission,  that  every 
evil  which  his  political  adversaries  had  foretold,  had  occur- 
red, so  far  as  they  could  occur,  within  the  time  between  his 
purchase  and  the  writing  of  his  message.  There  was  cer- 
tainly "  a  speck  of  war ; "  how  this  was  prevented  from 
enlarging,  will  be  seen  by  the  application  of  means,  which 
Congress  could  yield,  or  deny.  What  did  Mr.  Jefferson 
really  mean  by  this  message  ?  Just  what  circumstances 
might  make  it  best  to  have  it  mean. 

It  was  no  new  thing  for  Mr.  Jefferson  to  express  himself 
I  so  ambiguously,  as  to  meet  any  contingency,  that  might 
Y arise.  If  Congress  were  willing  to  go  to  war,  the  message 

•  was  adapted  to  that  end  ;  if  Congress  were  willing  to  vote 
i   money,  the  message  was  adapted  to  that  end.     The  latter 

-  was  Mr.  Jefferson's  pujpose.     Astonishing  as  the  fact  may 
be,  Congress  did  place  two  millions  of  dollars  at  the  disposal 

tof  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  sum  was  to  be  applied  to  settling 
the  troubles  with  Spain.  The  money  was  not  so  applied  ; 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  211 

but  it  was  actually  sent  to  France,  in  the  United  States  ship. 
Hornet,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  France  wanted  money^\ 
and  must  have  it ;  and  that  there  was  no  other  way  to  avoid     \ 
a  war  both  with  France  and  Spain  ! 

The  proof  of  these  facts  comes  from  no  less  a  personage      i 
than  John  Randolph,  who  was  then  a  JefFersonian  ;  but  he   "j* 
was  so  disgusted  with  this  double   dealing,  and  so  shocked 
at  the  degradation  of  the  country,  that  he  published  a  pam- 
phlet signed  Decius,  in  which   he  tells  the  truth,  as  to  this* 
transaction.     If  it  be    asked,   how  this  is   known  to  have 
been  John  Randolph's  work,  the  answer   is,  that  it  was 
ascribed   to   him  at  the  time,   and   not   denied  ;   that  the 
internal  evidence  is  irresistible,  as   it  states   facts  which  no 
one  but  John  Randolph,  the  President,  Mr.  Madison,  (then 
Secretary  of  State,)   and   Mr.   Gallatin,   (then  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,)  could  have  known  ;  and  lastly,  the  narration 
in  this  pamphlet  accords  with  facts  publicly  known.     From 
this  pamphlet  the  following  extracts  are  made. 

Mr.  Randolph  was  chairman  of  the  committee,  to  whom 
this  message  was  referred.  He  says,  in  his  pamphlet :  — 
'  The  chairman  of  the  committee,  to  whom  the  confidential 
'  message  was  referred,  immediately  waited  on  the  Presi- 
'  dent,  and  informed  him  of  the  direction  which  had  been 
'  given  to  it.  He  then  learned,  not  without  surprise,  that  an 
'  appropriation  of  two  millions  was  wanted  to  purchase 
'  Florida.  He  told  the  President,  that  he  would  never 
'  agree  to  such  a  measure,  because  the  money  had  not  been 
'  asked  for  in  the  message ;  that  he  would  not  consent  to 
'  shift  to  his  own  shoulders,  or  those  of  the  House,  the 
'  proper  responsibility  of  the  Executive ;  if  the  money  had 
'  been  explicitly  demanded,  he  should  have  been  averse  to 
'  granting  it,  because,  after  a  total  failure  of  every  attempt 
'  at  negotiation,  such  a  step  would  disgrace  us  for  ever,  be- 
'  cause  France  would  never  withhold  her  ill  offices,  when, 
'  by  their  interposition,  she  could  extort  money  from  us; 
'  that  it  was  equally  to  the  interest  of  the  United  States, 
'  to  accommodate  the  matter  by  an  exchange  of  territory ; 
'  (to  this  mode  of  settlement  the  President  seemed  much 
'  opposed  ;)  that  the  nations  of  Europe,  like  the  Barbary 
'  powers,  would  hereafter  refuse  to  look  on  the  credentials 
'  of  our  ministers,  without  a  previous  douceur,  and  much 
'  more  to  the  same  purpose." 


212  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  The  committee  met  on  the  7th  of  December.  One  of 
"  its  members,  (Bidwell,  of  Massachusetts,)  construed  the 
"  message  into  a  requisition  of  money,  for  foreign  inter- 
1  course,  and  proposed  a  grant  to  that  effect ;  this  was  over- 
'  ruled.  He  himself,  when  the  subject  was  agitated  in  the 
'  House,  would  not  avow  the  same  construction  of  the 
'  message,  which  he  had  given  in  committee.  On  the  14th 
'  of  December,  the  chairman  was  obliged  to  go  to  Balti- 
'  more,  and  did  not  return  till  the  21st.  During  this  inter- 
'  val,  the  despatches  from  Mr.  Monroe,  of  the  18th  and 
'  25th  of  October,  were  received  by  government.  Pre- 
'  vious  to  the  chairman's  departure,  having  occasion  to 
'  call  on  the  Secretary  of  State,  (Madison,)  he  was  told  by 
"  that  officer,  that  France  would  not  permit  Spain  to  adjust 
11  her  differences  with  us  ;  that  France  wanted  money,  and 
"  that  we  must  give  it  to  her,  or  have  a  Spanish  and  French 
"  war  !  " 

Mr.  Randolph  returned  from  Baltimore  on  the  21st  and 
convened  the  committee.  As  they  were  assembling,  he 
goes  on  to  say,  "  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  (Mr. 
'  Gallatin,)  called  him  aside,  and  put  into  his  hands  a  paper 
'  headed  '  Provision  for  the  purchase  of  Florida.'  The 
'  chairman  declared  he  would  not  vote  a  shilling ;  he  ex- 
'  pressed  himself  disgusted  with  the  whole  of  this  procedure, 
'  which  he  could  not  but  consider  as  highly  disingenuous ; 
'  that  the  most  scrupulous  care  had  been  taken  to  cover 
'  the  reputation  of  the  administration,  while  Congress  were 
'  expected  to  act  as  though  they  had  no  character  to  lose  ; 
'  that  whilst  the  official  language  of  the  Executive  was  con- 
'  sistent  and  dignified,  (quoting  the  words  of  the  message,) 
'  Congress  was  privately  required  to  take  upon  itself  the 
'  odium  of  shrinking  from  the  national  honor,  and  national 
'  defence,  and  of  delivering  the  public  purse  to  the  first 
'  cutthroat  that  demanded  it.  From  the  official  communi- 
'  cations  —  from  the  face  of  the  record  it  would  appear,  that 
'  the  Executive  had  discharged  his  duty,  in  recommending 
'  manly  and  vigorous  measures,  which  he  had  been  obliged 
'  to  abandon  —  and  had  been  compelled  by  Congress,  to 
'  pursue  an  opposite  course,  when  in  fact,  Congress  had 
'  been  acting,  all  the  while,  at  Executive  instigation.  The 
'  chairman  further  observed,  that  he  did  not  understand  this 
'  double  set  of  opinions  and  principles  ;  the  one  ostensible, 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  213 

"  to  go  upon  the  journals  and  before  the  public  ;  the  other 
"  the  efficient  and  real  motives  to  action ;  that  he  held  true 
"  wisdom  and  cunning  to  be  utterly  incompatible  in  the 
"  conduct  of  great  affairs  :  that  he  had  strong  objections  to 
"  the  measure  itself,  but  in  the  shape  in  which  it  was  pre- 
'  sented,  his  repugnance  to  it  was  insuperable.  In  a  subse- 
'  quent  conversation  with  the  President  himself,  in  which 
'  those  objections  were  recapitulated,  he  declared  that  he 
'  too  had  a  character  to  support  and  principles  to  maintain, 
'  and  avowed  his  determined  opposition  to  the  whole 
'  scheme." 

Mr.  Randolph  proceeds  to  state  that  a  proposition,  the 
avowed  object  of  which  was  to  enable  the  President  to  open 
a  negotiation  for  Florida,  now  came  upon  the  table.  Mr. 
Randolph  moved  that  the  sum  to  be  appropriated  should  be 
confined  to  that  object,  which  was  agreed  upon.  But  after- 
wards, when  the  bill  was  formally  brought  in,  this  specific 
appropriation  was  rescinded  by  the  House,  and  the  money 
left  at  the  entire  discretion  of  the  Executive,  to  apply  to  any 
extraordinary  purpose  of  foreign  intercourse  whatever.  To 
use  his  own  words  : 

"  Mr.  J.  Randolph  also  moved,  to  limit  the  amount  which 
"  the  government  might  stipulate  to  pay  for  the  territory  in 
"  question ;  upon  the  ground,  that,  if  Congress  were  dis- 
"  posed  to  acquire  Florida  by  purchase,  they  should  fix  the 
"  extent  to  which  they  were  willing  to  go,  and  thereby 
"  furnish  our  ministers  with  a  safeguard  against  the  rapacity 
"  of  France ;  that  there  was  no  probability  of  our  obtaining 
"  the  country  for  less,  but  every  reason  to  believe,  that, 
'  without  such  a  precaution  on  our  part,  she  would  extort 
'  more.  This  motion  was  overruled.  When  the  bill  came 
'  under  discussion,  various  objections  were  urged  against  it 
'  by  the  same  gentleman  :  Among  others,  that  it  was  in 
'  direct  opposition  to  the  views  of  the  Executive,  as  expressed 
'  in  the  President's  official  communication,  [it  was  on  this 
'  occasion  that  General  Varnum  declared  the  measure  to  be 
'  consonant  to  the  secret  wishes  of  the  Executive:]  that  it  was 
'  a  prostration  of  the  national  honor  at  the  feet  of  our  adver- 
'  sary  :  that  a  concession  so  humiliating  would  paralyze  our 
'  efforts  against  Great  Britain,  in  case  the  negotiation,  then 
'  and  now  pending  between  that  government  and  ours, 
'  should  prove  abortive  :  that  a  partial  appropriation  towards 


214  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  the  purchase  of  Florida,  without  limiting  the  President  to 
"  some  specific  amount,  would  give  a  previous  sanction  to 
'  any  expense  which  he  might  incur  for  that  object,  and 
'  which  Congress  would  stand  pledged  to  make  good  :  that 
'  if  the  Executive,  acting  entirely  upon  its  own  responsi- 
'  bility,  and  exercising  its  acknowledged  constitutional 
'  powers,  should  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  Florida,  the 
'  House  of  Representatives  would,  in  that  case,  be  left  free 
'  to  ratify,  or  annul  the  contract:  but,  that  the  course  which 
'  was  proposed  to  be  pursued,  (and  which  eventually  was 
'  pursued,)  would  reduce  the  discretion  of  the  Legislature 
'  to  a  mere  shadow :  that  at  the  ensuing  session,  Congress 
'  would  find  itself,  in  relation  to  this  subject,  a  deliberative 
'  body  but  in  name  :  that  it  could  not,  without  a  manifest 
'  dereliction  of  its  own  principles,  and,  perhaps,  without  a 
'  violation  of  public  faith,  refuse  to  sanction  any  treaty 
'  entered  into  by  the  Executive,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
'  Legislature,  and  with  powers  so  unlimited  ;  that  however 
'  great  his  confidence  in  the  Chief  Magistrate,  he  would 
'  never  consent  to  give  any  President  so  dangerous  a  proof 
'of  it ;  and  that  he  would  never  preclude  himself  by  any 
'  previous  sanction,  from  the  unbiassed  exercise  of  his  judg- 
*  ment,  on  measures  which  were  thereafter  to  come  before 
'  him ;  that  the  House  had  no  official  recommendation  for 
'  the  step  which  they  proposed  to  take ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
'  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  sentiments,  as  expressed 
'  in  the  confidential  message ;  and  that  the  responsibility 
'  would  be  exclusively  their  own  :  that  if  he  thought  proper 
to  ask  for  an  appropriation  for  the  object,  (the  purchase  of 
Florida,)  the  responsibility  of  the  measure  would  rest  upon 
him  :  but  when  the  Legislature  undertook  to  prescribe  the 
course  which  he  should  pursue,  and  which  he  had  pledged 
himself  to  pursue,  the  case  was  entirely  changed  :  that 
"  the  House  could  have  no  channel  through  which  it  could 
"  be  made  acquainted  with  the  opinions  of  the  Executive, 
"  but  such  as  was  official,  responsible,  and  known  to  the 
"  constitution  ;  and  that  it  was  a  prostitution  of  its  high  and 
"  solemn  functions,  to  act  upon  an  unconstitutional  sugges- 
"  tion  of  the  private  wishes  of  the  Executive,  irresponsibly 
"  announced,  by  an  irresponsible  individual,  and  in  direct 
"  hostility  to  his  avowed  opinions." 

After  such  a  course  of  remarks,  from  a  leading  Jeflfer- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  215 

sonian,  a  Virginian,  a  man  who  called  himself  a  genuine 
republican,  what  would  one  suppose  to  have  been  the  fate, 
among  the  representatives  of  a  free  and  enlightened  people, 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  double-dealing  proposition?  A  declara- 
tion of  war  against  Spain  1  Not  at  all.  This  would  have 
been  an  admission,  that  the  man  of  the  people  could  have 
made  a  blunder  in  disposing  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  of 
the  people's  money.  What  then  ?  The  Jeifersonian  Ran- 
dolph tells  us,  —  "  The  doors  were  closed,  and  the  minority, 
"  whose  motives  were  impeached,  and  whose  motives  were 
"  almost  denounced,  were  voted  down  without  debate." 

The  two  millions  of  dollars  were  voted ;  they  were  placed 
at  Mr.  Jefferson's  disposal,  without  limit,  or  restriction.  ^ 
They  went  in  the  Unitejd  States  ship  Hornet,  in  specie,  to 
the  coffers  of  Napoleon.  Not  a  foot  of  territory  was  thereby 
acquired ;  if  any  thing,  Napoleon  was  paid  two  millions  for 
his  kind  interposition  in  preventing  the  people  of  the  United 
States  from  knowing  how  far  Mr.  Jefferson  had,  or  had  not 
been  "  honest,  capable,  and  faithful  to  the  constitution." 

What  were  Mr.  Jefferson's  motives  in  this  transaction  ? 
Was  he  moved  by  friendship  for  France  ?     By  the  desire  to 
strengthen  France  against  England  1     By  unwillingness  to 
vindicate  the  honor  and  independence  of  the  country  against 
France?     By  the  dread  of  showing,  that  the  predictions  of 
political  adversaries  had  been  verified  ?     Was  Mr.  Jefferson 
willing  to  give  away  two  millions  of  the  people's  money  for 
all  or  any  of  these  reasons  ?     However  these  questions  may 
be  answered  is  not,  at  this  day,  material,  so  that  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's pretensions  to  the  gratitude  and  respect  of  his  coun-  ^ 
trymen  be  placed  on  the  proper  footing.    Future  generations^ 
are  to  judge  of  Thomas  Jefferson's  fame,  when  the  history 
of  these  times  shall  have  been  written,  and  to  decide  for 
themselves  what  Mr.  Jefferson  was,  as  an  economist,  as  a 
statesman,  as  a  friend  to  his  country ;  and  how  he  should 
rank  as  an    honorable  and  an  honest  man.     It  makes  no 
difference    in   forming    such  decision,  that  the    unforeseen  * 
changes  in  European  affairs  made  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
a  fortunate  measure  for  this  country.     The  motives  which 
then  operated    and  the   acts  then    done    are  the  true    and 
only  materials  from  which  that  decision  is  to  be  formed.     If 
Bonaparte  had  been  successful :  if  Spain  had  not  been  dis- 
tracted by  civil  commotions,  what  would  Mr.  Jefferson  have 


216  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

acquired  for  his  country,  in  exchange  for  his  fifteen  and  his 
two  millions  of  dollars  ?  He  certainly  obtained  nothing  for 
the  two  millions  sent  to  France.  This  latter  was  a  mere 
donation,  or  rather  tribute,  and  so  it  was  considered  at  the 
time,  even  by  John  Randolph. 

If  Mr.  Jefferson  was  that  abhorrer  of  duplicity,  which  he 
assumes  to  be,  he  would  have  told  Congress,  that  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana  was  involved  in  difficulties  ;  that  it  would 
lead  the  country  into  a  war  with  both  France  and  Spain  ; 
that  he  found  himself  in  a  very  serious  dilemma ;  that  Spain, 
by  fraud  and  force,  was  completely  under  the  control  of 
Napoleon ;  that  if  Congress  would  please  to  vote  him  a 
couple  of  millions  to  give  to  Napoleon  it  would  pacify  him, 
and  that  he  would  keep  -Spain  from  showing  her  disgust  and 
enmity ;  and  finally,  that  he  should  still  seem  to  his  coun- 
trymen to  be  the  wise,  the  great,  and  the  good  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son !  He  knew  his  Congress  and  the  power  of  party  too 
well  to  find  it  necessary  to  disclose  such  truths.  It  is 
highly  probable  that  Mr.  Jefferson  thought  this  manage- 
ment honest  and  proper,  because  it  promoted  the  great  ob- 
jects of  his  policy —  it  helped  France  —  it  hurt  England  — 
it  kept  federalism  down  by  keeping  himself  up. 


LETTER   LI. 

OCTOBER  25,  1833. 

LET  it  not  be  forgotten,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  began  his  presi- 
dency with  the  most  gracious  and  conciliatory  assurances, 
that  we  were  all  republicans,  all  federalists,  and  that  univer- 
sal peace  and  harmony  were  to  prevail  under  his  paternal 
auspices;  nor  forgotten — that  before  the  first  year  had 
elapsed,  he  denounced,  in  his  smooth  and  ambiguous  phrase- 
ology, the  whole  tenor  of  federal  administration,  and  disclosed 
the  intention  of  annulling  and  reversing,  to  the  extent  of  his 
power,  all  that  had  been  done.  He  conducts  the  government 
for  eight  years,  retires  —  devotes  his  remnant  of  days  to 
the  same  course  of  denunciation  of  federalists  and  federal- 
ism—  and  leaves,  as  his  bequest  to  his  countrymen,  his  tes- 
timony of  the  worthlessness  and  wickedness  of  his  political 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  217 

adversaries ;  and  his  assurances  of  his  own  honesty,  ability, 
usefulness,  and  patriotism.  Has  he  not  thus  invited  a  com- 
parison between  himself,  and  those  of  his  countrymen,  whom 
he  would  transmit  to  posterity,  as  destitute  of  every  good 
quality  which  he  arrogates  to  himself? 

There  is  no  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  in  which 
his  honesty  and  ability  can  be  better  tested,  than  in  the 
course  of  measures  which  led  to  the  ".long  embargo,"  and 
by  his  perseverance  in  that  extraordinary  policy. 

It  may  not  be  an  easy  matter  to  develope  Mr.  Jefferson's 
motives  in  this  part  of  his  political  machinery.  It  is  ever 
to  be  understood,  that  all  Mr.  Jefferson  said  and  did  had  a 
double  import ;  and  that  it  is  as  difficult,  as  painful,  to  seek 
out  his  real  designs.  In  this  matter  of  the  embargo,  it  is 
unavoidable,  in  showing  the  truth,  to  recur  to  some  previous 
circumstances. 

The  state  of  this  country,  as  affected  by  the  conduct  of 
the  belligerents,  was,  no  doubt,  exceedingly  embarrassing. 
Mr.  Jefferson  assumes,  that  he  conducted  honestly  and  wisely 
throughout.  This  is  thought  to  be  much  otherwise,  and 
this  is  the  question  to  be  tried. 

The  United  States  complained  of  England :  First.  That 
England  interposed  unjustly  in  the  neutral  commerce  which 
the  United  States  was  authorized  to  carry  on.  This  is  a  dry 
subject,  and  it  would  be  uninteresting  to  go  into  details. 
Secondly.  That  the  practice  adopted  by  England  of  declar- 
ing ports,  and  even  a  whole  coast,  blockaded,  when,  in 
fact,  no  force  was  present  to  enforce  the  blockade,  was  un- 
just and  oppressive  to  neutrals.  Thirdly.  The  impressment 
of  seamen  from  American  vessels.  This  cause  of  complaint 
was  much  insisted  on  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who,  nevertheless, 
cared  very  little  about  seamen  or  commerce,  except  for  the 
revenue. 

It  should  be  remembered,  that  the  conflict  between  France 
and  England  was  not  one  in  which  the  parties  had  leisure 
to  advert  to  the  law  of  nations;  nor  to  apply  the  principles 
which  nations  had  respected  in  most  of  their  wars.  It  was 
a  conflict  of  destruction  and  extermination,  in  which  Eng- 
land stood  alone  against  the  host  of  continental  Europe. 

Napoleon  resolved,  that  there  should  be  no  neutrals  in 
that  warfare.     What  would  a  patriotic  and  wise  administra- 
tion of  this  remote  and  neutral  country  have  done  under 
19 


218  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

these  circumstances?     In  1806  Napoleon  had  pushed  his 
conquests  to  the  borders  of  Russia  ;  he  had  converted  Alex- 
ander from  an  enemy  into  an  ally.     Mr.  Fox,  the  firm  and 
'"  undeviating  friend  of  America,   so  far  as  he  could   be  so 
1   consistently  with  duty  to  his  own  country,  was  at  the  head 
t  of  the  British  ministry.     England  could  never  be  in  circum- 
stances more  favorable  to  an  adjustment  of   all  points  in 
controversy.     William  Pinckney  and  James  Monroe  were 
plenipotentiaries  in  England.     The  treaty,  made  by  Jay  in 
<1?94,    had  expired    in  1804  by   its   own  limitation.     The 
's.  United  States  had  been  prosperous  under  that  treaty.     Mr. 
Jefferson  refused  to  extend  or  renew  it. 

Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Monroe  effected  a  treaty  in  1806, 
on  the  two  first  points  of  difference,  which  they  considered 
highly  advantageous  to  this  country.  On  the  third,  Mr. 
Jefferson  required,  that  the  American  flag  should  protect  all 
who  sailed  under  it,  well  knowing  that  England  never  could 
concede  this,  without  abandoning  her  maritime  force;  and, 
while  this  point  was  a  sine  qua  non,  that  no  adjustment  with 
England  could  be  effected.  Yet  Pinckney  and  Monroe 
obtained  assurances  from  the  British  ministry,  though  not  in 
the  form  of  a  treaty,  which  they  deemed  satisfactory.  The 
treaty  was  sent  over,  dated  December  31,  1806.  The 
Senate  were  in  session  when  it  was  received,  and  because 
the  British  had  not  therein  conceded,  that  all  English,  Irish, 
and  Scotchmen,  and  all  deserters  from  the  British  navy 
should  be  protected  by  the  American  flag,  Mr.  Jefferson  did 
not  condescend  to  lay  this  instrument  before  the  Senate,  but 
took  on  himself  to  reject  it  and  send  it  back.*  Now,  was 
this  honest,  or  wise  in  Mr.  Jefferson  ?  Does  it  or  not  show, 
that  he  was  resolved,  the  parade  of  negotiation  notwithstand- 
ing, to  keep  open  the  means  of  contention  with  Great  Britain  ? 
And  was  not  his  motive  to  contribute  to  the  universal  domin- 
ion of  Napoleon,  in  Europe,  including  prostrate  England  ? 
And  was  it  wise  for  a  republic  to  extinguish,  if  it  could,  the 
only  power  that  then  stood  between  the  hope  of  liberty  and 
one  universal  despotism  ? 

*  Jefferson  to  Monroe,  March  10,  1808.  vol.  iv.  p.  107.  "  You  com- 
"  plain  of  the  manner  in  which  the  treaty  was  received.  Two  of  the 
"  Senators  inquired  of  me,  whether  it  was  my  intention  to  detain  them 
"  on  account  of  the  treaty.  I  answered,  it  was  not ;  and  that  I  should 
««  not  give  them  the  trouble  of  deliberating  on  it." 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  219 

On  the  21st  of  November,  1806,  Napoleon,  seated  in  the 
palace  of  the  vanquished  king  of  Prussia,  at  Berlin,  issued   p 
his  decree,  by  which  he  declared  the  British  Isles  in  a  state   | 
of  blockade  ;  and,  consequently,  that  every  American  vessel   ] 
going  to,  or  coming  from  these  Isles,  was  subject  to  capture. 
This  decree  appears  to  have  slept  for  some  months.     The 
same  decree  provided,  that  all  merchandise  belonging  to 
England,    or   coming    from    its  manufactories,  or  colonies, 
although  belonging  to  neutrals,  should  be  lawful  prize  on 
land.     This  provision  was  carried  into  effect.    This  was  the 
phenomenon  of  a  monarch,  terrible  to  be  sure  on  the  land, 
but  without  commerce,  and  with  an  inferior  and  humbled 
marine  force,  announcing  destruction   to  the  trade  of  an 
insular  people,  whose  territories  he  could  not  approach. 

Mr.  Armstrong,  minister  of  the  United  States  in  France, 
inquired  of  Champagny,  French  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
(September  24,  1807,)  what  construction  was  to  be  given  to 
this  decree  of  21st  November;  and  whether  it  would  "  in- 
fract" the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  France? 
Champagny  answered,  (October  7th,  1807,)  that  "  his  ma- 
'  jesty  has  considered  every  neutral  vessel,  going  from  Eng- 
'  lish  ports,  with  cargoes  of  English   merchandise,  or  of 
'  English  origin,  as  lawfully  seizable  by  French  armed  ves- 
'  sels."     "  The   decree  of  blockade  has  been  now  issued 
'  eleven  months.     The  principal  powers  of  Europe,  far  from 
'  protesting    against   its   provisions,   have   adopted   them." 
(All  these  powers  had  either  become  vassals  or  obedient 
allies  of  his   majesty.)     "  They   have  perceived,   that   its 
"  execution  must  be  complete,  to  render  it  more  effectual ; 
"  and  it  has  seemed  easy  to  reconcile  the  measure  with  the 
"  observance  of  treaties,  especially  at  a  time  when  the  infrac- 
"  tions,  by  England,   of  the  rights  of  all  maritime  powers 
"  render  their  interests  common,  and  tend  to  unite  them  in 
"  support  of  the  same  cause." 

The  Berlin  decree,  then  more  than  a  year  old  ;  the  inquiry 
of  Mr.  Armstrong,  and  the  answer  to  it ;  and  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  British  government,  (cut  from  a  newspaper,) 
recalling  British  seamen,  and  prohibiting  them  from  serving 
foreign  princes  and  states,  dated  October  16th,  1807,  were 
all  the  documents  sent  to  Congress,  proposing  an  unlimited 
embargo.  These  showed  "  the  great  and  unceasing  dangers 
"  with  which  our  vessels,  our  seamen,  and  merchandise 


220  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  were  threatened  on  the  high  seas,  and  elsewhere,  by  the 
"  belligerent  powers  of  Europe  !" 

It  is  true,  that  one  of  the  senators  from  Massachusetts 
(whose  conduct  was  afterwards  publicly  censured  by  resolves 
of  the  legislature,  which  induced  him  to  resign)  says  in  a 
public  letter  of  31st  March,  1808,  that  the  British  orders  (re- 
/  taliating  the  Berlin  decree)  of  llth  November,  1807,  were 
not  communicated  to  Congress,  with  the  President's  message 
on  the  embargo,  but  that  they  were  published  in  the  National 
Intelligencer  on  the  18th  December,  1807,  the  day  on  which 
the  embargo  message  was  sent  to  Congress.  It  is  unac- 
countable, that  these  orders  were  not  communicated,  if  Mr. 
Jefferson  knew  of  their  existence.  The  newspaper  was  a 
sufficient  authority  for  the  proclamation,  and  must  have  been 
equally  so  for  the  orders.  Can  it  be  doubted,  that  the  em- 
bargo was  resolved  on  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  before  he  knew  of 
these  orders  ?  The  senator  alluded  to  had,  about  this  time, 
a  most  extraordinary  illumination  as  to  Mr.  Jeffei  son's 
purity  and  intelligence  ;  and  an  equally  extraordinary  per- 
ception of  the  worthlessness  and  wickedness  of  eminent  men, 
with  whom  he  had  long  thought  and  acted.  The  sudden 
confidence  inspired  by  Mr.  Jefferson  led  this  senator  to  say, 
in  his  place,  on  the  embargo  message  ;  "  The  President  has 
"  recommended  the  measure  on  his  high  responsibility :  I 
"  would  not  CONSIDER  ;  /  would  not  DELIBERATE  ;  /  would 
"  ACT.  Doubtless  the  President  possesses  such  further  in- 
"  formation  as  will  justify  the  measure."  Thus  it  would 
seem,  that  this  senator  and  a  majority  of  both  Houses,  at  the 
mere  dictation  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  were  ready,  without  any 
deliberation,  to  impose  the  greatest  evil  on  this  country, 
which  could  be  imposed  short  of  a  ruinous  and  hopeless  war. 

No  one  who  calmly  considers  this  transaction  can  doubt, 
that  it  was  conceived  and  executed  for  the  purpose,  and 
only  purpose  of  enforcing,  so  far  as  this  country  could  be 
useful  to  that  end,  the  "  continental  system"  of  Napoleon. 

Now,  is  Mr.  Jefferson  entitled  to  the  gratitude  and  respect 
of  his  countrymen,  for  proposing  and  executing  this  political 
measure  ? 

There  are  three  views  in  which  this  subject  is  to  be  con- 
sidered. First,  as  to  France.  The  embargo  was  approved 
of  by  the  government  there,  as  a  measure  against  the  com- 
mon enemy. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  221 

Assuming  that  the  embargo  was  laid  for  the  purpose  of 
aiding  the  continental  system,  it  appears,  that  it  did  little    ? 
towards  that  purpose  ;  and  the  whole  evil  fell  upon  American"^ 
citizens.     Mr.  Armstrong  writes  from  Paris ;  August  30th,  / 
1808.     "  The  embargo  is  a  measure  calculated  above  any 
"  other  to  keep  us  whole,  and  keep  us  in  peace  ;  but  beyond 
"  this  you  must  not  count  upon  it.     Here  it  is  not  felt ;  and 
"  in  England,  (in  the  midst  of  the  more  interesting  events  of 
"  the  day,)  it  is  forgdlten." 

Secondly,  as  to  England  ;  it  was  an  interdiction  of  all 
commercial  intercourse.  But  the  injurious  consequences  to 
that  country  were  entirely  miscalculated.  England  supplied 
herself  with  cotton  from  other  sources.  The  whole  of  the 
bread  stuff,  exported  from  the  United  States,  was  not  more 
than  one  twentieth  of  the  annual  consumption  of  England, 
and  not  one  half  of  this,  probably,  went  to  England.  The 
West  India  Colonies  turned  their  attention  to  their  own 
resources.  England  found  other  markets  for  her  products.  \ 
If  the  embargo  had  continued  as  long  as  Mr.  Jefferson  / 
intended  it  should,  Europe  would  have  forgotten,  that  there 
was  such  a  country,  on  the  globe,  as  the  United  States. 

Thirdly,  the  wisdom  of  this  measure  is  to  be  tested  by  its 
effects  within  our  own  limits,  and  on  the  adjoining  provinces 
of  the  English.  . 

First,  it  was  an  execution  in  effect,  of  the  British  procla-  • 
mation  of  the  16th  October,  1807,  recalling  seamen.     Des- 
titute of  employment  here,  they  found  their  way,  through  the  ' 
British  provinces,  to  their  own  country.     It  is  not  improba-- 
ble,  that  many  American  sailors  went  in  the  same  way,  into 
the  British  service,  in  preference  to  starving  at  home. 

Secondly,  the  export  and  import  business  was  carried 
on  through  the  British  provinces,  greatly  to  their  advantage, 
while  the  coasting  trade  of  the  United  States  was  conducted 
in  wagons.  Flour  could  not  be  water-borne  from  the  south, 
without  an  official  permit,  by  some  agent  thereto  authorized 
by  Mr.  Jefferson. 

Thirdly,  the  attempts  to  evade  the  embargo  led  to  vin-  J 
dictive  prosecutions,  to  the  multiplication  of  spies  and  in- 
formers, and  to  an  exercise  of  a  tyranny  of  officers,  great 
and  small,  which  would  hardly  have  been  endured  in  Algiers, 
or  Constantinople. 

Fourthly,  the  effect  was  demoralizing.     Smuggling  had  v 
19* 


222  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

hardly  been  known  in  these  days ;  it  now  became  common. 
It  was  not  thought  to  be  morally  wrong,  to  evade  a  law 
which  all,  but  Jeffersonians,  knew  to  be  oppressive  and 
ruinous ;  and  which  the  best  informed  men  declared  to  be 
unconstitutional.  It  brought  the  administration  of  justice 
into  contempt.  Jury  trials,  on  embargo  bonds,  became  a 
mockery. 

A  law  so  palpably  against  common  sense,  so  oppressive 
and  ruinous  in  its  consequences,  and  which  a  maritime 
community  might  justifiably  think  ought  to  be  evaded  if  it 
could  be,  called  for  further  enforcing  legislation,  which 
resolved  itself,  in  practice,  into  downright  tyranny.  After 
the  evils  of  the  embargo  had  been  endured  more  than  a 
year,  and  the  public  distress  became  insufferable,  the  remedy, 
invented  by  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  advisers,  was  a  new  law, 
commonly  called  the  enforcing  act.  This  was  passed  on 
the  9th  of  January,  1809. 

At  the  session  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature  in  this 
month,  petitions  came  in  from  various  quarters,  beseeching 
legislative  interference.  The  community  were  exasperated 
to  the  highest  degree.  The  manner  in  which  these  petitions 
were  acted  upon,  by  a  federal  legislature,  may  be  some  an- 
swer to  Mr.  Jefferson's  calumnies  on  this  party ;  and  some 
refutation  to  his  often-repeated  tale  of  a  northern  confeder- 
acy to  sever  the  Union. 

At  this  time  (January,  1809,)  the  alarming  state  of  public 
affairs  had  called  into  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  the 
ablest  men  in  the  state.  Among  them  was  the  same  Chris- 
topher Gore,  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  so  pointedly  mentions,  as 
a  monarchist  and  angloman ;  and  the  same  Harrison  Gray 
y  Otis,  whom  he  mentions  in  the  same  connexion ;  and  a 
majority  of  similar  citizens  in  both  branches. 

The  following  words  are  extracted  from  a  report,  made  on 
the  petitions  which  the  embargo  laws  caused  to  be  pre- 
sented : 

The  petitioners'  complaints  are,  1st.  "  The  unnecessary, 
'  impolitic,  and  unconstitutional  interdiction  of  commerce, 
'  by  the  several  acts  of  Congress,  falsely  called  embargo 
'  laws.  2d.  The  apprehension  that  the  nation  is  speedily 
'  to  be  plunged  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  conse- 
quently entangled  in  a  fatal  alliance  with  France.  3d. 
'  Some  peculiarly  oppressive  and  unjust  provisions  of  the 
'  last  embargo  act,  passed  on  the  9th  of  January,  1809." 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  223 

This  report  deserves  the  diligent  study  of  citizens  of  a 
free  republic,  because  it  shows  how  easily  a  popular  Presi- 
dent and  an  obedient  Congress  can  establish  an  absolute 
despotism'  in  the  forms  of  law.  If  Congress  had  enacted, 
that  Thomas  Jefferson  may  lawfully  do  anything  that  he 
may  choose  to  do,  to  annihilate  commerce,  and  to  strip 
every  citizen  of  his  last  shilling,  who  does  not  submit  to 
his  will,  it  would  not  have  been  a  more  real  despotism. 

A  Jeffersonian,   of  some   distinction,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  House  at   that  time,  but    who  has   probably  grown 
wiser  since,  exercised  his  patriotism   by  proposing  a  series 
of  resolutions,  one  of  which  was  in  these  words :  "  That 
in  case  it  shall   appear  to  Congress,  that   all  fair  attempts 
to  remove  said  orders   and   decrees  by  negotiation  shall 
have   been  exhausted,  and  they  shall  find   it  necessary  to 
assume  any  other  attitude  of  resistance,  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  the  whole  people  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 
setts to  rally  round  the  standard  of  their  own  nation  and 
its  government,  and  to  afford  them  their  utmost  support 
by  all  constitutional  means  in  their  power." 
The  meaning  of  the  mover,  both  as  to  the  nation  in  re- 
spect  to  whom   an  "  attitude   of  resistance "  was  to  be  as- 
sumed ;  and  to  that  portion  of  the  whole  people,  who  were 
called  on  for  their  utmost  support,  was  in  no  respect  equiv- 
ocal.    His  resolutions  were  committed  to  five,  of  whom  the 
mover  was  one,  and  Mr.  Gore  the  chairman.     The  report 
drawn   by  Mr.  Gore   is  one  of  the   masterly  efforts  of  that 
day,  and  the  mover  of  the   resolutions  gave  an  opportunity 
to  the  whole  people  to  read  an  exposition  of  the  true  char- 
acter and  conduct  of  our  national   managers ;    and  also  to 
know  what  sort  of  citizens  Mr.  Jefferson's  "  anglomen  and 
monarchists  "  were. 

Thus  it  appears,  that  more  than  three  years  before  the  ^ 
war   actually   came,  it  was  intended  by   one  party,  dreaded 
by  the  other ;  and  that  nothing  was  waited  for  but  the  fa- 
vorable moment,  which   did  not  occur,  as   will  hereafter  be 
shown,  until  Napoleon  was  duly  prepared  for  it. 

The  picture  drawn  by  this  report  of  the  state  of  the  \ 
country  will  be  recognised  as  true  and  faithful,  by  all  who  I 
can  remember  these  days.  The  following  is  an  extract  ' 
from  it: 

"  In  this  condition  of  unexampled  prosperity  at  home, 


224  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  peace  and  consideration  abroad,  our  present  rulers  were 
"  called  to  the  administration  of  public  affairs ;  and  what 
"  has  been  the  fruit  of  their  labors  1  Let  the  following  facts 
"  answer : 

"  Our  agriculture  is  discouraged. 

"  The  fisheries  abandoned. 

"  Navigation  forbidden. 

"  Our  commerce  at  home  restrained,  if  not  annihilated. 

"  Our  commerce  abroad  cut  off. 

"  Our  navy  sold,  dismantled,  or  degraded  to  the  service 
"  of  cutters  or  gun-boats. 

"  The  revenue  extinguished. 

"  The  course  of  justice  interrupted. 

"  The  military  power  exalted  above  the  civil ;  and  by 
'  setting  up  a  standard  of  political  faith  unknown  to  the 
'  constitution,  the  nation  is  weakened  by  internal  animosi- 
'  ties  and  division,  at  the  moment  when  it  is  unnecessarily 
*  and  improvidently  exposed  to  war  with  Great  Britain, 
'  France,  and  Spain." 

Such  a  report  as  this  was  a  very  sufficient  reason  with 
Mr.  Jefferson,  for  regarding  Mr.  Gore  as  a  "  monarchist 
and  angrloman." 


' 


LETTER   LII. 

NOVEMBER  6,  1833. 

CALEB  STRONG  was  Governor  of  Massachusetts  from 
May  1800  to  May  1807.  Under  the  influence  of  Mr  Jeffer- 
son, party  contentions  had  become  excessively  bitter.  There 
was  not  only  the  common  struggle  for  power,  from  which 
even  absolute  despotisms  are  not  exempt,  and  which  is  in- 
separable from  all  elective  governments,  but  the  politics  and 
contentions  in  Europe  were  artfully  intermingled  with  all 
the  elections  which  occurred  in  the  United  States.  The 
daily  journals  not  only  discussed  qualifications  for  office,  but 
descended  to  personalities  and  calumnies,  which  might  in- 
duce one  to  suppose,  that  the  Americans  had  been  astute  in 
selecting  the  worst  men  of  their  nation  for  public  trust.  It 
is  in  such  paper  warfare  as  in  that  of  physical  force ;  "  he 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  225 

"  is  to  be  considered  the  author  of  the  war,  who  causes  the 
"  first  blow  to  be  struck." 

At  the  election  in  1807,  the  candidates  for  Governor  were 
Caleb  Strong  and  James  Sullivan ;  the  latter  was  chosen  in 
a  severely  contested  election.  He  was  elected  the  next 
year,  and  continued  in  office  till  his  decease,  which  happen- 
ed on  the  10th  Dec.  1808.  The  following  notice  of  him 
is  taken  from  the  American  Encyclopedia.  The  biographi- 
cal sketches  of  that  work  are  attributed  to  Mr.  Robert 
Walsh. 

"  James  Sullivan,  brother  of  the  foregoing,"  (John  Sul- 
livan, an  officer  of  the  revolutionary  war,  and  afterwards 
Governor  of  New  Hampshire,)  "  was  born  at  Berwick, 
'  Maine,  April  22,  1744.  He  was  educated  entirely  by  his 
'  father.  The  fracture  of  a  limb  in  early  life  caused  him 
'  to  turn  his  attention  to  legal  pursuits,  instead  of  embra- 
'  cing  the  military  career,  for  which  he  had  been  destined. 
'  After  studying  with- his  brother,  General  Sullivan,  he  was 
'  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  soon  rose  to  celebrity.  He  was 
'  appointed  King's  attorney  for  the  district  in  which  he  re- 
'  sided  ;  but  the  prospects  of  advancement,  which  he  might 
'  reasonably  have  entertained,  did  not  prevent  him  from 
'  taking  an  early  and  decided  part  on  the  side  of  his  coun- 
'  try,  at  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  struggle. 
'  Being  a  member  of  the  provincial  Congress  in  1775,  he 
'  was  intrusted,  together  with  two  other  gentlemen,  with  a 
'  difficult  commission  to  Ticonderoga,  which  was  executed 
'  in  a  very  satisfactory  manner.  In  the  following  year  he 
'  was  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  1779 
'  -80,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Convention,  which  framed 
'  the  constitution  of  th'e  State.  In  February,  1782,  he  re- 
'  signed  his  judgeship,  and  returned  to  the  bar.  In  1783 
'  he  was  chosen  member  of  Congress,  and  in  the  following 
'  year  was  one  of  the  commissioners  in  settling  the  contro- 
'  versy  between  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  respecting 
'  their  claims  to  the  western  lands.  He  was  repeatedly 
'  elected  representative  of  Boston,  in  the  legislature.  In 
'  1787  he  was  member  of  the  Executive  Council  and  Judge 
'  of  Probate  for  Suffolk  ;  and  in  1790  was  appointed  At- 
'  torney  General,  in  which  office  he  continued  till  June, 
'  1807,  when  he  was  elevated  to  the  chief  magistracy  of 
'  the  Commonwealth.  He  was  subsequently  appointed  by 


226  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

*  President  Washington  agent  under  the  fifth  article  of  the 
'  British   treaty,   for  settling  the    boundaries   between  the 

*  United   States   and   the   British   provinces.*     He  was  a 

*  second  time  chosen  Governor  of  the  state  ;  but  soon  after 

*  his  health  became  enfeebled,  and  on  the  10th  of  December, 
'  1808,  he  died,  in  the  tiSth  year  of  his  age.     Governor 
'  Sullivan  was  the  projector  of  the  Middlesex  canal.    Amidst 

*  his  professional   and  political   pursuits,   he  found   time  to 

*  prepare  several  works,  mostly  on  legal  and  political  sub- 
'  jects.     One  is  a  history  of  the  District  of  Maine,  which 
'  is  a  creditable  monument  of  his  industry  and  research." 

On  the  decease  of  Governor  Sullivan,  executive  power 

V  devolved  on  Lieutenant  Governor  Levi  Lincoln,  (the  same 

/^gentleman  who  was  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States 

;    in  1801,)  who  exercised  this  power  until  the  next  election. 

In  his  speech  to  the  legislature    at    the  January  session, 

1809,  he  noticed  the  event  which  had  made  it  his  duty  to 

address  that  assembly.     At  this  time  the  executive  council 

was   composed   entirely   of  federalists,    among   whom  was 

George   Cabot.      There    were    federal   majorities   in    both 

branches  of  the  legislature.     The  House,  in  its  answer  to 

the  speech,  say  of  the  deceased  Chief  Magistrate  : 

"  The  affecting  dispensation  of  Divine  Providence,  which 
"  has  deprived  this  commonwealth  of  its  Cpmraander-in- 
"  chief,  cannot  be  more  sincerely  deplored  by  your  Honor, 
"  than  it  is  sensibly  felt  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 
"  Elevated  to  the  chair  of  state,  in  opposition  to  the  political 
"  sentiments  of  a  majority  of  the  Legishiture,  we  are  happy 
"  to  declare,  that  the  late  Governor  Sullivan,  in  the  dis- 
"  charge  of  his  high  and  important  trust,  appeared  rather 
"  desirous  to  be  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  than  the 
"  leader  of  a  party,  or  the  vindictive  champion  of  its  cause." 

It  is  not  to  be  disputed,  that  Governor  Sullivan  was  much 
dissatisfied  with  the  course  of  policy  adopted  by  the  leaders 
of  the  party  to  which  he  belonged.  He  was  so,  especially, 
with  the  embargo,  and  with  the  measures  pursued  to  enforce 
that  system.  It  was  the  pleasure  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  no 
citizen  should  import  a  barrel  of  flour  from  southern  states, 


*  There  is  an  error  here,  as  to  the  time  of  this  appointment.     It  was 
in  1796,  during  Washington's  second  presidency,  and  continued  two 

years. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  227 

without  having  permission  from  an  agent  appointed  by  him- 
self.    Governor  Sullivan  was  intrusted  with  granting  such 
permissions  for  the  whole  state,  under  the  belief  that  he  "} 
would    make    party  allegiance   his   rule    in  dispensing  his 
favors.     He  gave  permits  to  every  one  who  asked  for  them,  "X 
and  Mr.  Jefferson  complains  in  one  of  his  published  letters 
to  Lieutenant  Governor  Lincoln,  that  permits  were  not  given    I 
to  those  of  the  true  faith  only,  but  to  every  body,  and  were  / 
openly  sold  in  the  southern  markets.     He  soon  declined  the 
honor  of  being  Mr.  Jefferson's  agent  in  this  party  monopoly. 

Governor  Sullivan  had  the  disadvantage  of  an  inferior 
education,  and  of  being  drawn  into  an  active  agency  in 
public  affairs  at  an  early  period  of  life.  He  was  a  man  of 
extraordinary  industry  and  energy,  and  did  much  to  remedy  \ 
the  defects  of  early  education  by  his  own  exertions.  He 
lived  in  troublesome  times,  and  when  no  man  of  any  emi- 
nence could  avoid  being  of  some  party,  nor  escape  the  feel- 
ings which  such  times  necessarily  excite.  In  private  life  he 
was  social  and  hospitable.  As  a  public  man  he  was  diligent 
and  ardent.  He  was  a  member  of  many  societies,  and 
president  of  several  of  them.  Judging  from  the  tenor  of  his 
life,  one  would  think  that  no  honors  could  compensate  for 
the  toils  and  anxieties  of  public  station. 

When  Lieutenant  Governor  Lincoln  thus  came  to  the 
exercise  of  executive  power,  the  long  embargo  had  been  in 
operation  more  than  twelve  months.  This  magistrate  shows 
himself,  in  the  speech  which  he  made  at  the  opening  of  the 
session,  heartily  disposed  to  compensate  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts for  the  defect  of  loyalty  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  disclosed 
in  the  administration  of  the  magistrate  whose  place  he  filled. 
There  was  a  new  call  for  his  zeal  in  the  abominable  enforc- 
ing act  (of  the  embargo)  passed  on  the  9th  of  the  same 
month  of  January. 

His  Honor  made  a  long  and  elaborate  speech  to  a  federal 
legislature,  and  seemed  not  to  have  been  aware,  that  he  laid 
himself  open  to  be  answered  in  a  manner  which  became  a 
yet  free  but  indignant  community. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  despotism  :  1.  That  which  one 
man  may  exercise,  who  has  united  in  himself  all  the  powers 
of  government ;  2.  That  which  is  exercised  by  a  popular 
Chief,  in  the  name  of  liberty  and  the  PEOPLE.  The  latter  is 
by  far  the  most  terrible,  because  it  implies,  that  the  physical 


228  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

strength,  as  well  as  the  mere  forms  of  law,  is  arranged  to 
sustain  it.  It  is  the  more  dangerous  too,  because  those  who 
exercise  power  under  such  despotism  really  believe,  that 
they  are  performing  their  duties  in  counteracting  the  ene- 
mies of  the  republic.  Although  the  clear  tendency  of  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  Lincoln's  measures,  in  sustaining  Mr. 
Jefferson,  deserved  no  better  name  than  tyranny,  since  it 
was  in  effect  to  establish  the  power  of  one  man,  and  to 
deprive  free  citizens  of  the  right  to  discuss  the  measures  of 
public  agents,  chosen  by  themselves  and  responsible  to  them, 
yet  such  a  design  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  him.  He  may 
be  supposed  to  have  considered  himself  to  be  doing  what  it 
was  his  duty  to  do,  as  a  republican  chief  magistrate.  Yet  no 
one  can  read  his  speech  to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts, 
(January,  1809,)  without  perceiving,  that  the  doctrines 
therein  contained  would,  if  carried  but  little  further,  have 
submitted  the  United  States  to  the  mere  will  of  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  his  adherents.  His  Honor  very  plainly  inti- 
mates his  own  belief  to  be  in  perfect  conformity  with  that, 
conviction  which  Mr.  Jefferson's  fourth  volume  discloses, 
viz.  That  Massachusetts  was  the  hot-bed  of  disaffection, 
disunion,  and  traitorous  designs.  His  Honor  spoke  to  men 
who  understood  him,  and  who  felt  indignant  at  his  insinua- 
tions. They  should  rather  have  felt  sorrow  and  compassion 
for  the  delusions  of  party,  while  they  repelled,  (as  the  follow- 
ing extracts  from  their  answers  will  show  they  did,)  his 
Honor's  unfounded  suggestions. 

The  Senate  (among  other  things)  said :  "  We  are  happy 
*  to  accord  with  you,  '  that  our  enemies  alone  could  have 
1  represented  the  New  England  states,  as  prepared  for  op- 
'  position  to  the  authority  of  the  law,  and  ripening  for  a 
1  secession  from  the  Union.'  *  The  people  of  New  England 
'  perfectly  understand  the  distinction  between  the  constitu- 
1  tion  and  the  administration.  An  administration  may 
'  become  corrupt,  but  the  people  will  remain  pure.  Who 
'  shall  decide  when  the  public  functionaries  abuse  their 
'  trust  ?  The  '  meetings,'  to  which  you  allude,  have  been 
'  attended  by  men  second  to  none  in  the  United  States,  for 
'  their  legal  and  political  knowledge,  for  their  love  of  order, 


*  Words  in   italics,  quoted  from  the  Lieutenant  Governors's  speech, 
and  by  him  applied  to  Jefferson's  administration. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  229 

"  and  for  their  patriotism.  Can  such  assemblies  of  citizens 
"merit  censure  in  a  republican  government?  Can  it  be 
"  necessary  to  remind  your  Honor,  that  the  administration 
"  of  Washington  produced  precisely  the  reverse  of  the  pic- 
"  ture,  which  you  have  drawn  so  much  to  the  life  ?  '  Whence 
"  then  the  causes  of  distrust,  jealousy,  altercations,  and  bit- 
"  ter  aspersions  '  upon  that  great  and  good  man,  and  upon 
"  all  who  were  attached  to  his  measures  ?  '  Whence  the 
"  ever  to  be  regretted  indiscretions,  suddenness,  and  individ- 
"  ual  rashness,  which  denounced'  an  administration,  that 
"  safely  guided  the  people  to  prosperity  and  glory,  amidst 
"  great  and  impending  dangers?  We  have  seen  as  little  of 
"  the  spirit  as  of  policy,  in  the  embargo  system.  We  know 
'•'  that  the  EMPEROR  approves,  if  he  did  not  dictate  the 
"  measure.  We  know  that  Great  Britain  receives  immense 
"  advantage  from  the  surrender  to  her  of  the  whole  trade 
"  of  the  world ;  and  we  cannot  imagine  why  the  people 
"  should  be  called  on  to  '  endure  privations,'  unless  the  ad- 
"  ministration,  having  failed  to  operate  on  the  fears,  or 
"  interests  of  the  '  warring  powers,'  expect,  ere  long,  to 
"  obtain  relief  from  their  compassion." 

The  House  of  Representatives,   (among   other   things,) 
answered :  "  The  legislature  and  people  of   Massachusetts 
"  now  are,  and  have  ever  been  firmly  and  sincerely  attached 
'  to  the  Union  of  the  states  ;  and  there  is  no  sacrifice  they 
'  have  not  been,   and   are  not  now  willing  to  submit  to,  in 
'  order  to  preserve  the  same  according  to  its  original  pur- 
'  pose.     Of  this  truth  your  Honor  must  be  convinced.      We 
'  do  not  appeal  to  the  unvarying  conduct  of  our  citizens 
'  during  the  glorious   administrations  of  Washington   and 
"  Adams,   when   the  patriotic  endeavors  of  our  statesmen, 
under  the  most  perplexing  embarrassments,  pursued  and 
secured  the  interests  and   honor  of  the  nation.     But  we 
can  appeal  to  the  patience  with  which   our  citizens  have 
borne  the  administration  of  those,  whose  boast  it  has  been 
to  proscribe  all  the  measures  of  their  predecessors,  and 
most  of  the  men  whose  talents  and  virtues  had  assisted  in 
securing  to  the  United  States  the  blessings  of  a  free   gov- 
ernment. It  ought  not  to  be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  men, 
"  who,  either  on  the   floor  of  Congress,   or  elsewhere,  have 
"  adopted  measures  hostile  to  the   Union  and   subversive  of 
"  its  principles,  should  endeavor  to  brand  with  the  calumny 
20 


230  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  you  mention,  the  efforts  of  those  who  sincerely  aim  at  pre- 
'  serving  the  constitution,  by  demonstrating  the   tendency 
«  of  their  acts  ;  and  who  studiously  exert  themselves  to  pre- 
'  vent  a  dissolution  of  the  federal  compact,  by  stating  the 
'  dangers  of  such  an  event.     We  cannot  agree  with  your 
'  Honor,   that   in    a   free    country  there   is   any   stage    at 
'  which  the  constitutionality  of  an  act  may  be  no  longer 
'  open  to  discussion  and  debate  ;    at  least,  it  is  only  on  the 
1  high  road  to  despotism,  that  such  stages  can   be  found. 
'  Were  it  true,  that   the    measures  of   government,    once 
i     '  passed  into  an  act,  the  constitutionality   of  that  act  is 
V7^<  stamped  with  the  seal  of  infallibility,  and  is  no  longer  a 
[  "  subject  for  the  deliberation,  or  remonstrance  of  the  citizen, 
\"  to   what   monstrous  lengths  might  not  an  administration 
"  carry  its  power !    It  has  only  to  pass   through  rapid  read- 
"  ings    and    midnight  sessions,   without  allowing  time   for 
"  reflection   or  debate,  to  the  final  enactment  of  a  bill,  and 
*'  even  before  the  people  are   informed  of  the  intentions  of 
"their  rulers;  and  then  their  chains  are  riveted,  and  the 
"  right  of  complaint  denied  them." 

It  may  be  inferred,  from  these  extracts,  what  the  charac- 
ter and  tendency  of  the  republican  Lieutenant  Governor's 
speech  was ;  and  with  what  constitutional  and  honorable 
spirit  it  was  met  by  the  true  friends  of  the  national  union. 
The  long  answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives  is  full  of 
real  republican  principles  ;  such  principles  as  must  govern 
in  this  land,  or  the  doctrines  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor 
must  be  admitted,  namely,  that  the  administration  is  every 
thing  ;  and  their  electors  nothing. 

These  events  occurred  about  twenty-four  years  ago.     It 

was  then   the   JefFersonian   creed,  that   the  executive  and 

legislative,  united,  were  supreme  ;   do  what  they  might,  the 

people  must  submit.     This  was  received  by  FREEMEN  with 

indignation,  and  the  tyrants  retraced  their  steps.     But  now, 

I  in  1834,  we  have  made  an  astonishing  advance !    ONE  man 

7  has  dared  to  do,  in  the  character  of  President  of  a  free 

/  republic,  what  no  monarch  in  all  Europe,  crowned  in  right 

I   of  hereditary  succession,  would  venture  to  propose ;  and  a 

\  majority   of  the   House   of  Representatives   look   on   and 

applaud  ! 

While  Lieutenant  Governor  Lincoln  was  at  the  head  of 
the  Commonwealth,  he  had  not  only  the  difficult  duty  of 


ON   PU1JLIC    CHARACTERS.  231 

vindicating  Mr.  Jefferson's  measures  generally,  but  the 
highly  responsible  and  special  one  of  doing  his  will  under 
the  enforcing  act.  He  took  an  extraordinary  course  to 
effect  this  object.  The  Governor,  as  Commander-in-chief, 
issues,  according  to  military  propriety,  his  orders  through 
the  Adjutant  General  to  the  Major  Generals  of  divisions, 
and  requires  of  them  to  detach  such  force  as  occasions  call 
for.  Such  Chief  cannot  be  supposed  to  know,  officially, 
that  there  can  be  any  difference  of  opinion  among  those 
who  bear  arms,  and  are  subject  to  orders  of  superiors. 
All  are  equally  bound  to  render  any  legal  service  which  is 
required.  But  his  Honor  dispensed  with  all  such  forms, 
and  took  the  unprecedented  course  of  writing  to  such  sub- 
altern officers  as  he,  in  some  way,  had  found  out  to  be  good 
sound  Jeffersonians,  and  passed  by  all  superiors,  whom  he, 
in  some  way,  knew,  or  suspected  to  be  of  a  different  order. 
His  circular,  on  this  occasion,  is  worth  transcribing  as  a 
curious  instance  of  what  a  genuine  republican  Chief  Mag- 
istrate may  sometimes  think  to  be  his  duty. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  directed  the 
'  Secretary  of  War  to  request  me  to  appoint  some  officer  of 
'  the  militia,  of  known  respect  for  the  laws,  in,  or  near 
'  each  port  of  entry,  in  this  state,  with  orders,  when  applied 
1  to  by  the  Collector  of  the  District,  to  assemble  a  suffi- 
'  cient  force  of  his  militia,  and  to  employ  them  efficaciously, 
'  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  laws  respecting  the  em- 
'  bargo.  The  President  is  peculiarly  anxious,  that  the 
1  officers  selected  should  be  such,  who  can  be  best  confided 
'  in  to  exercise  so  serious  a  power.  Recollecting,  that  in 
'  the  happy  government  established  by  the  American  peo- 
'  pie,  the  character  of  the  citizen  is  not  lost  in  that  of  the 
'  soldier ;  and  that  coolness,  prompt  obedience,  and  a 
'  sacred  regard  to  the  rights  of  society  and  individuals 
'  are  essential  to  both  ;  you  will  duly  appreciate  this  oppor- 
'  tunity  of  serving  your  country,  and  of  even  increasing 
1  the  confidence  she  has  placed  in  you." 

This  service  was  force  by  one  class  of  citizens,  distin- 
guished by  a  political  creed  and  by  subserviency  to 
Thomas  Jefferson's  will,  against  another  class  who  consid- 
ered him  as  depriving  them  of  rights  guaranteed  by  the 
constitution,  with  no  other  motive  than  to  aid  Napoleon  to 
enforce  his  continental  system.  The  House  of  Represen- 


232  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

tatives  very  properly  inquired  into  this  alarming  use  of 
power ;  —  and  resolved,  that  these  orders  were  irregular, 
illegal,  and  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  the  constitu- 
tion ;  tending  to  the  destruction  of  military  discipline ;  an 
infringement  of  the  rights  and  derogatory  to  the  honor  of 
both  officers  and  soldiers ;  subversive  of  the  militia  system, 
and  highly  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people. 

The  legality  of  this  measure  and  its  effect  can  best  be 
comprehended,  by  imagining  selected  bodies  of  militia  to  be 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  President  Jackson's  collectors  of 
ports  ;  and  by  imagining,  that  these  bodies  might  be  called 
into  action  against  the  citizens,  whenever  these  collectors 
might  be  of  opinion,  that  their  agency  was  necessary  in 
maintaining  the  majesty  of  the  President's  will ! 


LETTER    LIII. 

NOVEMBER  10,  1833. 

THE  experience  hitherto  had  under  our  republican  insti- 
tutions clearly  shows,  that  the  only  possible  mode  of  pre- 
serving these  institutions  is  to  awaken  the  whole  community 
to  the  progress  of  usurpation,  and  to  rely  on  the  people  to 
save  themselves.  The  Jeffersonian  delusion  had  taken  such 
absolute  control  over  the  reason  of  a  majority  of  the  nation, 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  dispelling  it.  But  this  was  other- 
wise in  some  of  the  states,  and  so  proved  to  be  in  Massa- 
chusetts. The  effect  of  the  embargo  and  the  tyrannical 
measures  adopted  to  enforce  it,  the  poverty  and  distress 
which  were  daily  increasing,  compelled  the  citizens  to  in- 
vestigate causes  and  to  think  for  themselves.  They  were 
able  to  distinguish  between  the  real  friends  and  supporters 
of  constitutional  policy,  and  those  who  pretended  to  be 
such. 

In  April,  1809,  Christopher  Gore  was  supported  by  the 
federalists  for  the  office  of  Governor  and  was  elected.  He 
is  the  same  citizen  who  is  mentioned  in  Mr.  Jefferson's 
fourth  volume,  as  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  monar- 
chists and  anglomen.  The  people  of  Massachusetts,  among 
whom  he  may  be  presumed  to  have  been  better  known,  than 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  233 

he  could  have  been  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  did  not  so  regard  him. 
Whether  Mr.  Jefferson  was  right,  or  whether  Mr.  Gore  was 
a  political  hypocrite,  may  depend,  in  part,  on  the  im- 
pression which  the  following  extract  from  his  speech  to 
the  legislature  may  make.  It  was  delivered  on  the  7th  of 
June,  1809. 

"  Educated  at  a  time  when  the  principles  of  civil  liberty 
"  were  investigated  and  discussed  by  the  sages  and  heroes, 
"  who  conceived  and  accomplished  our  glorious  revolution, 
"  my  strongest  and  earliest  impressions  were  in  favor  of  that 
"  well  regulated  freedom  which  is  secured  by  our  excellent 
"  constitution.  An  absence  of  eight  years  in  the  service  of 
"  our  common  country,  by  the  opportunity  it  afforded  of 
"  remarking  the  circumstances  of  other  nations,  served  to 
"  confirm,  and  if  possible  to  increase  the  respect  and  rever- 
"  ence  I  had  previously  imbibed  for  the  civil  and  religious 
"  institutions  of  my  native  state.  A  comparison  of  our 
"  condition  with  that  of  any  other  people  must  convince 
"  every  one  of  the  enviable  situation  in  which  we  are  placed, 
"  and  of  the  superior  means  afforded  to  us,  for  enjoying  all 
"  the  blessings  of  which  social  life  is  capable." 

"  To  adopt  a  rule,  that  no  man  is  to  be  selected  for  office, 
"  unless  he  be  of  the  particular  sect,  or  party  of  those  who 
"  administer  the  government,  or  subscribe  to  their  political 
"  creed,  is  to  establish  a  principle,  not  only  not  recognised 
"  by,  but  directly  repugnant  to  the  constitution.  It  is,  more- 
"  over,  highly  unjust  to  the  people,  as  it  narrows  the  choice 
"  for  office,  and  may  frequently  exclude  from  their  service 
"  the  purest  integrity,  the  highest  capabilities,  and  the  best 
"  dispositions.  It  is  considering  government  as  instituted, 
"  not  for  the  common  good,  but  for  the  exclusive  advantage 
"  of  an  association,  or  party  of  men." 

"  The  history  of  the  United  States  and  of  this  state  has 
"  ever  shown  Massachusetts  submitting  with  cheerfulness  to 
"  the  most  important  sacrifices,  for  supporting  the  common 
"  cause  and  general  interests  of  the  Union ;  and  this 
"  without  the  smallest  disposition  to  dictate  to  the  other 
"  members  of  the  confederacy.  Under  the  distressing  cir- 
"  cumstances  of  the  last  year,  the  legislature  did  what  duty 
"  rendered  indispensable,  and  surely  they  did  no  more." 
20* 


234  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

Extract  from  the  answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
"  We  feel  sincere  pleasure  in  the  assurance  of  the  observ- 
'  ance,  on  the  part  of  your  Excellency,  of  those  great  funda- 
'  mental  principles  of  the  constitution,  and  of  all  republican 
'  governments,  which  ought  never  to  have  been  denied  in  ar- 
'  gument,  nor  violated  in  practice.  We  rejoice  in  a  recurrence 
'  to  the  first  principles  of  the  social  compact :  that  all  power 
'  resides  in  the  whole  people ;  that  government  is  instituted 
'  for  their  '  protection,  safety,  prosperity,  and  happiness,' 
'  and  '  not  for  the  profit,  honor,  or  private  interest  of  any 
'  one  man,  family,  or  class  of  men  ; '  in  short,  that  offices 
'  of  honor,  or  emolument  are  not  intended  to  strengthen 
'  the  hands  of  party,  but  to  promote  the  public  good.  They 
'  ought  not  to  be  bestowed  as  bribes,  to  induce,  or  reward 
'  political  fidelity,  or  apostacy  ;  but  to  place  the  public  in- 
'  terest  in  the  charge  of  men,  whose  principles  and  feelings 
'  secure  their  interest  in  its  support." 

In  this  political  year,  commencing  the  last  Wednesday  in 
May,  1809,  among  the  names  which  appear  in  the  executive 
and  legislative  departments,  are  the  following  : 

CHRISTOPHER  GORE,  Governor  ;  DAVID  COBB,  Lieutenant 
Governor  ;  Edward  H.  Robbins,  Artemas  Ward,  Thomas 
Dwight,  Ephraim  Spooner,  Prentiss  Mellen,  Oliver  Fiske, 
Nathaniel  Dummer,  William  Prescott,  Daniel  Dewey,  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council. 

Harrison  Gray  Otis,  President  of  the  Senate,  William 
Spooner,  John  Phillips,  Peter  C.  Brooks,  John  Welles,  Suf- 
folk Senators  ;  and  a  majority  in  that  branch  of  men  of  like 
character. 

Timothy  Bigelow,  Speaker  of  the  House.  Among  the 
members  who  represented  Boston,  were  William  Brown, 
William  Phillips,  Daniel  Sargent,  Benjamin  Russell,  John 
Parker,  Joseph  He*ad,  Charles  Jackson,  William  H.  Sum- 
ner,  Daniel  Messenger,  Warren  Dutton,  John  T.  Apthorp, 
and  twenty-six  others  of  like  character  and  of  various 
vocations  ;  and  a  majority  of  men  of  like  standing  in  the 
House. 

>It  was  at  this  time,  that  Mr.  J.  Q,.  Adams  imagined,  that 
a  dangerous  conspiracy  was  going  oft  to  sever  the  Union, 
and  establish  a  northern  confederacy.  As  these  citizens, 
who  have  been  mentioned,  and  many  others  of  like  charac- 
ter and  condition,  were  those  who  directed  the  tone  of 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  235 

public  sentiment  at  that  time,  certainly  Mr.  Adams  would 
find  some  of  his  disunionists  and  conspirators  among  those 
who  have  been  named.*  It  belongs  to  him  to  point  them 
out,  and  to  compare  the  opinions  by  them  publicly  expressed 
with  any  other  opinions,  which  he  knows  them  to  have  ex- 
pressed or  entertained. 

Those  of  the  seat  of  government  have  been  mentioned, 
rather  than  others  from  other  parts  of  the  state,  because  it 
appears,  that  Mr.  Madison  particularly  alludes  to  this  "  seat 
of  government "  as  the  seat  of  conspiracy. 

Of  those  who  have  been  mentioned  as  members  of  the 
executive,  or  legislative  branches,  Mr.  Gore  and  Mr.  Otis 
will  be  elsewhere  mentioned.  There  are  others  whom  it 
may  be  proper  to  notice  more  particularly  here.  General 
Cobb,  who  was  Lieutenant  Governor,  had  been  a  member 
of  General  Washington's  military  family  during  most  of  the 
war.  He  was  a  physician ;  and  after  the  peace  he  resumed 
his  practice  at  Taunton,  and  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas.  In  the  times  when  the  insurrectionary 
spirit  displayed  itself  in  his  county,  he  was  Major  General 
of  the  militia,  as  well  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court.  He 
left  the  Bench  to  exercise  his  military  command  ;  and  de- 
clared, that  "  he  would  sit  as  a  Judge,  or  die  as  a  General." 

General  Cobb  was  a  man  of  middle  stature  and  of  full 
person  ;  his  face  was  large,  and  expressive  of  a  manly  and 
resolute  heart.  He  was  frank,  sincere,  and  honorable ;  and 
expressed  his  opinions  without  reserve;  and,  thinking  as  he 
did  of  the  opponents  of  Washington  and  of  the  friends  of 
Jefferson,  he  sometimes  gave  opportunity  to  his  political 
adversaries  to  quote  his  sayings  to  their  advantage.  But  a^ 
more  pure,  kind-hearted,  honorable  gentleman  than  General  "% 

*  There  is  one  man,  yet  among  the  living,  who  has  done  more  good 
to  the  American  nation,  than  some  who  have  called  forth  extravagant 
eulogies,  or  than  one  man,  who  has  been  figured  in  bronze  and  mar- 
ble. A  sensible,  well-informed,  diligent  Editor  has  a  powerful 
influence  on  public  opinion.  Benjamin  Russell,  Editor  of  the  Centi- 
nel  for  nearly  half  a  century,  was  not  surpassed,  if  equalled,  by  any 
man  in  that  vocation,  since  the  revolutionary  war.  He  was  the  best 
commentator  on  the  belligerent  events  of  Europe,  that  there  then 
was  in  the  United  States.  He  was  well  versed  in  the  character  of 
men  and  in  the  bearing  of  party  policy  at  home.  His  long  continued 
paper  is  an  historical  treasure.  Benjamin  Russell  deserves  well  of 
his  country. 


236  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

Cobb  never  lived.  He  was  full  of  good  social  feeling,  and 
was  welcome  and  gratefully  received  in  the  circles,  where 
the  rational  enjoyment  of  whatsoever  is  pleasant  to  the 
senses  derives  a  value  from  the  interchange  of  intellectual 
sympathy.  He  prolonged  his  life  by  a  course  of  remarkable 

'abstinence,  after  having  been  the  delight  of  social  circles 
for  no  small  portion  of  his  days.  He  was  a  true  Washing- 
ton-man in  all  his  political  feelings,  and  saw,  with  sincere 
regret,  the  decline  and  probable  extinction  of  the  true  prin- 
ciples of  republicanism,  which  he  had  devoted  the  meridian 
of  his  life  to  secure  and  preserve. 

Timothy  Bigelow,  for  a  series  of  years  Speaker  of  the 
House,  was  a  lawyer  of  eminence  in  the  county  of  Middle- 
sex. Perhaps  no  man  has  spoken  to  so  many  juries  as  Mr. 
Bigelow.  He  was  most  faithfully  devoted  to  the  cause  of 
the  revolution.  His  earliest  impressions  were  associated 
with  the  great  contest  for  liberty.  He  used  to  speak  with 
enthusiasm  of  the  national  constitution  and  of  the  Union, 
as  consequences  of  success.  He  was  a  kind-hearted,  friendly 
man,  and  had  many  affectionate  friends.  He  was  distin- 
guished as  a  man  of  taste  ;  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  he 
took  great  delight  in  horticultural  employments,  and  may 
claim  with  others  the  merit  of  exciting  the  demand  for  this 
gratification,  which  has  now  attained  an  eminence,  asso- 
ciated no  less  with  science  than  with  pleasure.  Mr.  Bigelow 
was  a  tall  man,  well  formed,  and  of  courteous  manners. 
He  had  the  narrative  gift  in  an  eminent  degree  ;  which 
among  other  qualities  made  society  with  him  exceedingly 
grateful. 

To  one  who  looks  back  on  what  the  social  world  was,  it 
seems  as  though  money-making  and  selfishness  had  frozen 

rthe  currents  of  the  heart.  That  frank,  friendly,  social,  hos- 
pitable intercourse,  which  was  once  the  delight  of  this  land, 
is  gone  (it  is  feared)  for  ever ;  and  the  cold,  calculating 
spirit  of  accumulation,  or  the  worthless  emulation  of  show 
and  splendor  has  succeeded. 

Among  those  who  have  been  mentioned,  as  participating 
in  the  government  of  1809,  there  are  some  yet  alive.  It 
would  be  grateful  to  speak  of  them  as  they  should  be  spoken 
of,  as  well  as  of  some,  who  are  not  here  to  see  the  withering 
of  the  hopes  which  they  delighted  to  cherish.  In  the  first 
case,  there  is  the  risk  of  offending  men  who  are  not  solicitous 


ON    PUBLIC    CHAUACTERS.  237 

of  the  world's  notice ;  and  in  the  second,  the  field  is  un- 
limited, and  there  must  be  a  stopping-place  somewhere. 

It  might  have  been  supposed,  that  intelligent  and  far- 
sighted  merchants  would  have  been  better  judges  of  their 
own  interests,  than  southern  planters,  or  than  lawyers,  or 
cultivators  from  the  new  regions  of  the  west.  Good  or 
bad  judges,  they  condemned,  almost  with  unanimity,  the 
policy  of  Jefferson  and  Madison.  Those,  who  had  the  most 
to  lose,  or  to  gain  in  commercial  enterprises,  were  the  most 
decided  in  their  condemnation.  Few  of  the  eminent  mer- 
chants of  those  days  are  here  to  lament  similar  grievances 
and  follies  of  the  present  day.  Among  those  who  are  no 
longer  among  us,  and  who  might  be  distinguished  as  intelli- 
gent and  accomplished  men  of  business,  were  James  Perkins 
and  Thomas  C.  Amory.  The  former  and  his  partner, 
Thomas  H.  Perkins,  were  the  first  Canton  merchants  in 
the  world.  Thomas  C.  Amory  was  extensively  engaged 
in  very  varied  commerce  on  the  ocean.  To  these  might 
be  added  hundreds  of  others,  who  were  large  ship-owners. 
None  of  these  could  discern  any  thing  in  the  commercial 
measures  of  the  administration,  but  defeat  of  their  plans 
and  ruin  to  their  prospects. 

There  can  be  little  doubt,  that  the  care  and  solicitude 
concerning  ships,  merchandise,  and  seamen  manifested  by 
Jefferson  and  Madison  were  mere  pretences.  Neither  of 
these  gentlemen  differed  in  opinion  from  Napoleon  on  such 
subjects;  and  he  fully  accorded  with  the  Romans,  (as  shown 
by  Cicero,)  in  placing  merchants  among  the  lower  orders  of 
society.  These  friends  of  liberty  seem  not  to  have  known, 
that  commerce  and  liberty  are  twin  sisters ;  that,  merchants 
have  been  the  true  patrons  of  the  arts,  of  science,  of  litera- 
ture; the  munificent  supporters  of  public  and  charitable 
institutions ;  the  ornament  of  social  life.  Even  in  our  own 
little  community,  how  many  instances  are  fresh  in  memory 
of  noble  liberality  among  merchants.  In  the  same  street, 
are  seen  two  spacious  buildings,  formerly  the  dwelling-places 
of  two  brothers,  one  of  them  the  gift  of  one  of  these  brothers 
to  the  Athenaeum,*  the  other  the  gift  of  the  other  brother, 
as  an  asylum  for  the  blind  ;  t  gifts,  not  postponed  to  the 
time  when  the  owner  and  his  property  must  part  for  ever, 

*  James  Perkins.    '  t  Thomas  Handasyd  Perkins. 


238  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

but  while  the  donors  were  in  full  life.     To  commerce  also 
are  we  indebted  for  one  of  the  most  valued  charities  in  the 
nation.     A  merchant  bequeathed  an  hundied  thousand  dol- 
lars to  the  Lunatic  Hospital.*     These  are  the  fruits  of  that 
commercial  dealing  which  Jefferson   and  Madison  heartily 
despised.     There  will  be  found,  in  a  subsequent  page,  some 
notice  of  Jefferson's  opinions  on  merchants ;  and  no  differ- 
ence is  known  between  his  opinions  and  those  of  Madison.t 
The  embargo  having  been  removed,  and  the  busy  citizens 
of  Massachusetts  having  engaged  in  their  accustomed  voca- 
tions;  and  thinking  more  of  these,  than  of  political  dangers 
and  duties,  an  opportunity  again  occurred  for  the  friends  of 
the  people  to  take  a  majority  into  their  custody.     Elbridge 
/  Gerry  was  by  them  nominated   against  Governor  Gore,  and 
was  the  successful  candidate.     He  was  the  Chief  Magistrate 
t  from  May,  1810,  to  May,  1812.     As  there  is  nothing  to  be 
^said  of  his  administration,  which  one  could  take  pleasure  in 
saying  ;  so  the  pain  of  speaking  of  it  as  it  may  have  deserved 
vmay   be   avoided.     When   the   time  comes  for   writing  the 
sober  History  of  Massachusetts,  the  historian  will  find  abun- 
dant materials  for  his  work  in  these  two  years;  and  the  ex- 
ercise of  party  power  in  districting  the  commonwealth  for 
the   choice  of  senators    is    particularly  commended  to  his 
,    notice.     He  will  find  the  English  language  enriched  by  a 
>new  term,   (Gerrymandering,)  which  may  often  find  a  suit- 
j   able  application,  when  the  origin  of  it  may  have  been  forgot- 
1   ten.     He  may  find  it  in  the  patriotic  labors  of  the  two  years 
in  which  Mr.  Gerry  was  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 

*  John  McLean. 

t  It  cannot  be  unacceptable  to  any  one  who  knew  Thomas  C. 
Jlmory,  to  offer  a  passing  tribute  to  his  memory.  He  died  in  Novem- 
ber, 1812,  at  the  age  of  44.  He  was  a  tall  man,  of  amiable  and  intelli- 
gent countenance,  of  frank  and  courteous  manners,  of  clear,  sound 
judgment,  and  executive  capacity.  Such  qualities  may  not  distinguish 
him  from  some  others ;  but  he  had  qualities,  which,  if  they  did  not  so 
distinguish  him,  placed  him  high  among  those,  who  are  so  fortunate  as 
to  have  the  like  ones.  He  had  as  kind  and  friendly  a  heart,  as  ever 
beat  in  human  bosom.  He  was  considerate  of  others ;  the  friend  and 
the  visiter  of  the  sorrowful  and  unfortunate  ;  and  of  noble  generosity. 
He  was  eminently  hospitable,  and  one  of  the  most  acceptable  compan- 
ions that  ever  adorned  a  social  circle.  His  death,  in  the  zenith  of  man- 
hood, was  a  mournful  bereavement.  At  this  long  distance  from  that 
event,  survivors  remember  him  with  a  freshness  of  feeling  and  interest, 
which  makes  it  seem  as  the  loss  of  yesterday. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  239 

The  dark  and  mysterious  administration  of  Mr.  Madison, 
the  able  and  enlightened  discussions  of  the  press,  the  exer- 
cise of  power  in  Governor  Gerry's  time,  the  apprehension  of 
war  with  Great  Britain  and  of  alliance  with  France  again 
called  the  attention  of  our  community,  from  their  private 
affairs  to  the  duties  of  citizens.  It  was  a  relief  and  gratifi- 
cation, hardly  to  be  described,  to  one  portion  of  the  people 
of  this  state,  that  they  were  to  have,  at  the  head  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, the  calm,  steady,  constitutional  republican, 
Caleb  Strong,  in  the  trying  times  that  were  expected,  andly 
not  Elbridge  Gerry.  If  this  change  had  not  occurred,  the  } 
condition  of  Massachusetts  and  of  its  militia  cannot  be  / 
contemplated  without  dismay.  There  must  have  been  a 
civil  war,  or  the  militia  would  have  gone  to  lay  their  bones 
in  Canada,  in  the  fruitless,  hopeless  attempt  to  conquer  that 
country ;  while  the  seaboard  would  have  remained  subject 
to  all  the  miseries,  which  a  vindictive  foe  could  inflict. 


LETTER   LIV. 

NOVEMBER  16,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON'S  political  life  and  his  embargo  system^ 
terminated  about  the  same  time,  the  former  on  the  fourth, 
the  latter  on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  1809.  The  American  •• 
people  resumed  their  industry  as  well  as  they  could,  under 
the  remaining  embarrassments  of  non-intercouse  with  Eng- 
land, which  was  a  serious  one,  and  with  France,  which  was 
believed  to  be  a  mere  show  of  impartiality  and  of  little  real 
importance.  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  to  Monticello.  In  what 
manner  Mr.  Jefferson  disposed  of  himself,  during  the  seven- 
teen years  through  which  his'  life  was  prolonged,  he  has 
permitted  the  world  to  know  from  his  volumes.  With  the 
help  of  these  it  may  be  proper  to  inquire  into  his  real  motives 
for  proposing  and  insisting  on  the  continuance  of  the  em- 
bargo, because  in  the  sweeping  demand  of  his  idolizers  for 
gratitude  and  admiration,  this  measure  makes  a  prominent 
figure  in  the  acts  on  which  that  demand  must  be  founded. 

The   declared  motive  for  this  measure,    (unprecedented 
any  where  in  the  world,  unless  in  China,)  as  expressed  in 


240  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

the  message  proposing  it,  was  to  protect  "  our  vessels,  our 
"  seamen,  and  merchandise  from  the  belligerents."  No 
one  can  know  the  real  motive  of  Mr.  Jeffeison  so  well  as 
himself;  and  he  says,  that  the  motive  assigned  in  his  mes- 
sage was  not  the  real  one. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  1825,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his 
faithful  friend,  William  B.  Giles,  (vol.  iv.  p.  519,)  in  which 
he  gives  an  account  of  an  interview  with  Mr.  John  Q,uincy 
Adams.  He  therein  sets  forth,  that  Mr.  Adams  "  spoke  of 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Eastern  portion  of  our  confed- 
'  eracy  with  the  restraints  of  the  embargo  then  existing, 
*  and  their  restlessness  under  it.  That  there  was  nothing 
'  which  might  not  be  attempted  to  rid  themselves  of  it : 
'  that  he  had  information,  of  the  most  unquestionable  cer- 
tainty, that  certain  citizens  of  the  Eastern  states,  (I  think 
'  he  named  Massachusetts  particularly,)  were  in  negotiation 
'  with  agents  of  the  British  government,  the  object  of  which 
'  was  an  agreement,  that  New  England  should  take  no 
'  farther  part  in  the  war  then  going  on,"  &,c.  [Mr.  Jef- 
ferson then  goes  on  about  the  war,  which  had  not  yet 
happened ;  and,  perhaps,  alludes  to  some  other  patriotic 
communication  of  Mr.  Adams  about  his  fellow-citizens  of 
Massachusetts.]  "  I  expressed,"  (says  Mr.  Jefferson,)  "  a 
"just  sense  of  the  merit  of  this  information,  and  of  the  im- 
"  portance  of  this  disclosure  to  the  safety  and  even  the 
"  salvation  of  our  country  :  and,  however  reluctant  I  was  to 
"  abandon  the  measure,  (a  measure,  which,  persevered  in 
"  a  little  longer,  we  had  subsequent  and  satisfactory  assur- 
"  ance,  would  have  effected  its  object  completely,)  from  that 
"  moment,  and  influenced  by  that  information,  I  saw  the 
"  necessity  of  abandoning  it;  and  instead  of  effecting  our 
"  purpose  by  this  peaceful  weapon,  ice  must  fight  it  out,  or 
"  break  the  Union." 

What  was  the  object  to  be  completely  effected  ?  Certainly 
riot  the  preservation  of  vessels,  seamen,  and  merchandise, 
for  that  was  effected  when  the  embargo  was  first  imposed. 
Was  it  to  compel  England  to  renounce  her  blockades,  and 
to  cease  to  violate  bur  neutral  rights  ?  These  objects  were 
obtained  by  the  treaty  of  1806,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  rejected. 
Was  it  to  prevent  impressment?  How  would  the  continu- 
ance of  the  embargo  "  a  little  longer "  have  effected  that 
object  ?  This  matter  had  been  arranged  with  Pinckney  and 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTEUS.  24] 

Monroe,  in  London,  to  their  satisfaction,  but  not  to  that  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  There  is  some  ground  to  believe  then,  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  confesses  he  misrepresented  his  motive  in  pro- 
posing the  embargo  to  Congress,  in  December,  1807 ;  and 
that  he  admits  the  embargo  to  have  been  a  hostile  measure 
to  England ;  or,  in  other  words,  a  part  of  the  continental 
system.  The  sum  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  political  wisdom  in 
this  matter  comes  to  this :  He  was  willing  to  impose  an 
annual  loss  of  fifty  millions  on  his  own  countrymen,  and 
enforce  his  system  of  restriction  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
to  aid  Napoleon  in  humbling  England.  This  it  would 
doubtless  have  pleased  him  to  do,  even  at  that  cost,  with  all 
its  consequences.  It  is  surprising,  that  this  wise  statesman 
was  the  last  man  in  the  nation  to  perceive,  that  his  costly, 
oppressive,  and  ruinous  measure  had  no  tendency  to  effect 
his  object. 

In  another  part  of  the  same  volume,  (iv.  p.  125,)  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson gives  another  version  of  his  embargo  policy,  in  a  le 
to  Dupont  de  Nemours.  He  therein  contradicts  his  resolu- 
tion formed  on  Mr.  Adams's  statement  of  the  restlessness 
and  plots  of  the  East  and  North.  He  says  :  "  The  edicts  of 
"  the  two  belligerents,  forbidding  us  to  be  seen  on  the  ocean, 
"  we  met  by  an  embargo.  This  gave  us  time  to  call  home 
"our  seamen,  ships,  and  property;  to  levy  men,  and  put 
"  our  seaports  into  a  certain  state  of  defence,"  (by  building 
gun-boats?)  "  We  have  now  taken  off  the  embargo,  except 
"  as  to  France  and  England,  and  their  territories,  because 
tl  fifty  millions  of  exports  annually  sacrificed  are  the  treble 
"  of  what  war  would  cost  us  ;  besides,  that  by  war  we 
"  should  gain  something,  and  lose  less  than  at  present." 

It  requires  all  Mr.  Jefferson's  ingenuity  to  reconcile  this 
with  his  remarks  found  in  vol.  iv.  p.  148,  in  a  letter  to  Gen- 
eral  Dearborn,  and  also  with  his  opinion  on  Mr.  Adams's 
disclosures :  "  The  federalists,  during  their  short-lived  as- 
"  cendency,  have,  nevertheless,  by  forcing  us  from  the  em- 
"  bargo,  inflicted  a  wound  on  our  interests,  which  can  never 
"  be  cured ;  and  on  our  affections,  which  will  require  time 
"  to  cicatrize.  I  ascribe  all  this  to  one  pseudo-republican 
"  STORY.  He  came  on,  and  staid  only  a  few  days ;  long 
"  enough,  however,  to  get  complete  hold  of  Bacon*  who 

*  A  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  Massachusetts. 

21 


242  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  giving  in  to  his  representations,  became  panic-struck,  and 
"  communicated  his  panic  to  his  colleagues ;  and  they  to  a 
"  majority  of  the  sound  members  of  Congress." 

The  comparison  of  these  various  accounts  of  the  matter 
leaves  one  in  no  doubt,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  really  intended  to 
promote  the  views  of  Napoleon  by  the  embargo,  and  that  the 
"  preservation,"  set  forth  in  his  message,  was  only  the  mask 
of  the  true  purpose.  By  keeping  the  vessels  of  the  United 
States  at  home,  he  prevented  the  products  of  the  United 
States  from  reaching  England,  and  the  products  of  England 
from  coming  to  the  United  States.  This  was  one  step  be- 
yond Napoleon.  It  looks  as  though  Mr.  Jefferson  had,  in 
this  matter,  suggested  what  was  false,  and  suppressed  what 
was  true.  But  then  it  •  should  be  remembered,  that  he 
thought  it  was  right  to  do  so.  That  is,  it  was  right,  by  any 
means,  and  at  any  cost  and  oppression  to  his  own  country- 
men, to  strengthen  France  in  her  war  of  destruction  against 
England  ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  break  down  monarch- 
ists and  anglomen.  Nevertheless,  on  this  "  calm  revisal," 
the  embargo  system  is  not  a  ground  on  which  the  admirers 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  can  safely  rest  his  fame  for  wisdom  and 
virtue,  in  days  to  come. 

It  may  be  asked  what  a  wise  and  honest  President  would 
have  done,  in  this  state  of  the  country  1  He  would  have 
waited  for  the  result  of  the  negotiations  in  England.  When 
the  treaty  came,  as  it  provided  effectually  for  every  subject 
of  controversy  but  that  of  impressment ;  as  there  were  as- 
surances on  that  subject,  as  satisfactory  as  can  ever  be  ex- 
pected from  a  maritime  nation,  he  would  have  ratified  the 
treaty.  If  he  did  not  dare  to  recommend  a  defensive  war 
against  France,  he  would  have  left  it  to  the  good  sense  of 
merchants  to  regulate  their  own  affairs,  and  to  have  taken 
their  chance  upon  the  ocean.  The  marine  of  France  was 
little  to  be  feared.  Mercantile  ingenuity  would  have  dis- 
cerned modes  of  profitable  commerce ;  and  the  gain  of  suc- 
cessful enterprise  would  have  far  exceeded  occasional  loss. 
If  Mr.  Jefferson  really  intended  to  protect  seamen,  ships, 
and  commerce,  he  was  not  statesman  enough  to  know  how 
this  could  be  effected.  It  is  most  consistent  with  his  own 
declarations  to  believe,  that  these  objects  were  sacrificed 
to  promote  his  own  purposes. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  243 


LETTER    LV. 

NOVEMBER  20,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON  may  be  considered  under  two  aspects  : 
First,  as  a  witness  against  a  large  portion  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens. Secondly,  as  a  citizen  and  statesman,  who  confi- 
dently claims  the  respect  and  gratitude  of  his  country  and 
of  posterity,  for  eminent  public  services  ;  services  which,  he 
says,  no  other  man  but  himself  could  have  performed.  Under 
the  first  aspect,  he  presents  himself  in  a  character  which 
seriously  affects  the  memory  of  the  dead,  the  feelings  of  the 
living,  the  honor  of  his  country,  and  the  interests  of  man- 
kind. If  Mr.  Jefferson  is  a  credible  witness,  the  men  who 
conducted  the  American  revolution,  who  founded  the  nation- 
al government,  and  who  administered  our  national  affairs 
for  the  first  twelve  years,  were  the  most  unprincipled,  profli- 
gate, and  wicked  body  of  men  who  are  known  in  history. 
They  are  worse  than  the  Roman  triumvirates  and  their 
associates,  for  these  did  not  conceal  their  purposes,  but  did 
their  work  openly.  If  Mr.  Jefferson  is  a  credible  witness, 
he  casts  a  deep  and  discouraging  shade  on  the  hopes  of 
mankind,  that  there  is  honor,  intelligence,  and  virtue  enough 
in  the  world,  to  assert  and  maintain  the  right  to  rational 
self-government.  In  the  second  aspect ;  if  Mr.  Jefferson 
did  not  render  such  services  to  his  country ;  if  he  rendered 
to  it  no  service,  which  entitles  his  memory  to  respect  and 
gratitude  ;  if  he  misapplied  his  trust ;  if  he  established  theo- 
ries tending  to  destroy  republican  government ;  if  he  op- 
pressed and  afflicted  his  country  more  than  any  man  who 
has  lived  in  it ;  if  he  established  a  party  dominion,  unknown 
and  repugnant  to  the  constitution  ;  if  such  dominion  is 
seen  to  be  here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  history  of  nations,  the 
precursor  of  popular  despotism,  and  that,  the  precursor  of 
military  despotism,  it  is  time,  that  Mr.  Jefferson's  example 
and  doctrines  should  be  understood  in  this  land  :  it  is  time, 
that  dignified  senators  should  cease  to  read  his  books,  as  an 
authority  in  their  discussions. 

There  was  no  one  among  those,  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  has 
spent  so  much  time  in  defaming,  who  did  not  learn  with 
regret,  that  the  abstraction  from  his  private  affairs,  his 


244  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

unavoidable  expenditures,  his  liberal  hospitality,  and  the 
general  effect  of  his  own  policy  had  imposed  upon  him,  in 
the  decline  of  life,  some  embarrassments. 

Alive  to  this  state  of  things,  he  sought  relief,  by  suggesting 
the  grant  of  an  authority  from  the  legislature  of  his  native 
state,  to  sell  his  property  by  lottery.  Congress  had  done  for 
him  a  very  liberal  act,  in  the  purchase  of  his  library,  to  re- 
place that  destroyed  by  the  British,  in  that  war,  which  Mr. 
Jefferson  could  have  easily  prevented,  but  did  not.  To 
induce  the  legislature  so  to  interpose,  Mr.  Jefferson  made 
an  elaborate  disquisition  on  the  policy  of  lotteries,  which 
appears  in  his  4th  volume,  pages  428-438.  Having  estab- 
lished the  utility  and  the  morality  of  lotteries,  he  goes  on 
to  show  the  propriety  of  extending  the  benefit  of  such  a 
measure  to  himself  on  the  ground  of  his  public  services.  He 
sets  forth  what  he  had  been,  and  what  he  had  done.  As  to 
the  services  done  to  his  native  state  as  there  enumerated  ; 
that  is,  in  abolishing  "  hereditary  and  high-handed  aris- 
tocracy," "the  right  of  primogeniture "  (in  a  community 
dependent  on  a  peculiar  sort  of  labor)  ;  attacking  a  "  domi- 
nant religion  ;  "  in  other  words,  taking  from  Episcopalian 
clergymen  their  parsonages  and  glebe  lands  ;  and  his  ser- 
vices as  "  governor,"  are  all  matters  for  the  consideration 
alone  of  Virginians.  To  the  same  parties  may  be  referred 
his  foresight  and  good  sense,  in  the  establishment  of  the 
University,  in  which  it  is  said,  there  is  no  provision  for  reli- 
gious instruction.  It  is  the  present  purpose  to  consider  him 
only  as  a  national  citizen  and  ruler. 

Mr.  Jefferson  refers  to  the  address  of  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  on  his  retirement  in  1809,  as  illustrative  of  his 
merits.  He  adds  :  "  There  is  one  service,  not  therein  spe- 
cified, the  most  important  in  its  consequences  of  any  trans- 
action in  any  portion  of  my  life  ;  to  wit,  the  head  I 
personally  made  against  the  FKDERAL  principles  and  pro- 
ceedings, during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams.  Their 
usurpations  and  violations  of  the  constitution,  at  that  pe- 
riod, and  their  majorities  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  were 
'  so  great,  so  decided,  and  so  daring,  that,  after  contesting 
{ their  aggressions,  inch  by  inch,  without  being  able  in 
'  the  least  to  check  their  career,  the  republican  leaders 
'  thought  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  give  up  their  use- 
'  less  efforts  there ;  go  home,  and  get  into  their  respective 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  245 

"  legislatures,  embody   whatever   resistance   they  could  be 

"  formed  into,  and,  if  ineffectual,  to  perish  there  as  in  the 

"  last  ditch.     All,  therefore,  retired,  leaving  Mr.  Gallatin 

1  alone  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  MYSELF  in  the 

'  Senate,  where  I  presided  as  Vice  President.     Remaining 

'  at   our  posts,  and  bidding  defiance  to  the  brow-beatings 

'  and  insults,  by   which   they  endeavored  to  drive  us  off 

'  also,  we  kept  the  mass  of  republicans  in  phalanx  together, 

1  until  the  legislatures  could  be  brought  up  to  the  charge  ; 

'  and  nothing  on  earth  is  more  certain,  than  that  if  I  MYSELF, 

"  PARTICULARLY,  placed  by  my  office  of  Vice  President  at 

"  the  head  of  the  republicans,  had  given  way  and  withdrawn 

"  from  MY  post,    the    republicans,    throughout   the    Union, 

"  would  have  given  up  in  despair,  and  the  cause  would  have 

"  been  lost  for  ever.     By  holding  on,  we  obtained  time  for 

'  the  legislatures  to  come  up  with  their  weight ;  and  those 

'  of  Virginia   and  Kentucky   particularly  ;  but  more  espe- 

'  cially  the  former,  by  their  celebrated  resolutions,  saved  the 

1  constitution  at  its  last  gasp.     No  person,  who  was  not  a 

'  witness  of  the  scenes  of  that  gloomy  period,  can  form  any 

"  idea  of  the  afflicting  persecutions  and  personal  indignities 

"  we  had  to  brook.     They  saved  our  country,  however.    The 

"  spirits  of  the  people  were  so  much  subdued  and  reduced 

"  to   despair  by  the  X,  Y,  Z  imposture   and  other  strata- 

"  gems  and  machinations,  that  they  would  have  sunk  into 

"  apathy  and  MONARCHY,  as  the  only  form  of  government 

"  which  could  maintain  itself." 

Certainly  this  great  service  well  deserved  not  only  a 
lottery,  but  a  bronze  statue,  even  if  Mr.  Jefferson  had  never 
laid  and  enforced  an  embargo,  or  built  a  gun-boat. 

But  this  gentleman  does  himself  injustice  in  commencing 
the   detail  of  his   services    in   demolishing  the    "  hydra   of 
federalism,"   (as  he  somewhere  calls  it,)   with  his  patriotic 
valor,  while  in  the  chair  of  Vice  President.     He  might  con- 
sistently have  ranged  under  the  same  head  his  patronage  of 
Freneau,  Bache,  and  Duane,  (honorably  mentioned  in  his 
volumes,)  as  his  coadjutors  in  this  service  to  his  country. 
He  might  have  mentioned  his  liberality  to  that  "  man  of, 
science,"  James    Thompson  Callender.     Nor  ought  he  to  \ 
have  disregarded  the  author  of  "  The  Age  of  Reason  "  and    \ 
of  the  "  Letter  to  Washington,"  to  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  paid 
the  national  compliment  of  offering   him    a   passage  from 
21* 


246  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

France  in  the  Maryland  sloop  of  war ;  and  for  whom  he 
offers  the  "  sincere  prayer,"  "  May  you  long  live  to  continue 
"  your  useful  labors,  and  to  reap  their  reward  in  the  thank- 
"  fulness  of  nations."  (vol.  iii.  p.  459.)  If  these  patriots 
had  not  aided  Mr.  Jefferson  with  their  pens,  it  is  really 
doubtful  whether  Mr.  Gallatin  and  "  myself"  could  have 
been  sufficiently  strengthened  to  stand  in  the  gap  against 
brow-beatings  and  indignities,  until  the  constitution  was 
rescued  from  the  hands  of  its  enemies. 

As  France  and  Jeffersonism  on  the  one  hand,  and  Eng- 
land and  federalism  on  the  other  constitute  the  two  great 
parties,  to  uphold  the  one  of  which  and  destroy  the  other, 
Mr.  Jefferson  toiled  and  devoted  his  patriotic  life,  he  has 
done  himself  another  injustice.  He  should  have  gone  back 
to  his  report  of  December,  1793,  made  when  he  was  Secre- 
tary of  State,  and  which  disclosed  the  true  principles  on 
which  his  own  administration  and  that  of  Mr.  Madison 
were  founded.  He  should  have  taken  to  himself  the  merit 
of  following  this  out,  during  twenty  years,  through  commer- 
cial restrictions,  evasive  and  deceitful  negotiations,  gifts  of 
millions  to  Napoleon,  oppressive  and  tyrannical  embargo, 
and  finally  WAR,  unprepared  for,  costly,  and  profitless. 

Mr.  Jefferson  did  himself  still  another  injustice,  (as  he 
commences  with  his  manhood,)  in  saying  nothing  of  the 
declaration  of  independence.  This  was  one  of  his  proud 
achievements ;  and  the  fac  simile  of  it  is  appended  to  his 
fourth  volume.  This  gentleman's  friends  have  treated  this 
production,  as  though  it  were  an  original  invention  ;  the  true 
corner-stone  of  the  revolution  laid  by  this  great  architect. 
One  would  not  take  from  Mr.  Jefferson  any  trophy  where- 
with he  may  think  he  ought  to  be  adorned.  The  declara- 
v^tion  is  a  writing  highly  honorable  to  him,  the  most  so  of  any 
(  that  came  from  his  pen.  It  is  a  solemn  and  sacred  writing, 
and  privileged  from  all  criticism.  If  his  admirers  had 
asked  for  him  no  higher  praise  than  this,  it  would  have  been 
improper  to  touch  on  this  matter.  But  these  admirers 
have  referred  to  this  authorship  as  proof,  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
could  not  err  as  to  the  constitution,  or  in  patriotism,  or  policy. 
Such  a  shield  it  ought  not  to  be.  This  writing  sets  forth 
why  a  declaration  should  be  made  ;  next,  a  recognition, 
(not  an  invention,)  of  social  and  political  principles ;  then  a 
statement  of  British  tyrannies;  and  then  the  inference,  that 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  247 

the  colonies  have  the  right,  and  that  it  is  their  duty  to  free 
themselves  from  the  parent  country.  It  concludes  with  a 
solemn  pledge  to  maintain  freedom  and  independence.  Now 
it  cannot  be  denied,  that  such  were  the  sentiments  which 
thousands  of  our  countrymen  entertained  at  that  day.  They 
had  been  again  and  again  expressed  in  popular  essays,  in 
congressional  speeches,  and  on  so  many  occasions,  that  in 
June,  1776,  there  could  be  no  NEW  thoughts.  Mr.  Jefferson 
has  the  merit  of  having  taken  these  thoughts,  (as  much  his 
own  as  of  hundreds  of  others,  and  no  more,)  and  of  having 
arranged  them,  and  clothed  them  in  suitable  and  expres- 
sive language.  This  is  meritorious,  and  this  country  is 
grateful  for  the  acceptable  manner  in  which  that  work  was 
done.  But  this  is  not  a  satisfactory  reason  why  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son should  be  considered  as  having  done  equally  icell,  all 
that  he  ever  afterwards  undertook  to  do.  Let  him  have  the 
full  credit  of  that  labor  ;  and  judge  of  him  righteously  as  to 
all  others. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  with  perfect  consistency,  does   claim   for 
himself  respect  and  gratitude  for  establishing  the  doctrine  of 
NULLIFICATION.     He  boasts,  that  he  was  the  author  of  the 
Kentucky  resolutions   in   1798,  and    the   promoter  of  like 
resolutions  in  Virginia,  in  the  same  year.     These  resolu-  v 
tions   declared   two  laws  of  Congress  to  be  null  and  void.    v 
(Sedition  and  Alien.)     Here  is  found  (as  admitted  by  Mr. 
J.   C.   Calhoun,    in   his  publication  of  his   "  Sentiments," 
dated  July  26,   1831,)  the  real  theory  on  which  the   state  \ 
of  South  Carolina  assumes  to  decide  for  itself,  what  laws  of   5 
the  Union  it  will  obey,  and  which  of  them  it  will  resist  with    \ 
force  and  arms.     If  Mr.  Jefferson  had  done  no  other  acts 
tending  to  disunion  and  civil  tear,  his  memory  deserves  any 
sentiment  rather  than  that  which  he  demands  for  himself  of 
his  countrymen. 


LETTER    LVI. 


NOVEMBER  25,  1833. 

MR.  JEFFERSON'S  volumes  make  known  to  any  one  who 
has  the  necessary  patience  to  read  them,  that  he  entertained 


248  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

opinions  on  social  and  political  relations,  which  are  utterly 
adverse  to  those  expressed  and  maintained  by  the  wise  and 
virtuous  republicans  of  the  last  two  centuries.  His  opinions 
are  entitled  to  no  earlier  origin,  than  the  days  of  the  French 
Revolution.  What  can  be  less  worthy  of  an  intelligent 
mind,  than  his  theories  on  the  rights  of  successive  genera- 
tions ;  and  of  the  incapacity  of  one  generation  to  bind  its 
followers  by  any  obligation.  What  less  acceptable  to  the 
lovers  of  order  and  social  stability,  than  the  periodical  recur- 
rence of  rebellions.  It  is  not  surprising,  that  one  who  enter- 
tained such  opinions  should  gravely  assert,  that  when  the 
constitutionality  of  a  law  is  doubted,  the  whole  nation  must 
/wait  until  a  convention  can  be  called  by  two  thirds  of  the 
states,  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration  and  decide 
upon  it.  (vol.  iv.  p.  374.)  Within  a  short  time,  a  disciple  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  has  maintained  the  same  doctrine  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  In  what  manner  he  was  met 
and  answered,  (and  with  the  general  applause  of  the  nation,) 
cannot  be  forgotten. 

To  the  same  source  is  to  be  traced  the  impracticable,  not 
to  say  absurd  notions  on  currency  and  banking,  which 
some  persons  maintain  at  the  present  day ;  notions,  proved 
by  the  experience  of  all  commercial  people,  and  by  none 
more  than  our  own,  to  be  untenable  and  visionary.  In 
truth,  all  the  disorganizing  and  destructive  "  heresies,"  which 
certain  politicians  of  the  present  times  adhere  to,  are  to  be 
found  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  theories  or  practice.  And  yet  this 
gentleman  says,  in  obviating  the  objection  of  precedent  in 
allowing  to  him  a  lottery :  "  Let  those  who  shall  quote  the 
precedent  bring  their  case  within  the  same  measure. 
Have  they,  as  in  this  case,  devoted  threescore  years  and 
one  of  their  lives  to  the  service  of  their  country  ?  Has 
the  share  they  have  borne  in  holding  their  new  government 
to  its  genuine  principles  been  equally  marked  ?" 
What  pretension  can  Mr.  Jefferson  have  to  say,  that  he 
did  this?  The  original  founders  of  this  new  government 
intended  to  bring,  and  did  bring  the  people  of  the  United 
States  into  a  national  Union :  To  secure  to  them  the 
services  of  the  most  able  and  virtuous  among  them, 
in  maintaining  peace,  commerce,  and  friendly  intercourse 
with  all  nations  ;  to  prepare  for  defence  against  foreign  insult 
and  aggression,  and  to  resist  and  resent,  when  national 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  249 

honor  demanded  that  course ;  to  promote  internal  com- 
merce, and  to  keep  the  sovereign  members  of  the  Union  in 
peace  and  amity  with  each  other ;  to  give  to  domestic  in- 
genuity and  enterprise  their  fair  competition  with  other 
nations ;  to  assuage  and  compromise  the  jealousies  and  dif- 
ferences, which  might  be  expected,  from  the  expanding  and 
unfolding  of  the  powers  of  a  great  and  increasing  people. 
This  intention  was  fully  accomplished  —  accomplished  to 
the  surprise  and  envy  of  the  elder  world ;  and  if  Thomas 
Jefferson  had  never  lived,  it  is  believed,  that  this  substantial 
and  beautiful  reality  would  not  have  been  dissipated. 

He  came  into  this  new  government,  and  by  means  which 
he  has  fully  disclosed ;  and  there  he  ruled  and  reigned  by 
the  magic  of  his  PEN.*  Passing  over  his  disastrous  policy 
with  foreign  nations;  the  oppressions,  losses,  and  sufferings 
which  he  inflicted  on  his  countrymen  ;  grievous  as  these 
were,  they  are  all  nothing  to  that  grievous  wound  which  he 
gave  to  this  "  new  government,"  and  which  seems  likely  to 
prove  a  mortal  one. 

Mr.  Jefferson  drew  the  line  between  rich  and  poor,  in  a 
republic  where  family  influence  is  unknown,  where  inher- 
itance depends  on  equal  distribution,  where  wealth  depends 
on  industry  and  talents,  and  where  the  poor  man's  son  is  far 
more  likely  to  attain  to  office  and  honor,  than  the  sons  of 
the  rich.  Mr  Jefferson  organized  the  elements  which  make 
up  that  monster  —  PARTY  ;  he  invited  apostacy  ;  he  estab- 
lished the  odious  doctrine  of  "  rewards  and  punishments  ;  " 
he  made  devotion  to  the  MAN,  not  to  the  CONSTITUTION,  the 
passport  to  office ;  he  taught  the  "  people "  (as  he  calls 
them)  to  sacrifice  to  personal  feuds  and  jealousies  their 
respect  for  the  institutions  of  their  country.  It  was  he  who 
misled  and  debased  the  public  mind,  and  who  converted 
honorable  and  patriotic  service,  in  a  free  republic,  into  a 
low,  selfish,  and  dishonest  struggle  for  office.  He  led  the 

*  This  hook  and  the  "  History  of  the  Hartford  Convention,"  hy 
Theodore  Dwight,  furnished  a  writer  in  the  North  American  Review 
(No.  84,  July,  1834,)  with  an  opportunity  to  give  his  views  of  "  The 
old  parties."  It  is  a  very  remarkable  production.  It  required  an 
answer,  and  one  appeared  in  a  pamphlet  of  forty  pages,  on  the  first  of 
September,  at  Boston.  In  this  may  be  found  some  disquisition  on  the 
magic  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  pen;  and  some  further  developemcnt  of  his 
real  character. 


250  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

way   to   popular   despotism.      The   perils,    sufferings,    and 
dread  of  the  present  hour  are  all  from  his  impulse. 

That,  which  is  most  to  be  lamented  in  all  this,  is  his  sin- 
cerity ;  his  real  belief  that  all  was  right ;  that  all  he  did 
was  truly  patriotic  ;  and  that  he  is  richly  entitled  to  his 
reward  in  the  respect  and  gratitude  of  all  succeeding  gen- 
erations. That,  which  is  truly  disheartening  to  the  friends 
of  the  constitution,  of  the  Union,  and  of  rational  republican 
liberty,  is,  that  there  are  so  many  intelligent  and  respectable 
men  in  the  United  States,  who  conscientiously  believe,  to 
this  day,  in  "  the  great  and  good  "  Mr.  Jefferson.  But  his 
glories  are  fading  in  the  brilliancy  of  the  "  GREATEST  and 
BEST,"  the  rightful  successor  in  the  line,  of  which  Jefferson 
was  the  FIRST. 


LETTER   LVII. 

NOVEMBER  30,  1833. 

_^j  MR.  JEFFERSON  found  the  United  States,  in  1801,  at 
7  peace  and  in  amity  with  all  Europe  ;  in  the  enjoyment  of  a 
secure  and  prosperous  commerce  ;  with  a  respectable  navy  ; 
a  sound  credit ;  a  learned  and  independent  judiciary.  He 
found,  it  is  true,  some  increase  of  debt  for  money  honorably 
and  profitably  expended,  but  which  was  insignificant  and 
hardly  to  be  felt  under  the  effect  of  Alexander  Hamilton's 
system  of  finance.  He  left  the  United  States  embroiled 
with  England  ;  more  so  with  France  ;  he  had  demolished 
the  navy  and  the  judiciary,  so  far  as  he  had  power  to  do  it ; 
he  had  banished  the  flag  of  the  United  States  from  the 
ocean  ;  he  had  cost  the  people  in  actual,  but  useless  expen- 
diture, and  by  unwise  restrictions  on  commerce,  an  immense 
sum,  which  he  estimated,  merely  as  to  exports  for  one  year 
of  the  embargo,  at  fifty  millions.  The  nation  were  proba- 
*  bly  one  hundred  millions  the  worse  for  Mr.  Jefferson's 
philosophy  and  statesmanship.  There  is  not  the  least 
doubt,  that,  if  there  had  been  a  federal  administration  in- 
stead of  that  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  during  his  eight  years, 
the  people  of  the  United  States  would  have  gained  and 
saved  together,  a  sum  equal  to  the  cost  of  the  revolutionary 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  251 

war.     But  he  had  slain  federalism,  and  this  he  distinguishes 
as  the  chief  trophy  of  his  political  career.* 

What  a  difference  would  it  have  made  to  the  people  of 
this  country,  if  Mr.  Jefferson's  successor  had  been  an  able, 
faithful,  constitutional  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
not  the  mere  chief  of  a  vindictive  and  deluded  party !  Such 
a  President,  it  is  to  be  feared,  the  people  of  this  country  are 
never  again  to  see.  If  they  do  not,  it  will  be  for  the  reason, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison  have  been  in  the  place 
of  President. 

Mr.  Madison  was  a  wiser  and  a  better  man,  than  Mr. 
Jefferson.  He  had  done  himself  an  honor,  for  which  his 
countrymen  should  ever  be  grateful,  in  forming,  recommend- 
ing, and  sustaining  the  constitution,  jointly  with  Jay  and 
Hamilton,  against  its  irreconcilable  opponents.  He  was  not 
mean  and  malignant,  like  Jefferson.  He  was  well  informed  ; 
an  able  debater  ;  a  good  writer  ;  a  man  of  comprehensive 
and  useful  mind.  There  is  nothing  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Mad- 
ison to  show,  that  he  was  not  an  honorable  man.  It  was  his 
misfortune  to  have  adopted  all  the  notions  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
as  to  France  and  England,  and  to  have  carried  these  fully 
into  his  administration.  How  far  he  acted  in  pursuance  of 
his  own  judgment,  and  how  far  he  yielded  to  the  counsels  of 
party,  will  never  be  known.  This  gentleman,  it  may  be 
supposed,  will  not  order  the  publication  of  his  confidential 
letters  and  of  his  "  Anas,"  when  he  is  dead.  He  will  leave 
history  to  do  its  duty.  It  will  do  this,  no  doubt,  impartially ; 
and  though  it  may  not  commend  his  measures  as  a  states- 
man and  public  agent,  it  will  not  disgrace  him  as  a  man. 

Mr.  Madison  may  have  better  claim  to  charity,  than  Mr. 
Jefferson.  The  latter  was  the  inventor  of  a  course  of  policy 
in  which  the  former  was,  probably,  so  deeply  involved,  that 
he  could  not  escape  from  it,  when  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
nation.  A  party  chief  soon  finds  himself  a  mere  vassal. 
He  well  knows  that  his  creators  can  annihilate.  He  has 
three  alternatives;  he  can  retire  —  he  can  throw  himself  on 

*  "  The  war,  ad  interned  onem,  which  we  have  waged  against  fed- 
eralism, has  filled  our  latter  times  with  strife  and  unhappiness.  We 
have  met  it,  with  pain  indeed,  but  with  firmness,  because  we  be- 
lieved it  the  last  convulsive  effort  of  that  Hydra,  which  in  earlier 
times  we  had  conquered  in  the  field."  (Jefferson  to  Dr.  Logan, 
May  llth,  1805,  vol.  iv.  p.  35.) 


252  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

the  confidence  of  adversaries  and  seek  their  support — he 
must  do  the  will  of  his  party.  Mr.  Madison  embraced 
neither  of  the  two  first  alternatives.  If  he  adopted  the 
last,  his  friends  will  support  him  by  maintaining,  that  this 
was  the  true  course  of  wisdom  and  patriotism.  So  far  as 
the  world  knows,  Mr.  Madison  sincerely  approved  of  all 
Mr.  Jefferson's  policy.  If  so,  his  countrymen  are  the  prop- 
er judges  of  his  merits.  It  is  certain,  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
approved  of  all  Mr.  Madison'*  policy,  as  being  a  continua- 
tion of  his  own  ;  and  being  such,  his  countrymen  will 
judge  of  his  merits.* 

The  first  indication  of  Mr.  Madison's  devotion  to  Jeffer- 
sonism  is  found  in  his  resolutions  presented  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  January,  1794,  to  carry  into  effect 
Mr.  Jefferson's  report,  as  Secretary  of  State,  dated  in  the 
preceding  month.  The  object  of  these  resolutions  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  to  withdraw  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  from  England,  and  to  bestow  it  on  France.  From 
this  time  to  the  close  of  the  war  in  1815,  he  faithfully  pur- 
sued the  Jeffersonian  policy  of  strengthening  France,  and 
prostrating  England,  and  of  breaking  down  federalism.  In 
all  this  he  was  another  Jefferson.  It  ought  not  to  be  doubt- 
ed, that  Mr.  Madison  was  honest  in  all  this,  however  unfor- 
tunate it  may  have  been  for  his  country.  But  this  inference 
is  to  be  drawn,  that  a  mere  partisan  may  become  so  thor- 
oughly imbued  with  the  spirit  of  party,  as  to  be  incapable 
of  receiving  any  sentiment  of  an  exalted  and  patriotic  duty 
to  a  whole  community.  To  every  thing  British  Mr.  Madi- 
son seems  to  have  entertained  a  decided  and  unchangeable 
hostility.  He  associated  all  political  opposition  with  his 
British  enmity.  The  correlative  of  this  was  devotion  to 
France.  This  devotion,  equally  manifested  throughout  the 

*  "  My  friendship  for  Mr.  Madison,  my  confidence  in  his  wisdom 
and  virtue,  and  my  approbation  of  all  his  measures,  and  especially  of 
his  taking  up,  at  length,  the  gauntlet  against  England,  is  known  to 
all  with  whom  I  have  ever  conversed,  or  corresponded  on  these 
measures.  The  word  federal,  or  its  synonyme  lie,  may,  therefore,  be 
written  under  every  word  of  Mr.  Ralph's  paragraph."  (Jefferson  to 
Leiper,  June  12,  1815,  vol.  iv.  p.  265.) 

What  Mr.  Jefferson  meant  by  friendship,  is  known  from  his  4th  vol. 
p.  176. 

Et  idem  velle,  et  idem  nolle,  ea  demum  amicitia  est.  (To  have 
the  same  desires  and  aversions  is  friendship.) 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  253 

changes  in  that  country,  from  the  terrible  misrule  of  democ- 
racy to  the  tranquillity  of  no  less  terrible  despotism,  in  the 
person  of  imperial  Napoleon,  could  have  had  no  other 
prompting,  than  the  utility  of  prostrating,  or  humbling  ty- 
rannical England.  We  hope  that  no  one  will  take  the  im- 
pression, from  anything  expressed  in  this  volume,  that  any 
member  of  the  Jeffersonian  party  was  corruptly  devoted  to 
France.  This  party  no  more  desired  ther  subjugation  of 
this  country  to  France,  than  to  England.  The  sole  purpose 
is  to  compare  the  merits,  policy,  and  usefulness  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  two  parties  ;  and  to  infer  which  of  the  two  class- 
es are  best  entitled  to  that  praise  and  respect,  which  Mr. 
Jefferson  claims  exclusively  for  himself  and  his  party  asso- 
ciates. 

One  would  like  to  know  whether  Mr.  Madison,  in  his 
retirement  and  retrospection,  retains  the  belief  that  he  gov- 
erned wisely.  Credit  may  be  safely  given  to  him  for  believ- 
ing, that  he  did  what  he  thought  was  right.  He  might 
justify  himself  by  insisting,  that  he  did  not  foresee,  any  more 
than  others  did,  the  conflagration  of  Moscow  ;  the  flight  of 
Napoleon  ;  his  fall  from  the  throne  ;  and  his  exile  to  St. 
Helena ;  that  he  did  not  foresee,  any  more  than  others  did, 
that  exasperated  England,  freed  from  European  war,  could 
direct  all  her  forces  to  our  own  shores.  Will  this  excuse 
Mr.  Madison,  as  a  patriotic  and  discerning  statesman,  from 
not  foreseeing,  that,  if  Napoleon  had  been  as  successful  as 
Mr.  Madison  seems  to  have  desired  he  should  be,  the 
freedom  and  independence  of  this  country  would  have  de- 
pended on  a  tremendous  and  appalling  struggle  with  the 
same  Napoleon  ?  Was  there  nothing  in  the  conduct,  decla- 
rations, and  character  of  Napoleon,  to  warn  him  of  this  ? 
How  is  Mr.  Madison  to  excuse  himself  for  this  defect  in  fore- 
sight 1  His  excuse  lies  in  the  terrifying  fact,  that  ever  since 
Mr.  Jefferson's  ascendency,  this  country  has  passed  over, 
bound  in  fetters  never  to  be  broken,  to  the  dominion  of  party. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  principles  of  federalism  were  nothing 
more  nor  less,  than  a  faithful,  able,  and  honest  administra- 
tion of  national  and  state  authority.  Its  object  and  sole 
object  was  to  promote  industry,  security,  and  happiness  at 
home,  according  to  laws,  made  in  conformity  to  the  consti- 
tution ;  to  avoid  all  participation  in  the  wars  of  Europe,  and 
to  make  the  American  name  justly  respected,  through  impar- 
22 


254  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

tial  and  honorable  policy,  by  all  nations.  These  principles 
must  always  exist  and  have  force,  while  a  free  republic 
continues.  They  may  be  known  under  various  names,  but 
in  substance  and  effect  they  must  ever  be  the  same.  Yet 
all  who  profess  them,  by  whatever  party  name  distinguished, 
are  condemned  by  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James  Madison  to 
the  odium  of  opposition.  All  the  sound  constitutional  prin- 
ciples of  federalism,  by  whatsoever  name  they  may  be  here- 
after known,  must  struggle  for  existence  against  the  corrupt 
and  demoralizing  influences  of  party. 

If  this  country  is  to  be  saved  from  despotism,  originating 
in  democracy,  it  will  be  done  by  instructing  the  great  body 
of  the  people  in  the  nature  of  their  government,  and  in  the 
perils  to  which  it  is  exposed.  Suppose  a  case  to  exist,  in 
which  a  popular  President  is  counselled  by  a  combination 
of  men,  who  are  unknown  to  the  constitution  as  such  advi- 
sers ;  that  the  President  and  this  combination  are  sustained 
by  a  majority  of  both  branches  of  Congress  ;  that  the  whole 
host  of  revenue  officers  are  selected  for  their  devotion  to  the 
will  of  a  cabinet  so  formed  ;  that  all  the  postmasters  through- 
out the  United  States  are  selected  and  commissioned  on  the 
same  principle,  and  have  the  facility  of  communication  free 
of  all  expense ;  that  there  are  newspapers  sustained  and 
circulated  for  the  single  purpose  of  teaching  subserviency 
to  the  cabinet,  and  hostility  to  all  who  venture  to  criticise 
their  measures  ;  that  all  the  district  attorneys  and  marshals 
are  chosen  and  appointed,  because  they  have  given  satis- 
factory evidence  of  their  devotion  to  the  cabinet.  If  such  a 
case  may  be  supposed,  what  would  be  wanting  to  establish 
an  absolute  despotism  in  the  country  ?  Nothing  but  the 
command  of  the  public  money,  and  a.  judiciary  of  the  same 
class  of  citizens.  If  anything  more  be  wanted,  it  might 
easily  be  found  by  getting  up  a  pretence,  foreign  or  domestic, 
to  organize  a  military  force.  Are  the  United  States  free 
from  such  perils?  Is  there  any  possibility  of  awakening 
public  attention  to  such  perils  ?  One  mode  of  doing  this,  if 
it  can  be  done,  is  to  show  how  nearly  such  perils  have  over- 
taken us,  and  how  they  were  escaped. 

Such  a  party  dominion  existed,  when  Mr.  Madison  came 
to  the  presidency.  The  opponent  party  then  were  the  fed- 
eralists. The  opponent  party  at  this  day  are  citizens  known 
by  some  other  party  name  ;  but  they  are  men  of  the  same 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  255 

principles,  that  is,  they  are  constitutionalists.  The  object 
of  Mr.  Madison's  party  was  to  put  the  federalists  down. 
The  object  of  the  present  dominion  is  to  put  down  all 
opponents,  and  to  have  the  exclusive  control  of  opinion,  of 
money,  and  of  physical  force.  The  citizens,  who  hold  this 
dominion,  may  think  all  they  have  done,  are  doing,  and  in- 
tend to  do,  to  be  right  and  honest.  So  thought  Mr.  Madison 
and  his  supporters.  But  the  country  was  brought  to  the 
verge  of  ruin.  It  is  certain,  that  there  can  be  no  instruc- 
tion but  in  suffering,  at  the  present  day,  unless  a  knowl- 
edge of  what  has  been  heretofore  suffered  from  similar 
causes  may  lead  to  comparisons  and  inferences.  There  are 
millions  in  the  United  States  who  will  listen  to  nothing  but 
praises  and  hosannas  to  a  ruling  power.  But  they  may  be 
willing  to  know  how  similar  exercise  of  power  has  hereto- 
fore endangered  civil  liberty,  and  they  may,  perhaps,  be 
unwilling  again  to  submit  to  the  like  dangers. 


LETTER   LVIII. 

DECEMBER  5,  1833. 

DURING  Mr.  Jefferson's  eight  years  he  had  faithfully 
cherished  all  the  causes  of  controversy  with  Great  Britain, 
had  resolutely  abstained  from  all  compromise,  and  had  used 
the  means  of  negotiation,  not  to  close,  but  to  make  the 
breach  wider.  The  principal  causes  of  controversy  were, 
1.  The  colonial  trade.  2.  The  blockades  by  England. 
3.  The  affair  of  the  Chesapeake.  4.  Impressment  of  mari- 
ners from  American  merchant  vessels.  5.  Orders  of  the 
king  in  council.  It  is  necessary,  now,  to  look  a  little  more 
closely  at  these  subjects,  because  in  these  are  to  be  found 
the  pretended  causes  of  Mr.  Madison's  war. 

1.  The  colonial  trade  controversy  arose  thus  :  France  had 
colonies.  In  time  of  peace,  neutrals  could  not  lawfully 
carry  merchandise  from  them  to  France.  England  insisted, 
that  neutrals  should  not  do  in  time  of  war,  what  they  could 
not  do  in  time  of  peace ;  and  required  that  French  colonial 
merchandise  should  be  carried  home  to  the  neutral  country, 
and  a  new  voyage  there  commenced,  if  the  neutral  desired 


256  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

to  carry  such  merchandise  to  France.  This  was  a  matter 
much  discussed,  as  to  the  right  and  the  wrong  ;  but  Mr. 
Jefferson  lost  his  hold  on  it,  in  consequence  of  the  conquest 
by  the  British  of  all  French  colonies.  2.  The  blockades  of 
the  English.  It  was  admitted  that  a  place  is  blockaded, 
when  there  is  a  competent  force  before  it  to  prevent  ingress 
and  egress ;  but  that  the  British  could  not  lawfully  affect  the 
trade  of  neutrals,  by  declaring  a  whole  coast  blockaded, 
where  such  force  was  not  present.  As  this  point  of  contro- 
versy was  merged  in  a  remaining  one,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
pursue  it  further.  It  makes,  however,  a  conspicuous  figure 
in  the  discussions  of  the  day.  It  was  a  material  subject  in 
Mr.  Madison's  diplomacy,  but  not  one  for  which  even  he 
would  have  ventured  on  a  war. 

3.  The  affair  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Leopard  was  shortly 
this :  Vessels  of  war  belonging  to  France  and  to  England 
might,  in  1807,  come  into  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 
Those  of  France  came,  and  those  of  England  came  to  seek 
them. 

On  the  7th  of  March,  1807,  the  British  sloop  of  war, 
Halifax,  was  near  Norfolk,  Townshend,  commander.  Rich- 
ard Hubert,  born  in  Liverpool ;  Henry  Sanders,  born  in 
Greenock  ;  Jenkin  Ratford,  born  in  London  ;  George  North, 
born  in  Kinsale ;  William  Hill,  born  in  Philadelphia,  (but 
who  shipped  on  board  the  Halifax  at  the  English  Island  of 
Antigua,)  were  employed  in  a  boat  to  weigh  the  anchor. 
While  so  employed,  they  rose  upon  the  officer  in  the  boat, 
threatened  to  murder  him,  and  rowed  to  the  American  shore 
and  landed.  The  same  day  they  entered  at  the  rendezvous 
of  the  Chesapeake,  as  seamen ;  and  on  the  same  day  they 
were  demanded  of  Lieutenant  Sinclair,  (of  the  Chesapeake,) 
who  neither  delivered  nor  discharged  them.  Three  other 
demands  were  made  for  these  men ;  one  by  the  British  con- 
sul on  the  mayor  of  Norfolk  ;  one  on  Captain  Decatur ;  and 
one  by  the  British  minister  on  the  Secretary  of  State.  The 
Chesapeake  sailed  with  these  five  men  on  board,  and  while 
going  down  the  Potomac,  all  but  Ratford  deserted  and  got 
on  shore. 

When  the  Chesapeake  got  to  sea,  she  was  met  by  the 
British  ship,  Leopard,  of  fifty  guns,  commanded  by  Hum- 
phreys. The  American  vessel  had  only  44  guns,  though 
not  of  inferior  force.  Humphreys  demanded  these  men  of 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  257 

Captain  Barren,  commander  of  the  Chesapeake,  who  replied, 
that  "  he  knew  of  no  such  men  as  Captain  Humphreys  de- 
scribed." The  Leopard  fired  upon  the  Chesapeake ;  a  short 
action  ensued  and  the  Chesapeake  struck  her  colors.  The 
British  searched  the  American  and  found  Ratford  in  the 
coal-hole.  They  took  him ;  and  he  was  tried  and  executed. 
The  British  also  took  three  other  men,  who  were  said  to  be 
deserters  from  the  Melampus ;  one,  a  South  American  by 
birth,  and  two  black  men,  who  were  runaway  slaves  from 
Maryland,  and  who  protected  themselves  by  entering  on 
board  the  Melampus,  and  afterwards  shipped  in  the  Chesa- 
peake, having  deserted  from  the  former. 

This  was  a  gross  outrage  on  the  part  of  the  British  com- 
mander, whatever  the  provocation  may  have  been,  because 
the  universally  acknowledged  principle  is,  that  a  national 
ship  at  sea  and  the  territory  of  its  nation  are  alike  inviolable. 
Captain  Humphreys  might  as  lawfully  have  exercised  force 
to  recover  these  deserters  in  the  city  of  Washington,  as  from 
the  American  ship.  The  British  government  so  understood 
this  matter,  and  disavowed  the  act  of  its  officer,  and  offered 
a  proper  and  honorable  reparation,  which  was  finally  ac- 
cepted before  the  war,  and  therefore  this  did  not  make  one 
of  the  causes  which  led  to  that  calamity.  It  would  be 
tedious  to  follow  out  the  right  and  the  wrong  of  the  negotia- 
tion on  this  subject.  It  was  one  that  afforded  materials 
abundantly  for  the  purposes  of  irritation,  which  the  admin- 
istration faithfully  cherished. 

4.  Impressment.  This  is  a  difficult  subject,  arising  from  the 
similarity  of  language,  manners,  and  appearance;  and  made 
still  more  so,  by  the  naturalization  of  British  subjects  in  the 
United  States,  under  the  patronage  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  The 
English,  in  searching  for  their  own  subjects,  had  repeatedly 
and  oppressively  taken  native  Americans.  Whether  they 
did  this,  knowing  that  they  took  such  natives,  is  doubtful ; 
though  they  always  pretended,  at  least,  that  they  took  only 
their  own.  The  federalists  contended,  that  this  seizure  of 
seamen  was  not  a  justifiable  cause,  certainly  not  a  neces- 
sary cause  of  war  at  any  time,  until  all  hope  of  compromise, 
or  redress  through  negociation  had  failed.  The  federalists 
maintained,  that  all  nations  engaged  in  war  have  a  right, 
as  the  necessary  consequence  of  allegiance,  to  the  services 
of  their  own  subjects  and  citizens.  That  this  right  had 
22* 


258  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

been    asserted   and    maintained    immemorially,  by    all   the 
maritime  nations  of  Europe.     The  personal  appearance  and 
language  of  Europeans  divests  this  Abject  of  all  difficulties 
/  among  them.     It   is   a  very  different   subject   as  between 
f    England  and  the  United  States.     Descended  from  the  Eng- 
V  lish,  Irish,  and  Scotch,  and  the  common  language  being  the 
/  same ;  and  some  part  of  American  seamen  being  British 
subjects  by  birth,  but  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  it 
was  not  an  easy  matter  to  distinguish  between  the  natives 
of  the  one  country  and   the  other.     The   British   did  not 
admit,  that  their  subjects  could  change  their  native  alle- 
giance, by  assuming  one  to  a  foreign  country.     They  never 
asserted  a  right  to  take  native  Americans,  but  they  some- 
times did  take  them  in  the  exercise  of  the  right  which  they 
did  assert.    The  federalists  also  contended,  that  the  impress- 
ment affected  principally   the    middle  and    New    England 
states,  the  latter  in  the  proportion,  probably,  of  three  fourths ; 
and  that  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  were  far   from 
thinking  this  such  a  cause  of  complaint,  as  to  call  for  a  war  : 
that  the  right  of  taking  native  British  subjects,  who   had 
been  naturalized,  was  not  one  in  which  the  United  States 
were  so  much  interested,  as  to  subject  the  whole  country  to 
the  evil  of  war :  that  England  had  gone  so  far,  as  to  modify 
her  pretensions  in  a  manner,  that  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to 
the  United  States ;   for  that  the  British  ministry  had  agreed 
with 'Mr.  King,  (minister  in  London,  in  1802,)  to  renounce 
the  right  of  searching  American  vessels  for  British  seamen, 
/on  the  high  seas,  and  would  exercise  it  only  on  the  narrow 
\,seas,  which  wash  the  shores  of  British  isles.     (Over  these 
.'seas  England  has  asserted  dominion  for  centuries.)     That 
;    in  1806,  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinckney  made  an  arrange- 
ment on  this  subject,  which  they  deemed  to  be  "  honorable 
and  advantageous;"  and,  therefore,  that  this  was,  properly 
and  from  its  own  intrinsic  difficulties,  a  subject  of  negotia- 
tion, and  not  of  war ;  and  could  be  adjusted  in  the  former 
mode,  and  never  could  be  by  the  latter. 

The  principle  for  which  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison 
contended  was,  that  the  American  flag  should  protect  all 
who  sailed  under  it.  This  extended,  not  only  to  native  citi- 
zens, but  naturalized  ones,  and  also  to  any  and  all  British 
subjects,  sailing  in  American  merchantmen.  The  reason- 
ableness of  this  requisition  may  be  tested  by  the  inquiry, 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  259 

whether  a  maritime  power,  which  asserts  the  right  to  the 
services  of  its  native  subjects  in  time  of  war,  could  consent, 
that  these  subjects  should  find  an  asylum,  tempting  wages, 
and  personal  security  in  neutral  vessels,  when  most  wanted 
at  home  ?  And  whether  a  declaration  of  war  would  not  be 
a  signal  for  all  seamen  to  escape  into  neutral  service  ?  If 
this  would  be  right  and  just  for  British  sailors,  so  would  it 
be  for  those  of  America.  Should  we  consent,  on  the  hap- 
pening of  a  war  with  France,  for  example,  that  our  seamen 
should  withdraw  to  the  neutral  service  of  England? 

The  federalists  also  insisted,  that  negotiation  might,  and 
that  war  could  not  devise  modes  of  distinguishing  natives 
of  Britain  from  natives  of  America ;  that  negotiation  could, 
and  war  could  not  settle,  to  what  extent  naturalization 
should  protect,  and  what  should  be  evidence,  that  this  change 
of  allegiance  had  occurred ;  that  negotiation  could,  and  war 
could  not  settle  rights,  in  relation  to  British  subjects  sailing 
under  the  American  flag,  who  had  not  been  naturalized. 

The  considerations  thus  presented  had  no  effect  on  Mr. 
Madison.     He    adopted  all   the  theories  of  Mr.   Jefferson, 
manifested  in  his  first  presidential  speech  concerning  aliens  ; 
and  courageously  insisted,  that  the  American  flag    should  \ 
protect  without  qualification  or  exception ;  and  that  if  Eng-    ; 
land,  in  the  midst  of  her   struggle   for   existence,  did  not 
assent,    she    must  number  the    United    States   among    her 
enemies  ;  —  a  principle  which  no  nation  will  be  more  likely 
to  contend  against  hereafter,  than  that  of  the  United  States.    , 

Now,  was  this  a  wise,  manly,  and  patriotic  policy  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Madison ;  or  was  it  in  furtherance  of  a  long 
meditated  design,  to  find  the  most  convenient  opportunity 
to  step  into  the  pleasing  occupation  of  overwhelming  Eng- 
land, and  of  silencing  the  "  disaffected  and  the  worthless" 
at  home  1  No  reasonable  being  can  doubt  as  to  the  motive 
of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  in  using,  as  they  did,  this  cause 
of  complaint. 

5.  The  Orders  in  Council  were  commercial  edicts,  or 
regulations,  ordered  by  the  King  of  England,  with  the  advice 
and  approbation  of  those  persons  who  had  been  (according 
to  the  usage  of  the  English  government)  selected  to  be  his 
personal  counsellors.  It  was  well  known  to  federalists  and 
to  Mr.  Madison  and  his  party,  that  these  orders  were  passed 
to  retaliate  on  France  her  own  insolent  and  oppressive  de- 


260  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

crees  ;  yet  it  was  the  persevering  effort  of  Mr.  Madison,  to 
make  it  believed  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  that 
England  was  the  original  aggressor. 

Between  the  4th  of  March,  1809,  when  Mr.  Madison 
became  President,  and  the  18th  of  June,  1812,  when  war 
was  declared,  England  seems  to  have  desired  sincerely  to 
compromise  the  controversies  with  this  country,  and  to 
avoid  conflict.  Mr.  Erskine,  a  very  young  man  and  not  of 
much  experience,  was  British  minister  here,  on  the  4th  of 
March.  An  arrangement  was  made  with  him.  It  was  said 
at  the  time,  that  Mr.  Madison  knew,  or  might  have  known, 
that  he  had  exceeded  his  authority.  This  arrangement  was 
disavowed  in  England,  and  Erskine  recalled.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Francis  James  Jackson,  whom  the  administration 
found  so  much  to  be  displeased  with,  that  all  communication 
was  cut  off  with  him,  and,  as  it  was  then  thought,  offensively 
and  with  the  design  to  keep  open  the  controversy.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Mr.  Foster,  who  was  equally  unsuccessful. 
He  remained  here  till  war  was  declared. 

This  period  was  one  of  very  deep  interest.  It  exercised 
the  talents  and  called  forth  the  eloquence  of  the  ablest  men 
in  the  country,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  who  desired  to 
avoid  the  calamity  of  war  with  England,  and  the  inevitable 
consequence,  an  alliance  and  colonial  dependence  on  Napo- 
leon, if  nothing  worse  happened.  Some  very  able  speeches 
were  made  in  Congress,  and  some  searching  pamphlets  were 
written.  The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  did  itself  great 
credit  in  declaring  its  opinion  on  the  state  of  the  country. 
All  these  will  come  in  as  materials  of  history,  and  will  de- 
monstrate the  most  abject  subserviency  to  France  and  the 
most  impolitic  hostility  to  England. 

As  before  remarked,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed,  that  Jeffer- 
son, or  Madison,  or  any  one  of  their  political  associates  were 
acting  under  a  corrupt  influence  of  France,  any  more  than 
that  federalists  were  acting  under  the  like  influence  of  Eng- 
land. The  Jeffersonian  party  believed,  that  they  could  best 
support  themselves  by  adhering  to  France ;  and  by  charging 
their  adversaries  with  being  under  British  influence,  and 
with  plots  to  sever  the  Union  and  set  up  a  northern  king- 
dom, or,  perhaps,  subject  the  northern  part  again  to  Great 
Britain.  The  federalists  could  deny  these  charges,  and 
could  retaliate  by  charging  the  Jeffersonians  with  real  des- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  261 

potism,  and  adduce  devotion  to  the  despot  of  continental 
Europe,  as  the  proof.     But  unfortunately  a  majority  of  the 
American  people  honestly  believed,  that  Napoleon  was  "  the  -4 
man  of  destiny "  sent  to  liberate  the  world  from  political     \ 
slavery ;  and  so  some  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  admirers  still  main- 
tain.    In  this  warfare  the  Jeffersonians  had  the  advantage, 
because  they  could  make  the  majority  believe  as  they  thought 
best.     The  right  and  the  wrong  is  now  transferred  to  the  ; 
tribunal  of  history  ;  so  let  it  go  ;  but  do  not  let  the  citizens"^ 
of  this  day  slide  into  despotism  from  the  example  and  pre- 
cepts of  former  times. 


LETTER    LIX. 

DECEMBER  10,  1833. 

NOTHING  will  better  illustrate  the  sincerity  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son's devotion  to  his  party,  than  his  twin  effort  in  March, 
1812,  to  inflame  the  excitement  against  England  and  his 
fellow  citizens  at  Boston.  It  is  amusing,  that  Mr.  Madison 
should  have  paid  an  ingenious  Irishman  jiffy  thousand 
dollars,  for  an  attempt  to  render  a  service  to  the  object  of 
his  hatred,  England;  still  more  amusing,  that  all  he  got 
for  his  money  was  a  faithful  picture  of  Jefferson  and  him- 
self, drawn  by.  a  British  painter. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  1812,  Mr.  Madison  sent  a  message 
to  Congress,  in  which  he  says :  "  I  lay  before  Congress 
"  copies  of  certain  documents,  which  remain  in  the  depart- 
"  ment  of  state.  They  PROVE,  that  at  a  recent  period, 
"  whilst  the  United  States,  notwithstanding  the  wrongs  sus- 
"  tained  by  them,  ceased  not  to  observe  the  laws  of  peace 
"  and  neutrality  towards  Great  Britain,  and  in  the  midst,  of 
"  amicable  professions  and  negotiations,  on  the  part  of  the 
"  British  government,  through  its  public  minister  here,  a 
"  secret  agent  of  that  government  was  employed,  in  certain 
"  states,  more  especially  at  the  seat  of  government  in  Massa- 
"  chusettS)  in  fomenting  disaffection  to  the  constituted  au- 
"  thorities  of  the  nation  ;  and  in  intrigues  with  the  disaffected, 
"  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  resistance  to  the  laws, 
"  and  eventually,  in  concert  with  a  British  force,  of  destroy- 


262  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  ing  the  Union,  and  forming  the  eastern  part  thereof  into  a 
"political  connexion  with  Great  Britain." 

It  was  said  and  believed,  at  the  time  of  the  publication  of 
the  documents  which  accompanied  this  message,  that  the 
naturalized  citizen  of  the  United  States  (John  Henry)  out- 
witted Mr.  Madison  ;  that  he  did  not  disclose  these  docu- 
ments until  he  had  received  Jifty  thousand  dollars,  which 
Mr.  Madison  took  out  of  the  secret  service  fund  ;  and  that 
forthwith,  on  the  receipt  of  the  money,  Henry  decamped 
and  took  passage  for  Europe,  to  enjoy  his  easily  acquired 
fortune.  It  seems,  that  he  had  tried  to  get  money  and 
office  from  the  Governor  of  Canada,  and  also  from  the 
ministry  in  England,  without  success  ;  and  that  failing  in 
these  efforts,  he  made  Mr.  Madison  pay  him  very  hand- 
somely —  for  what  ?  Giving  a  very  just  and  true  account 
of  the  distress  and  well  grounded  dissatisfaction,  which  all 
well-informed  constitutional  citizens  felt,  under  the  misrule 
of  the  two  popular  Presidents. 

Whether  the  British  ministry  knew,  or  connived  at  the 
mission  of  Henry  by  the  Governor  of  Canada,  is  of  no  im- 
portance. It  appears  from  Henry's  showing,  that  they  did 
not.  The  British  minister,  then  at  Washington,  disavowed 
all  knowledge  of  his  government,  that  Henry  was  so  em- 
ployed. Mr.  Madison  had  two  objects  in  sending  Henry's 
dearly  purchased  papers  to  Congress.  1.  To  inflame  the 
hatred  against  Great  Britain  with  his  own  party.  2.  To 
make  the  federalists,  "  at  the  seat  of  government  in  Massa- 
chusetts," appear  to  be  traitors.  Unfortunately  for  Mr.  Madi- 
son, neither  of  these  effects  was  produced.  It  was  at  once 
discerned  from  the  correspondence,  that  Henry  had  done 
no  more,  than  to  speculate  on  the  character  and  views  of 
parties,  much  to  the  disadvantage  of  Mr.  Madison's  party  ; 
and  that  he  had  never  disclosed  to  any  man  in  New  Eng- 
land, that  he  was  a  missionary.  It  was  also  discerned,  at 
once,  that  he  was  earning  money,  or  office,  and  consequently 
made  the  most  of  his  materials.  The  most  ridiculous  part 
of  the  affair  was  the  sending  of  these  papers  to  Congress, 
who  could  do  nothing  with  them.  They  were,  in  compli- 
ment to  Mr.  Madison,  and  to  make  some  show  of  money's 
worth,  committed  with  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers. 
There  was  nobody  to  send  for,  but  a  French  Count,  who 
was  supposed  to  have  counselled  Henry  in  his  ingenious 


[  ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  263 

contrivance.     The  committee  reported,  that,  as  Henry  had 
not  named  any  traitor,  they  could  do  nothing.     There  are 
many  persons  who  remember  John  Henry,  and  that  he  was  "\ 
in  Boston  in  1809.     But  no  one  ever  heard  it  suggested,  that 
he  was  a  British  agent.     He  was  said  to  be  engaged  in  some 
sort  of  land  speculation  ;  but  very  few  knew,  or  cared  how    " 
he  was  employed.     He  was  a  handsome,  well-behaved  man, 
and  was  received  in  some  respectable  families. 

The  principal  value  of  John  Henry's  papers  is,  that  Mr. 
Madison  has  filed  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  a  true 
account  of  his  own  administration,  and  a  delineation  of  him- 
self, to  which  none  of  the  traitors  at  the  seat  of  government 
in  Massachusetts  will  object,  since  Mr.  Madison  has  been 
pleased   to    pay  for,  adopt,  and  file    among   the    archives 
the  truth  on  these  points,  verified   by  Mr.  Madison's  own 
witness.     The  following  are  extracts  from  Henry's  letters  to 
the  Governor  of  Canada.     "  On  the  subject  of  the  embargo 
"  laws  there  seems  to  be  but  one  opinion  :     That  they  are 
"  unnecessary,  oppressive,  and    unconstitutional.      It  must 
"  also  be  observed,  that  the  execution  of  them  is  so  invidious, 
"  as  to  attract  towards  the  officers  of  government  the  en- 
"  mity  of  the  people,  which  is  of  course  transferable  to  the 
"  government  itself."     "  The  embargo  is  the  favorite  meas- 
"  ure  ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  some  other  measure  will  be 
"  adopted  to  excite  England  to  commit  some  act  of  hostility." 
"  They  will  risk  anything  but  the  loss  of  power  ;  and  they 
"  are  well   aware,  that  their  power  would  pass  away  with 
"  the  first  calamity,  which  their  measures  might  bring  upon 
"  the  common  people."    "  Although  it  is  believed,  that  there 
"  is  no  probability  of  an  immediate  war,  yet  no  doubts  are 
"  entertained,  that  Mr.  Madison    will    fall  upon  some  new 
"  expedient,  to  bring  about  hostilities."     "  The  past  admin- 
"  istration  in  every  transaction  presents  to  the  mind  only 
"  a  muddy  commixture  of  folly,  weakness,  and  duplicity." 
"  But  the  observations  made  on  his  (Mr.  Madison's)  friendly 
"  dispositions  towards  Great  Britain  is  a  matter  of  no  little 
"  astonishment.       The    whole   tenor   of    his   political   life 
"  directly  and  unequivocally  contradicts  them.     His  speech 
"on   the  British  treaty  in   1799,  ['96?];  his  attempts   to 
"  pass  a  law  for  the  confiscation  of  British  debts  and  British 
"  property ;  his  commercial  resolutions,  grounded  apparently 
"  on   an  idea  of  making  America  useful,  as  a   colony  of 


264  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

*  France ;  *  his  conduct  while  Secretary  of  State,  all  form  an 
'  assemblage  of  probabilities,  tending  to  convince  me  at 
'  least,  that  he  does  not  seriously  desire  a  treaty  in  which 
'  the  rights  and  pretensions  of  Great  Britain  would  be  fairly 
'  recognised.  It  seems  impossible,  that  he  should  at  once 
'  direst  himself  of  that  habitual  animosity  and  that  pride  of 
'  opinion,  which  his  present  situation  enables  him  to  in- 
'  dulge ;  but  above  all,  that  he  should  deprive  his  friends 
'  and  supporters  of  the  benefit  of  those  prejudices,  which 
'  have  been  carefully  fostered  in  the  minds  of  the  common 
'  people  against  England,  and  which  have  so  materially 
'  contributed  to  invigorate  and  augment  the  democratic 
« party." 

It  is  improbable,  that  John  Henry  exhibited  such  sketches 
of  Mr.  Madison  to  him  before  the  money  was  paid.  After  it 
was  paid,  and  Mr.  Madison  had  examined  his  purchase,  as 
the  sum  was  considerable,  it  would  be  expended  without 
value,  if  these  papers  were  merely  deposited  in  the  Secre- 
tary's office.  Perhaps  it  was  not  much  otherwise,  in 
attempting  to  make  them  significant  by  the  solemnity  of 
message,  which  might  strengthen  "  those  prejudices  which 
"  had  been  carefully  fostered  in  the  minds  of  the  common 
"  people  against  England  ;  "  and  at  the  same  time  make 
one  portion  of  the  people  distrust  and  hate  another  still 
more  cordially.  Whatever  these  documents  were  really 
worth,  there  they  are  *  remaining  in  the  department  of 
state,"  deposited  by  Mr.  Madison's  own  hand,  as  a  memorial 
of  his  good  sense  and  patriotism.  Perhaps  they  did  help  to 
increase  the  animosity  which  prevailed  between  the  parties, 
and  to  promote  the  reign  of  terror,  which  came  with  the 
war. 

These  documents  were  sent  on  by  a  member  of  Congress 
of  this  vicinity,  who  had  the  honor  of  being  one  of  the  sir 
in  the  committee  of  foreign  relations  who  reported  the  war 
manifesto  to  the  House,  in  the  following  month  of  June. 
They  arrived  here  in  the  morning  of  one  day,  and  the  press 
was  put  in  motion  to  multiply  them  and  have  them  in 
readiness  to  come  forth,  and  confound  the  Yankee  traitors 
on  the  morning  of  the  next  day.  The  secret  was  not  well 
kept.  It  reached  the  ears  of  one  person  with  sufficient  dis- 

*  Founded  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  report  when  Secretary  of  State. 


ON   PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  265 

tinctness  to  make  its  general  purpose  understood.     He  sat 
down  and  wrote  a  refutation,   to  appear  also  on  the  nexfS 
morning.     It  came  out  simultaneously  with  the  documents,  | 
and   was  so  triumphantly  successful,  as  to  take  from  Mr.  / 
Madison's  barb  all  its  venom  —  and  all  its  force.     The  pub- 
lic were  left  only  to  wonder  at  the  disposition  with  which  it 
was  thrown,  and  at  the  feebleness  of  the  arm  which  threw  it. 
(See  the  Commercial  Gazette,  of  March,  1812.) 

It  is  painful  to  believe,  that  so  eminent  a  man,  as  Mr. 
Madison,  has  exposed  himself  to  the  suspicion  of  having  in- 
tended to  prevent  the  election  of  a  federalist  to  the  office  of 
governor  in  Massachusetts,  and  to  secure  the  election  of  one 
of  his  political  friends  ;  and  of  having  used  his  own  official 
power  to  this  end.  Whether  this  be  a  well-grounded  sus- 
picion, or  not,  may  depend  on  the  impression  which  the 
following  facts  may  make. 

John  Henry  arrived  from  England  at  Boston,  December  \ j 
23,    1811.     He   visited  Governor   Gerry,  who  gave  him  a     r» 
letter  of  introduction  to  Mr.  Madison,  in  which  he  says,  that 
Henry's  "  professional,  literary,  and  polite  accomplishments 
have  been  much  respected  by  all  his  acquaintance."     This 
letter  bears  date   January    11,    1812.      Henry   arrived   at 
Washington  January  31st,  and  kept  within  his  lodgings  in 
the  day  time,  and  made  his  visits  in  the  evening.     He  left  ^/ 
Washington  February  llth.     On  the  10th  of  February,  fifty  y\ 
thousand  dollars  were  drawn  from  the  treasury,  in  the  name 
of  John  Graham,  chief  clerk  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
State.     On  the  llth  of  February,  Henry  arrived  at  Balti- 
more, and  is  said  to  have  negotiated  there  an  order  of  the 
Bank  of  Columbia  at  Washington  in  his  favor,  on  the  Me- 
chanics' Bank  of  New  York,  for  forty-eight  thousand  dollars. 
Henry    sailed    from   New  York    (or  some    other  port)  for 
France  on  the  ninth  of  March,  in  the  United  States  sloop 
of  war  Wasp. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  Henry  had  been  at  Washington, 
had  got  his  money,  and  had  returned  northwardly,  and  was 
at  Baltimore  on  the  1 1th  of  February,  and  that  his  letter  of 
disclosure  to  James  Monroe,  Secretary  of  State,  is  dated  the 
20th  of  that  month,  at  Philadelphia.  It  is  remarkable,  that 
Mr.  Madison  had  these  disclosures  at  least  twexty-Jivc  days 
before  he  made  them  known  to  Congress ;  that  when  he  did 
so  make  them  known,  Henry  was  actually  under  sail  for 
23 


266  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

France,  and  consequently  could  not  be  called  on  for  any  ex- 
planation. From  the  date  of  Mr.  Madison's  message  to 
Congress  to  the  election  day  in  Massachusetts  was  twenty- 
eight  days.  It  might  take  eight  days  to  get  the  news  to 
Congress,  and  through  their  agency  to  Massachusetts,  and 
the  remaining  twenty  days  was  about  a  convenient  measure 
of  time  to  disseminate  it,  and  make  it  known  to  all  those 
who  might  thereby  be  influenced  to  vote  for  Elbridge  Gerry 
instead  of  Caleb  Strong. 

.Now  it  is  not  intended  to  say,  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  (knowing  as  well  before  he  sent  his  message 
as  afterwards,  that  Congress  could  do  nothing  with  it)  did 
hope  to  influence  the  state  election.  Yet,  as  he  was  then 
meditating  a  war  message  ;  as  it  was  a  material  thing  to  him 
whether  Gerry  or  Strong  was  governor  of  Massachusetts 
during  a  war  ;  and  as  he  might  have  sent  his  message  of 
disclosure  at  least  twenty  days  sooner  than  he  did,  readers 
will  judge  whether  there  be,  or  not,  grounds  for  suspecting, 
that  the  time  was  chosen  for  the  disclosure.  If  such  was  the 
intention,  it  met  the  defeat  which  it  well  deserved.  Gerry 
was  not  elected. 


LETTER    LX. 

DECEMBER  15,  1833. 

MR.  MADISON'S  war  message  was  passed  to  the  commit- 
tee of  foreign  relations  in  the  House,  a  majority  of  which, 
viz,  John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C. ;  Felix  Grundy,  Tenn. ;  John 
Smilie,  Penn. ;  John  A.  Harper,  N.  H. ;  Joseph  Desha, 
Ken. ;  and  Ebenezer  Seaver,  Mass,  agreed  upon  and  re- 
ported a  manifesto,  as  the  basis  of  a  declaration  of  war.  If 
these  gentlemen  had  not  been  under  the  high  excitement 
arising  under  Jeffersonian  influence,  how  could  they  have 
thought  it  to  be  dutiful  and  patriotic  to  recommend  an  of- 
fensive war,  in  the  then  state  of  Europe,  and  especially  of 
their  own  country  ?  The  manifesto  sets  forth  the  old  griev- 
ances of  blockades,  orders  in  council,  and  impressments, 
all  of  them  measures  affecting  the  commercial  part  of  the 
nation.  Three  fourths  at  least  of  this  part  were  to  be  found 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  267 

north  of  the  Delaware.  The  act  declaring  war  was  dated 
the  18th  of  June,  1812.  If  the  causes  of  war  were  such 
as  to  warrant  this  declaration,  it  might  be  expected,  that 
those  who  were  in  favor  of  it  would  be  found  to  be  residents 
north  of  the  Delaware.  This  was  not  so  ;  on  the  contrary 
the  planters  and  lawyers  of  the  south  and  of  the  west,  and 
others  from  those  quarters  knew  better,  than  northern  citi- 
zens, what  measures  were  necessary  to  protect  their  property 
and  to  vindicate  their  rights. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  the  whole  number  of 
members  was  128 ;  of  these  79  voted  for  the  war ;  and  of 
these  (79)  62  resided  south  and  17  north  of  the  Delaware. 
The  Senate  consisted  of  32  members,  19  of  whom  voted  for 
the  war,  and  14  of  these  resided  south  of  the  Delaware  ;  and 
5  of  the  19  north.  Putting  together  the  war  members  of 
both  branches,  residing  south  of  the  Delaware,  viz.  62  and 
14,  they  make  76;  which  is  four  short  of  half  of  the  whole 
number  in  both  branches.  Thus  the  war  may  be  said  to 
have  been  a  measure  of  the  south  and  west,  to  take  care  of 
the  interests  of  the  north,  much  against  the  will  of  the  latter. 
The  whole  number  of  members  in  both  branches  residing 
north  of  the  Delaware  was  68,  of  whom  only  21  voted  for 
the  war. 

There  is  some  ground  for  the  opinion,  that  a  portion  of 
those  members,  who  voted  for  the  war  in  both  branches,  did 
so  because  circumstances  forced  them  to  express  an  assent 
contrary  to  their  own  convictions  of  duty.  In  truth,  the 
Jeffersonian  party  had  created  an  excitement,  which  the 
leaders  could  not  control.  There  is  one  man  now  living, 
who  has  long  been  a  tenant  of  a  seat  in  the  capitol,  who  can 
tell,  if  he  would,  with  what  extreme  and  foreboding  reluct- 
ance he  voted  for  the  war,  as  the  least  of  the  appalling  evils 
which  haunted  his  mind  and  even  his  dreams. 

The  probability  is,  that  the  members  from  the  west  ex- 
pected benefits  from  the  war,  which  may  have  shut  out  all  per- 
ceptions of  expediency.  They  may  have  believed,  that  their 
own  regions  would  be  the  scenes  of  activity,  enterprise,  and 
acquisition  ;  and  they  may  have  been  careless  of  consequen- 
ces to  the- seaboard,  leaving-  that  to  defend  itself  as  it  could. 
Our  southern  and  western  brethren  saw  fit  to  make  the 
"  experiment."  Does  any  portion  of  them  desire  to  see 
another  of  the  same  kind  1  It  is  not  intended  to  cast  any 


268  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

reproach  on  those  who  proposed,  or  assented  to  the  war ; 
but  to  show  what  the  perils  of  the  country  must  always  be, 
when  the  government  of  it  is  submitted  to  party  men.  The 
tyranny  of  party  among  its  own  members  is  as  inexorable 
and  vindictive,  as  any  which  it  exercises  against  its  adver- 
saries. Consider  the  state  of  the  Representatives  of  the 
nation  at  this  moment.  What  prevents  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives from  doing  what  a  large  majority  of  them  in 
their  consciences  believe  ought  to  be  done  for  the  relief  of 
the  country  ?  Are  they  not  sensible  men .?  Are  they  not  the 
sincere  friends  of  their  constituents  ?  Are  they  not  desirous, 
that  their  fellow  citizens  should  enjoy  all  the  benefits  of  in- 
dustry, and  all  means  of  independence  and  happiness  ? 
Undoubtedly.  Are  they,  then,  fascinated  by  the  intelli- 
gence, the  virtues,  and  the  public  services  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son 1  Not  at  all.  They  probably  think  him  a  very  unfit 
man  for  his  station.  By  what  spell,  then,  are  they  bound? 
By  that  all  powerful  one  which  Mr.  Jefferson  created.  They 
are  party  men.  Those,  also,  were  party  men  who  laid  the 
embargo  and  who  voted  for  war.  The  denunciation  of  their 
own  partisans  is  more  to  be  dreaded,  than  the  dereliction  of 
duty  and  the  reproaches  and  contempt  of  their  own  constit- 
uents. It  was  the  same  spirit,  in  another  form,  which  car- 
ried the  arms  of  France  throughout  the  continent  of  Europe, 
and  occasioned  the  horrible  scenes  which  disgraced  the  last 
ten  years  of  the  last  century.  The  members  of  selfish  par- 
ties may  and  often  do  hate  each  other,  as  men,  most  sin- 
cerely. There  may  be  such  instances  in  certain  honorable 
assemblies  of  the  present  day.  But  this  does  not  impair 
fidelity  in  the  common  cause.  Thus  it  requires  far  greater 
magnanimity,  than  can  ever  be  expected  from  party  men, 
to  do  what  they  know  to  be  right ;  and  to  abstain  from  what 
they  know  to  be  wrong.  The  great  leaders  of  the  party  in 
power  now  had  rather  see  the  whole  country  as  desolate  as 
a  territory  in  Asia,  after  an  army  of  locusts  have  encamped 
upon  it,  than  to  yield  a  single  point  of  party.  The  correc- 
tive lies  with  the  people  ;  they  can  set  this  matter  right,  and 
no  other  earthly  power  can. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  269 

LETTER   LXI. 

JANUARY  2,  1834. 

THE  friends  of  peace  resisted  the  declaration  of  war  in 
Congress,  with  reason,  good  sense,  faithful  love  of  country, 
and  serious  eloquence  ;  but  such  weapons  were  powerless 
against  the  infatuation  of  PARTY. 

They  said,  that  neither  the  government  nor  the  people  |\ 
were  prepared  for  war  ;  that  the  removal  of  restrictions  had  i 
induced  the  commercial  part  of  our  citizens  to  engage  ex- 
tensively in  shipments,  and  that  many  millions,  not  insured 
against  war  risks,  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
They  insisted,  that  the  nation  was  destitute  of  all  means  of  an-  \ 
noying  the  enemy  on  the  ocean ;  and  that  the  whole  effective 
force  of  the  United  States  (independently  of  militia)  was  in- 
competent to  defend  any  one  of  our  seaports  and  cities.  That 
an  army  could  not  be  made  in  a  day ;  that,  if  the  materials 
had  been  gathered,  the  officers  and  soldiers  must  undergo  a 
course  of  discipline  and  camp  experience,  which  the  war- 
worn of  Europe  had  declared  could  not  be  effected  in  less 
time,  than  a  year.  They  insisted  not  only,  that  the  country 
was  utterly  destitute  of  means  to  coerce  an  enemy,  but 
equally  so  of  means  of  defence,  if  the  enemy  should  become 
the  assailants. 

They  urged  that  impressment  was  not  a  cause  of  war ; 
first,  because  war  would  not  settle  the  right ;  and  secondly, 
because  Great  Britain  had  always  been  willing  to  negotiate. 
That  all  other  subjects  of  controversy  had  passed  away,  but 
the  orders  in  council.  That  whether  England  had,  or  had 
not  a  right  to  pass  retaliatory  orders,  it  was  well  known, 
that  these  orders  would  be  rescinded  as  soon  as  France  had 
annulled  her  decrees.  That  the  administration  had  asserted 
what  no  rational  being  in  the  nation  believed  but  themselves, 
viz.  that  these  decrees  were  repealed.  They  further  insisted, 
that  the  present  time  was  precisely  that  in  which  a  war 
should  not  be  begun.  They  described  the  state  of  Europe 
as  one  which  if  there  were  no  other  reason,  demanded  delay. 
But  this  was  not  the  most  cogent  reason.  The  government  ,, 
could  not  carry  on  a  war  without  money.  It  had  no  depen- 
dence but  on  commercial  revenue.  War  would  greatly 
diminish,  if  not  annihilate  this.  Loans,  taxes,  militia  ser- 
23* 


r 


270  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

vice  must  be  resorted  to.  Soon  the  enemy  would  be  on  our 
coasts,  and,  defenceless  as  they  were  and  would  continue  to 
be,  a  comparatively  small  force  could  keep  two  thousand 
miles  of  seabord  in  continual,  harassing,  and  costly  alarm. 

If  the  object  was  the  conquest  of  British  provinces,  there 
were  no  means  prepared  to  this  end  ;  none  which  could  be 
prepared,  before  the  whole  force  that  could  be  organized 
would  be  required  for  the  sole  purpose  of  defence  along  our 
own  shores. 

The  friends  of  peace  further  urged  upon  the  war  party, 
that,  if  their  purpose  was  the  conquest  of  Canada,  it  was  im- 
practicable, and  worse  than  worthless,  if  it  could  be  accom- 
plished.    It  is  worth  while  to  transcribe  the  opinion  of  that 
'erratic  administration-man,  John  Randolph,  who  was  some- 
times very  right  in  his  views,  whatever  may  be  said   of  him 
at  others.  What  he  said  in  1806,  in  committee  of  the  whole, 
•  was  as  true  in  1812,  as  then. 

"  There  are  three  points  to  be  considered  :  1.  Our  ability 
"  to  contend  with  great  Britian.  2.  The  policy  of  such  con- 
"test.  3.  Conceding  both  these  points,  then  the  manner 
"  in  which  we  can,  with  the  greatest  effect,  retort  upon  and 
"  annoy  our  adversary. 

"  Now  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  has  settled,  at 
"  a  single  sweep,  not  only,  that  we  are  capable  of  contend- 
"  ing  with  Great  Britain  on  the  ocean,  but  that  we  are 
"  actually  her  superior  !  Whence  does  the  gentleman  de- 
' '  duce  this  inference  1  Because  truly,  at  that  time,  when 
"  Great  Britain  was  not  mistress  of  the  ocean,  when  a  North 
"  was  her  prime-minister  and  a  Sandwich  the  first  lord  of 
"  her  admiralty  ;  when  she  was  governed  by  a  counting- 
"  house  administration  ;  privateers  of  this  country  trespassed 
"  on  her  commerce.  So,  too,  did  the  cruisers  of  Dunkirk. 
"  At  that  day  Suffrein  held  the  mastery  of  the  Indian  seas. 
"  But  what  is  the  case  now  ?  Do  gentlemen  remember  the 
"  capture  of  Cornwallis  on  land,  because  De  Grasse  main- 
"  tained  the  dominion  of  the  ocean  1  To  my  mind  no  posi- 
"  tion  is  more  clear,  than,  if  we  go  to  war  with  Great  Britain, 
"Charleston,  Boston,  the  Chesapeake,  and  the  Hudson 
"  will  be  invested  with  British  squadrons.  Will  you  call 
"on  the  Count  De  Grasse  to  relieve  them,  or  shall  we  apply 
"  to  the  Admiral  Gravina,  or  Admiral  Villeneuve,  to  raise 
"  the  blockade  ?  But  you  have  not  only  a  prospect  of  gath- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  271 

'  ering  glory,  and  what  seems  to  the  gentleman  of  Massa- 
'  chusetts  much  dearer,  profit,  by  privateering ;  but  you 
'  will  be  able  to  make  a  conquest  of  Canada  and  Nova 
'  Scotia.  Indeed !  Then,  Sir,  we  shall  catch  a  Tartar. 
'  I  have  no  desire  to  see  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of 
'  the  Canadian  French,  or  of  the  tories  and  refugees  of  Nova 
'  Scotia  sitting  on  this  floor,  or  that  of  the  other  House  ;  to 
'  see  them  becoming  members  of  the  Union  and  participat- 
'  ing  in  our  political  rights.  And  on  what  other  principle 
'  would  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  be  for  incorpo- 
'  rating  these  provinces  with  us  ?  Or,  on  what  other  prin- 
'  ciple  could  it  be  done,  under  the  constitution  ?  If  the 
'  gentleman  has  no  other  bounty  to  offer  us  for  going  to 
'  war,  than  the  incorporation  of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia, 
'  I  am  for  remaining  at  peace." 

Every  one  of  the  predictions  of  the  friends  of  peace  were  \t 
sadly  fulfilled  ;  arid  greater  evils,  than  they  foretold,  were  P 
experienced  by  this  misgoverned  country. 

It  is  worth  while  to  look  at  Europe,  to  judge  of  the  time  ^ 
which  Mr.  Madison  selected  to  go  to  war  with  England. 

Napoleon  had  reduced  the  whole  of  Europe  to  his  abso-  \ 
lute  dominion,  or  to  a  state  of  dependence  little  short  of  it, 
as  far  eastwardly  and  northwardly  as  the  confines  of  Turkey 
and  Russia.  There  was  still,  in  some  parts  of  Europe,  the 
show  of  independent  powers,  but  it  was  nothing  more.  He 
had  placed  three  of  his  brothers  on  thrones  ;  one  in  Spain, 
one  in  Holland,  one  in  Westphalia.  One  of  his  generals, 
Murat,  was  king  of  Naples  and  husband  of  his  sister.  He 
had  first  beaten  the  emperor  of  Austria,  and  then  divorced  \ 
Josephine,  to  marry  the  emperor's  daughter.  He  was  king 
of  Rome,  until  he  gave  that  title  to  his  infant  son.  A 
French  general  was  on  the  throne  of  Sweden,  and  had 
entered  into  the  continental  system.  Russia  alone  stood 
out  and  continued  her  commerce,  so  far  as  French  pri- 
vateers would  permit,  through  the  Baltic.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  that  Archangel,  in  north  latitude  sixty-four,  on  the 
shores  of  the  White  Sea,  was,  in  this  derangement  of  Eu- 
rope by  Napoleon,  the  principal  port  of  entry  for  all  En- 
glish and  American  merchandise,  which  could  find  its  way 
into  the  continent.  A  considerable  amount  of  American 
property  was  burnt  at  Moscow,  when  that  city  was  destroyed, 
after  Napoleon  had  taken  possession  of  it. 


272  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

England  had  resisted  this  terrible  aggrandizement.  She 
had  her  thousand  ships  and  had  made  herself  the  mistress 
of  the  seas.  Her  maritime  force  had  no  enemy  to  contend 
with ;  she  had  driven  every  thing,  that  dared  to  show  a 
hostile  flag,  from  the  ocean;  excepting  that  sometimes  a 
French  squadron  would  steal  a  flight  along  the  waves,  to 
shun  English  ships  and  burn  those  of  Americans. 

It  was  under  such  circumstances,  that  Mr.  Madison  chose, 
for  this  commercial  nation,  England  for  an  enemy,  and  Na- 
poleon for  an  ally  !  As  the  federalists  dared  to  denounce 
this  abominable  policy,  they  were  in  fact  included,  though 
not  expressly  named,  in  his  manifesto  of  war. 


LETTER    LXII. 

JANUARY  7,  1834. 

IT  is  remarkable,  that  on  the  24th  day  of  June,  1812, 
hostilities  commenced  between  Napoleon  and  Russia,  and 
that  on  the  18th  of  the  same  month,  war  was  declared 
by  the  United  States  against  England.  During  the  spring 
of  that  year,  Napoleon  had  been  preparing  for  this  war, 
because  Russia  did  not  interdict  the  merchandise  of  Great 
Britain.  Having  assembled  his  forces,  he  departed  on  the 
9th  of  May  from  his  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  to  prosecute  his 
enterprise.  It  is  also  remarkable,  that  no  change  had 
occurred  in  the  negotiations  with  England,  which  should 
have  induced  a  declaration  of  war,  in  the  month  of  June, 
1812,  rather  than  at  any  other  time  within  several  preceding 
months.  It  was  said  and  believed,  that  the  embargo  was 
known  in  France  to  be  an  intended  measure,  while  it  was 
not  suspected  in  the  United  States  ;  and  it  is  certain,  that 
war  was  known  in  France  to  be  determined  on,  although 
no  rational  man  in  the  United  States  supposed,  that  the 
administration  would  have  the  hardihood  to  propose  it. 
Was  there,  or  not,  a  secret  understanding,  or  agreement 
between  the  French  and  American  governments,  that,  as 
soon  as  France  was  ready  to  attack  the  only  power  in 
Europe,  which  had  not  bound  itself  to  maintain  the  "  con- 
tinental system,"  the  United  States  should  declare  war 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  273 

against  England  ?  Notwithstanding  Mr.  Madison  assigned 
the  old  causes  for  the  war,  he  lies  under  the  very  serious 
imputation  of  having  had  other  causes  at  heart;  nothing 
short  of  having  unnecessarily  and  wantonly  engaged  his 
own  country  in  war,  for  the  mere  purpose  of  aiding  Napo- 
leon to  prostrate  his  enemy.  However  this  matter  may  have 
been  guarded  from  the  perception  of  his  fellow  citizens,  if 
the  fact  was  so,  Mr.  Madison's  integrity  and  fidelity  will  be 
severely  tried  by  impartial  history.  In  truth,  there  was 
nothing  to  gain  by  war,  which  negotiation  would  not  have 
gained  ;  and  the  treaty  of  peace  settled  no  one  of  the  con- 
troverted points. 

The  first  event  after  the  declaration  of  war,  that  attracted 
the  public  attention,  was  the  address  of  the  minority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  A  more  rational,  interesting, 
and  dignified  paper  has  not  appeared  since  the  institution 
of  the  government.  In  manner,  it  is  much  superior  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  This  paper  sets  forth  the 
state  of  the  country  at  that  time,  the  course  adopted  to 
obtain  the  presence  and  purposes  of  the  war  ;  it  is  an  in- 
sulated paper  and  not  easily  to  be  found ;  but  it  is  due 
to  its  writer  and  signers,  that  it  should  be  kept  in  memory. 

The  declaration  of  war,  though  feared,  was  so  serious  and 
shocking  to  a  large  portion  of  the  community,  that  it  could 
only  be  likened  to  the  distressing  certainty  of  affliction  to 
surrounding  relatives,  when  death  has  thrown  his  dart  at 
some  lingering  victim.  While  life  remains,  there  is  still 
some  vague  and  undefined  hope  ;  —  and  while  war  was  not* 
declared,  there  was  yet  a  sentiment,  that  a  calamity  so 
unnecessary,  so  oppressive,  and  so  ruinous,  would  not  be 
forced  upon  the  country. 

It  should  be  remembered,  that  the  seaboard  had  not  been 
fortified  ;  the  navy  had  not  been  augmented  ;  the  army  had  i 
not  yet  been  increased  ;  nothing  had  been  done  to  fill  the 
treasury  —  the  whole  country  was  on  a  peace  establishment. 
Within  the  first  month  of  the  war,  an  unconstitutional  de- 
mand was  made  on  the  governors  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  for  militia,  even  before  the  news  of  this  aston- 
ishing measure  could  have  reached  the  British  Isles,  and 
three  months  before  there  was  the  slightest  probability,  that 
the  United  States  could  be  invaded.  This  demand  proved 
to  be  in  prosecution  of  the  design  to  invade  and  conquer 


r 


274  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

Canada   with   militia !      If  every   subject    and   soldier   in 

Canada  had  been  willing,  that  the  militia  should  take  quiet 

k  possession  of  that  country,  what  good  would  this  have  done 

r\   to  the  people  of  the  United   States ?     During  this  profitless 

conflict,  the  attempt  at  conquest  was  continued,  but  without 

advancing  a  dozen  miles  into  that  territory  at  any  time ; 

while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  British  became  invaders  ;  but, 

as  should   be,  were  driven  within  their   own  lines  on  this 

frontier. 

The  military  and  naval  character  of  the  war  it  is  not  the 
present  purpose  to  describe.  All  this  went  on  like  other 
wars,  with  the  exception,  that  it  soon  became  defensive  on 
our  part.*  Mr.  Madison's  ally,  Napoleon,  found  a  more 
powerful  and  determined  enemy,  than  he  expected ;  and 
another  enemy,  little  expected  and  not  at  all  provided  for, 
even  by  this  far-sighted  chief.  Every  body  knows,  that  the 

>  burning  of  Moscow  and  the  bitterness  of  the  winter  anni- 
hilated the  hosts  of  the  Emperor,  and  that  he  hurried  home 
to  repair  his  disasters,  but  found  his  way  to  Elba.     The  fall 
v    of  Napoleon  was  also  the  fall  of  Mr.  Madison.     The  peace 
"'of  Europe,  in  the  spring  of  1814,  left  England  at  leisure  to 
attend  to  the  enemy  who  had  sought  to  overwhelm  her  in 
her  deepest  distress.     The  war  had   assumed  a  ferocious 


' 


*  In  what  manner  that  philosophical  philanthropist,  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, desired  to  have  the  war  carried  on,  appears  from  the  following 
extract. 

Jefferson  writes  to  Monroe,  January  1,  1815,  vol.  iv.  p.  245  :  "  But 
"  however  these  two  difficulties  of  men  and  money  may  be  disposed 
"  of,  it  is  fortunate,  that  neither  of  them  will  affect  our  war  by  sea. 
"  Privateers  will  find  their  own  men  and  money.  Let  nothing  be 
"  spared  to  encourage  them.  They  are  the  dagger  which  strikes  at 
"  the  heart  of  the  enemy,  their  commerce.  Frigates  and  seventy- 
"  fours  are  a  sacrifice  we  must  make,  heavy  as  it  is,  to  the  prejudices 
"  of  a  part  of  our  citizens.  They  have,  indeed,  rendered  a  great 
"  moral  service,  which  has  delighted  me  as  much  as  any  one  in  the 
"  United  States.  But  they  have  had  no  physical  effect,  sensible  to  the 
"  enemy ;  and  now,  while  we  must  fortify  them  in  our  harbors,  and 
"  keep  armies  to  defend  them,  our  privateers  are  bearding  and  block- 
"  ading  the  enemy  in  their  own  ports."  (Who,  but  Thomas  Jefferson, 
"  knew  this  fact  ?)  "  Encourage  them  to  burn  all  their  prizes,  and 
"  let  the  public  pay  for  them.  They  will  cheat  us  enormously.  No 
"  matter ;  they  will  make  the  merchants  of  England  feel,  and  squeal, 
"  and  cry  out  for  peace." 

IHF  This  is  the  wise  and  moral  Mr  .'Jefferson !  None  but  pirates 
burn  ships  at  sea. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  275 

character,  little  creditable  to  either  of  the  parties,  according ««/ 
to  the  rules  of  modern   warfare.     The  burning  of  public    J 
buildings,  and  'of  private  dwellings,  is  unworthy  of  modern    I 
military  strife.     These  are  matters  within  every  one's  reach,   ' 
who  does  not  but  desires  to  know  them.     The  purpose  now 
in  view  is  to  notice  the  character  of  the  times,  which  his- 
tory will  not  notice. 

If  any  one  desires  to  see  the  best  vindication,  which 
appeared,  of  the  conduct  of  the  administration  in  the  war, 
he  will  find  it  in  an  elaborate  production,  entitled  "  An  Ex- 
position of  the  Causes  and  Character  of  the  late  War." 
This  was  dated  February  10,  1815,  and  was  attributed  to 
Mr.  Dallas,  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Independently  of  the  vassalage  of  party,  a  small  propor- 
tion of  the  citizens  of  New  England  approved  of  the  war. 
Public  opinion  soon  began  to  manifest  itself  in  popular 
meetings.  Resolutions  were  passed,  expressing  in  decided 
terms  the  feelings  of  a  free,  intelligent,  and  indignant  peo- 
ple. Conventions  were  held  in  the  different  counties,  not 
by  any  concert,  but  spontaneously.  That  at  Northampton, 
at  which  fifty-six  towns  were  represented,  attracted  particu- 
lar attention.  A  preamble  and  resolutions  were  there  adopt- 
ed, prepared  with  great  ability  and  genuine  patriotic  spirit. 
In  the  county  of  Worcester  a  convention  was  held,  in  like 
spirit,  and  remarkable  for  a  pointed  paraphrase  of  the  decla- 
ration of  independence.  ^ 

On  the  15th  of  July,  a  great  meeting  was  held  at  Faneuil  ^ 
Hall,  and  resolutions  were  then  adopted,  well  worthy  of  the 
place  and  of  the  occasion.     Among  others  who  were  heard 
at  this  time  was  DANIEL  SARGENT,  a  distinguished  mer-\ 
chant,  who  disclosed  the  fatal  consequences  to  commercial 
interests,  and  to  all  classes  who  are  connected  with   and 
dependent  on  them.     JOSIAH  QUINCY,  just  then  returned  ^ 
from  Congress,  made  known  to  his  auditors,  with  his  accus- 
tomed fervor  and  eloquence,  the  scenes  which  he  had  wit- 
nessed, and  the  true  character  and  designs  of  the  adminis- 
tration.    He  was  followed  by  HARRISON  GRAY  OTIS,  then  N 
in   the   full   vigor  of  manhood,  as   to  whom,  with  all  the 
abatement  which  should  be  made  for  the  high  excitement 
of  the  times,  this  description  of  his  feelings  and  expressions 
(as  published  then)  is  not  too  highly  colored. 


276  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

"  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  more,  than  that  he  renewed, 
"  with  his  pathetic  and  glowing  eloquence,  that  enthusiasm 
"  which  has  been  so  often  excited  in  the  breasts  of  his  fellow 
"  citizens,  by  his  patriotic  and  masterly  speeches  :  orations 

,""  they  should  be  called  ;  for,  like  Demosthenes,  rousing  the 
"  Athenians  to  watchfulness  against  Philip,  his  addresses 
"  have  awakened  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  a  virtuous  jeal- 
"  ousy  of  the  intrigues  of  France,  and  of  those  who  are 
"  co-operating  with  her  ruler,  to  destroy  the  liberties  and 
"  happiness  of  mankind." 

Such  reception  of  the  war  in  New  England  was  highly 
displeasing,  to  Mr.  Madison  and  to  his  political  party.  To 
his  mind  it  was  conclusive  evidence,  that  the  land  of  the 
pilgrims  was  sold  to  the  enemy ;  and  that  the  war  was  as 
necessary  against  its  inhabitants,  as  against  the  government, 
fleets,  and  armies  of  Great  Britain.  But  the  descendants 
of  the  pilgrims  had  sold  neither  their  land,  their  opinions, 
nor  their  consciences.  How  it  is  now,  in  some  portion  of 
the  New  England  states,  is  not  so  certain.  It  may  be  that 
the  press,  the  post-offices,  and  "  the  standing  army  of  forty 
thousand  "  *  may  have  deluded  some  of  our  fellow  citizens  ; 
and  may  control  a  majority  in  more  states  than  one.  But 
this  will  not  last  long.  The  people  of  New  England  are 
sensible  and  discerning.  The  day  is  at  hand,  when  they 
will  do  justice  to  themselves  and  to  those  who  have  cheated 
and  defrauded  them,  to  advance  their  own  power  and  to 
increase  their  own  rich.es.  In  the  day  of  adversity,  this 
people  consider ;  and  no  people  are  better  qualified  than 
themselves,  to  understand  cause  and  effect,  when  they  do 
consider. 

*  In  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Clay  estimated  the  number  of 
devoted  partisans  in  office,  in  the  United  States,  and  who,  from  the 
mere  tenure  of  office,  are  pledged  to  sustain  "  the  government,"  (as 
President  Jackson  calls  himself,)  in  all  it  has  done,  is  doing,  means 
to  do,  or  can  do,  at  "  forty  thousand."  He  properly  calls  them  a 
standing  army,  since  they  command  more  opinions  and  votes,  than 
forty  thousand  bayonets  could. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  277 


LETTER   LXIII. 

JANUARY  9,  1834. 

ALL  citizens  now  alive,  who  were  old  enough  to  know 
the  character  of  the  war  in  relation  to  the  opponents  of  the 
administration,   remember,  and  will   remember  while  they 
live,  that  they  were  identified  with  the  chosen  and  public 
enemy  of  the  United  States.     They  were  charged  with  ad- 
hering to  and   giving  aid  and  assistance  to  the  enemy ;  with 
treason,  and  with  the  design  to  re-establish  the  dominion  of 
Great  Britain  in  their  native  land  !   What  was  the  evidence  ? 
Opposition  to  Mr.  Madison  !  Opposition,  for  the  reasons,  and 
none  other,  which  are  contained  in  the  address  of  the  minor- 
ity of  Congress  to  their  constituents.      Terror  sealed  the 
lips  of  thousands  in  free  America,  concerning  the  conduct 
and  motives  of  their  own  elected  rulers.     If  the  burning  of 
Moscow  and  the  freezing  of  Napoleon's  hosts  had   not  hap-*\ 
pened,  it  is  not  hazardous  to  assert,  that  the  press   and  the 
tongue  would   have   been  used  in   the  United   States  for  no 
other  public  purpose,  than  to  subserve,   applaud,  and  honor 
Jefferson,  Madison,  and  their  adherents.     What  would  have 
prevented  military  executions,  the  action  of  the  guillotine, 
and  the  confiscation  of  the  fortunes  of  traitors?  Nothing  but  \N 
the  native  spirit  of  New  England  could  have  prevented  it :  / 
the    spirit  that  descended    from    the    pilgrim   fathers.     As  / ' 
soon  as  the  horrible  transactions,  which  occurred  in  Balti- 
more in  the  last  ten  days  of  July,  were  known  in  Boston, 
the  proper  spirit  of  the  citizens  was  manifested.     In  that 
city  there  was  an  undue  proportion  of  "  oppressed  humani- 
ty," which  had  sought  "  an  asylum  "  there  ;  and   they  be- 
came  most  effective  allies   in  Madison's  war.     A  meeting 
was  held  at  Faneuil  Hall  on  the  6th  of  August,  and  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  among  which  was  the  following  :  "  Re- 
solved, that  we  are  alarmed,  astonished,  and  confounded,  "- • 
to  find  that  a  paper  published  at  the  seat  of  government, 
and   which  is  understood,   on   some  occasions,  to  be  its 
organ,  not  only  led  the  way  to  these  scenes  of  confusion, 
but  has  impliedly  approved  and  justified  them  ;  and  that 
while  no  mention  is  made  of  this  late  horrible  massacre, 
in  which  the   blood  of  our  oldest  revolutionary  officers 
24 


278  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  flowed  in  the  streets,  a  severe  commentary  was  issued  in 
"  that  paper  against  a  republican  magistrate  of  New  York, 
"  because  he  expressed  his  abhorrence  of  mobs.  We  will 
"  not  admit  the  conclusion,  which  these  facts  would  seem 
"  to  warrant,  that  these  mobs  are  not  discountenanced  by 
"  the  Executive  of  the  United  States.  We  would  rather 
"  consider  them  as  of  French  origin,  and  the  first  fruits  of 
"  that  unnatural  and  dreadful  alliance,  into  which  we  have 
"  entered  in  fact,  if  not  in  form." 

The  citizens  of  Boston  took  very  effective  measures,  that 
no  such  "fruits  "  should  be  known  among  them  ;  whether 
any  such  were  intended  or  not.  There  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose, that  these  citizens  will,  in  any  future  time,  be  regard- 
less of  their  duties,  either  to  their  country,  or  to  themselves. 

The  principal  object  of  the  disgraceful  scenes  at  Balti- 
more was  to  silence  the  Federal  Republican,  a  paper  edited 
by  Alexander  Hanson,  who  was  afterwards  a  member  of 
Congress.  The  same  General  Lee,  who  was  the  Governor 
'of  Virginia  and  the  congressional  eulogist  of  Washington, 
carried  the  effects  of  that  assault  to  his  grave  years  after- 
wards. It  was  seen  with  indignant  astonishment,  that  no 
reprobation  of  such  measures  came,  directly  or  indirectly, 
from  Mr.  Madison.  It  was  believed,  that  he  did  not  disap- 
prove of  them.  If  rumors  are  entitled  to  credit,  he  was 
given  to  understand,  that,  if  any  such  scenes  occurred  in  the 
city  of  Washington,  he  would  be  held  responsible  in  his 
own  person. 

These  are  no  fictions,  but  realities,  as  thousands  now  liv- 
ing can  testify.  Did  Mr.  Madison  mean  to  break  through 
all  constitutional  restraints,  and  establish  himself  as  a  tyrant 
over  his  fellow  citizens  ?  Not  at  all.  Mr.  Madison  was 
acting,  as  he  believed,  constitutionally  and  as  a  patriot.  It 
was  constitutional  and  patriotic  to  annihilate  the  natural 
and  determined  enemy  of  France  ;  and  to  silence  and  make 
odious  every  citizen  who  dared  to  say  it  was  not  so.  Mr. 
Madison  is  not  to  be  charged  with  tyranny,  nor  with  disre- 
garding the  constitution  and  laws  ;  but  he  is  to  be  held  up 
as  an  example,  and  a  terrible  one  too,  of  what  PARTY  may 
do  in  a  republic,  when  a  ruler  believes  that  THE  PEOPLE, 
(as  he  calls  them,)  will  sustain  him.  Mr.  Madison  has  been 
long  enough  at  leisure  to  review  his  political  career  again 
and  again ;  long  enough  for  the  mists  of  party  to  clear  away 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  279 

from  before  his  vision ;  long  enough  to  know,  if  he  looks  out 
upon  the  world,  how  some  of  his  opponents  lived,  and  what 
their  countrymen  did  in  honor  of  their  fame  ;  and  how  those 
who  yet  live  are  esteemed,  whom  he  called  traitors  and  en- 
emies of  his  country. 

The  conscientious  opponents  of  the  national  administra- 
tion had  reason  to  apprehend,  and  did  believe,  that  opposi- 
tion was  to  be  silenced  by  violence  and  terror  :  that  they 
were,  by  such  means,  to  be  deprived  of  the  right  of  judging 
for  themselves  of  the  wisdom,  fidelity,  and  purposes  of  their 
own  trustees  and  public  servants.  They  felt,  that  the  power, 
which  had  been  created  for  the  security  of  life,  person,  and 
property,  was  to  be  used  to  make  all  these  objects  secondary 
to  the  will  of  a  dominant  faction.  They  found  it  necessary 
to  combine  to  obtain  that  protection,  which  their  rulers 
seemed  voluntarily  to  have  withdrawn. 

For  such  reasons,  and  none  other,  they  associated  them- 
selves under  the  name  of  Washington  Benevolent  Societies 
throughout  the  state.  They  had  regular  meetings;  quar- 
terly addresses ;  and  annual  orations.  The  members  of 
this  society  in  Boston  were  of  all  the  various  classes.  The 
different  vocations  among  the  mechanics  had  their  respec- 
tive banners,  bearing  appropriate  emblems  of  their  callings ; 
there  were  other  banners  which  bore  the  insignia  of  peace, 
union,  fidelity,  and  patriotism.  In  the  annual  processions 
these  banners  were  carried  through  the  streets.  These 
societies  were  not  like  jacobin  clubs,  or  "  secret  societies," 
as  Washington  called  them,  instituted  to  overawe  the  govern- 
ment in  the  exercise  of  its  powers  ;  but  to  maintain  the  rights 
of  free  and  independent  citizens.  Not  a  sentiment  was 
ever  expressed,  in  these  societies,  inconsistent  with  the  alle- 
giance due  to  the  constitution  and  to  the  union.  On  the 
contrary,  there  is  no  doubt,  that  they  tended  to  preserve 
that  allegiance,  to  preserve  the  union,  and  sustain  the  com- 
munity through  its  discouraging  oppressions.  The  frowns 
and  attempts  of  the  war  party  to  make  these  societies  objects 
of  suspicion,  and  to  render  them  odious,  served  only  to 
strengthen  them,  and  convince  their  members  of  their  utility 
and  necessity.  If  the  day  shall  ever  come,  when  the  like 
perils  shall  overtake  the  good  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
let  them  remember  this  example.  When  the  causes  which 
produced  these  combinations  ceased,  these  also  ceased  ;  but 


280  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

their  banners  are  still  preserved ;  and  are  occasionally  pro- 
duced to  decorate  the  "  cradle  of  liberty." 


LETTER    LXIV. 

§  :,•  •  '• 

JANUARY  13,  1834. 

IN  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1812,  there  was  some 
reason  to  hope,  that  Mr.  Madison  had  become  sufficiently 
unpopular  by  his  war  measures,  to  lose  a  re-election.  De 
Witt  Clinton  was  then  a  person  of  some  distinction  in  the 
state  of  New  York.  He  had  expressed  his  detestation  of 
monocracy,  and  had  been  reprimanded  for  it  in  a  govern- 
ment paper.  Although  he  had  been  ranked  with  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  school,  yet,  as  he  had  indicated  his  dissatisfaction 
with  the  policy  of  Mr.  Madison,  it  was  hoped,  that  he  might 
be  elected  President.  Any  man,  that  could  have  been 
elected,  would  have  been  thought  by  the  federalists  prefer- 
able to  Mr.  Madison.  This  party  were  willing  to  combine 
with  any  portion  of  the  citizens,  who  were  willing  to  with- 
draw from  the  support  of  that  gentleman.  They  felt,  that 
any  change  must  be  for  the  better. 

Measures  were  taken  to  hold  a  convention  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  in  the  month  of  September,  1812.  No  con- 
vention was  ever  assembled  from  more  pure  and  patriotic 
motives,  nor  any,  whose  members  were  more  worthy  and 
respectable,  as  men  and  citizens.  Many  of  them  had  filled 
exalted  stations;  and  were  afterwards  honored  with  high 
confidence  by  their  fellow  citizens  and  by  executive  appoint- 
ment. If  this  page  should  ever  fall  under  the  eye  of  any 
surviving  member  of  that  assembly,  it  may  remind  him  of 
the  solemnity  and  dignity  of  the  proceedings  then  had  ;  he 
can  answer  for  himself  for  the  purity  and  patriotism  of  his 
own  motives  ;  he  will  remember  the  fervent  eloquence  there 
displayed ;  and  the  dreadful  apprehensions  then  entertained 
for  the  fate  of  his  country. 

This  convention  continued  three  days.  It  resolved  on 
supporting  De  Witt  Clinton,  as  the  best  chance  of  defeating 
Mr.  Madison's  election.  This  measure  was  adopted  with 
reluctance  by  some  who  were  present.  They  could  not 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  281 

overcome  the  repugnance  which  they  felt  to  supporting 
Mr.  Clinton  ;  there  were  others  who  feared,  that  he  had  not 
strength  and  popularity  enough,  in  his  own  state,  to  be 
successful.  A  large  majority  of  the  convention,  however, 
determined  on  making  the  proper  effort  to  elect  him.  All 
the  New  England  states,  (except  Vermont,)  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Tennessee,  and  Louisiana  voted  for 
Mr.  Clinton,  and  five  votes  out  of  eleven  in  Maryland,  were 
given  for  him  ;  eighty-nine  in  all.  Mr.  Madison  had  one 
hundred  and  twenty-eight ;  making  a  difference  of  thirty- 
nine.  But  the  Pennsylvania  votes  (twenty-one  in  number) 
having  been  rejected,  the  majority  was  reduced  to  eighteen. 
It  is  supposed,  that  with  a  better  management,  and  with  a 
candidate  more  attractive  than  Mr.  Clinton  may  have  been, 
Mr.  Madison's  election  might  have  been  defeated.  Under 
almost  any  other  President,  the  war  would  have  been  much 
shortened  ;  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  might  have 
escaped  a  portion  of  their  distress,  and  have  saved  many 
millions,  expended  almost  for  the  only  purpose  of  producing 
it. 

This  convention  consisted  of  seventy  members.  There 
were  from  Vermont,  two ;  from  New  Hampshire,  two ;  from 
Massachusetts,  eight ;  from  Rhode  Island,  three  ;  from  New 
York,  eighteen  ;  from  Connecticut,  six ;  from  New  Jersey, 
twelve  ;  from  Pennsylvania,  ten  ;  from  Delaware,  two ;  from 
Maryland,  three  ;  from  South  Carolina,  four. 


LETTER   LXV. 

JANUARY  15,  1834. 

As  before  remarked,  it  is  not  intended  to  follow  out  the 
naval  and  military  events  of  the  war.     These  will  be  found 
in  history  already  written,  which,  like  other  history,  delights  \ 
to  show  when  and  how  mortals  have  butchered  each  other.     ) 
When  war  exists,  those  who  are  to  do  the  fighting  are  not 
much  concerned  with  the  right  and  the  wrong  of  the  matter. 
Those  who  originate  the  war,  from  whatsoever  cause,  know, 
that   to  carry  it  on  and  fight  the  battles  is  resolved  into 
24* 


282  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

patriotism ;  and  that  whoever  is  opposed  to  it  is,  of  course, 
a  traitor. 

There  were  disasters,  and  some  reprehensible  measures, 
on  the  part  of  those  to  whom  the  belligerent  duties  were  as- 
signed. But  there  were,  also,  some  brilliant  achievements 
on  land  and  on  the  ocean,  and  especially  on  the  latter. 
The  navy  fought  itself  into  credit  and  renown,  at  home  and 
abroad;  and  has  most  deservedly  been,  ever  since,  a  favorite 
with  the  nation. 

But  the  war  went  on  heavily,  as  a  whole.     The  navy  was 
not  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  form  a  fleet,  excepting  on  the 
v, lakes;  the  regular  army  had  some  fine  officers,  and  some 
T  who  were  of  other  descriptions.     The  rank  and  file  were 
such,  probably,  as  other  armies  are  made  up  of;  but  they 
were  new  in  their  occupation,  and  few  of  them  had  ever 
seen  a  battle  when  they  enlisted.     The  militia  were  as  good 
as  such  forces  are  ever  expected  to  be  at  repelling  invasion  ; 
and  not  better  than   might  be  expected  in  the  serious  em- 
ployment of  conquest. 

Meanwhile  the  liberation  of  the  experienced  soldiery  of 

England,  from  European  contests,  permitted  them  to  appear 

von  our  shores  ;  and  our  gallant  little  navy  was  incompetent 

/  to  meet  a  foe  on  salt  water,   except  sometimes   in   single 

\  ships. 

As  was  foreseen,  the  treasury  was  soon  exhausted.     Al- 
most every  form  of  taxation  was  resorted  to.     It  soon  came 
to  the  necessity  of  issuing  paper  money   from  the  treasury, 
which  was  called   exchequer  bills.     These  rapidly  depreci- 
ated and  fell  to  twenty  per  cent,  below  their  nominal  value. 
/Capitalists  would  not  lend  money  to  carry  on  a  war  which 
they  considered   unnecessary  and   ruinous ;    and   they  were 
\iSeverely  reproached  because  they  would  not.     The  enemy 
were  now   strong  enough  with  fleets,  to  blockade   all  the 
/  great  ports  of  the  continent ;    and  had  troops  enough  to 
/  harass  the  whole  sea  coast,  from  the  British  Provinces  to  the 
^  Mississippi.      That  great  resource  which  "  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  "  (as  Mr.  Randolph  said)  relied  on,  was 
not  found  so  effectual   as  had  been   anticipated.     "  Priva- 
teering "  was  not  much   approved  of,  and  but  few  engaged 
in  it.     But  few  of  those  who  did  so  engage  grew  rich  from 
their  adventures. 

Thus,  in  less  than  two  years,  Mr.  Madison  and  his  co- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  283 

patriots  had  reduced  this  whole  country  to  a  state  of  misery 
and  degradation,  much  resembling  that  which  it  experienced 
at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war. 

In  this  state  of  things,  bereft  as  the  administration  was  of 
the  confidence  of  the  country,  and  absolutely  bankrupt  in 
resources,  a  measure  was  devised  to  command  men,  for 
naval  and  land  service,  which  was  as  unconstitutional  and 
as  abhorrent  to  the  feelings  of  the  citizens,  as  the  condition 
of  our  rulers  was  desperate.  Mr.  Madison  directed  his 
Secretary  of  State,  (and  Secretary  of  War  pro  tern,  on  dis- 
missing incompetent  men  in  that  office,)  Mr.  Monroe,  to  pro- 
pose to  Congress  a  system  of  impressment  more  odious,  than 
was  ever  known  in  England,  and  a  conscription  more  shock- 
ing, than  had  ever  been  experienced  in  France.  It  seems 
to  have  been  no  objection,  in  the  minds  of  these  gentlemen, 
that  their  system  would  have  demolished  by  one  and  the 
same  blow,  the  personal  rights  of  the  citizen,  the  rights  of 
property,  and  the  provisions  for  the  security  of  these,  in  the 
constitutions,  both  state  and  national.  The  true  character 
of  this  measure  is  disclosed  in  "  Dwight's  History  of  the 
Hartford  Convention,"  pages  311-336.  Every  American 
citizen  ought  to  study  this,  to  know  what  the  rulers  of  a 
republic  can  sometimes  dare  to  do.  The  Congress  of  that 
day,  submissive  as  it  was  to  the  will  of  the  Executive,  or 
submissive  as  the  Executive  may  have  been  to  its  will, 
(as  the  truth  may  be,)  had  not  the  hardihood  to  give  to 
this  proposal  the  form  of  law ;  though  it  came  near  to  that 
point. 

Congress  was  called  together  by  the  President,  on  the 
19th  of  September,  (1814.)  The  message  disclosed  the 
deplorable  state  of  the  country,  as  to  credit  and  force  to 
carry  on  the  war,  and  called  on  Congress  to  exert  all  its 
energies.  Congress  inquired  of  Mr.  Monroe,  then  lately 
appointed  (or  acting)  Secretary  of  War,  what  he  had  to 
propose.  It  was  not  until  the  17th  of  October,  that  he 
presented  his  conscription  plan.  This  was  made  public, 
and  was  as  thoroughly  discussed  out  of  Congress,  as  by  its 
members.  Eighty  thousand  men  were  by  a  law  proposed 
by  Mr.  Giles,  to  be  submitted  to  the  conscription,'  probably 
as  the  first  call.  The  law  passed  the  House,  84  to  72 ;  the 
term  of  service  to  be  one  year  ;  and  that  the  President 
might  call  directly  on  the  militia  officers  for  the  men,  in  case 


284  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

the  governors  of  states  refused,  on  request  of  the  President, 
to  detach  and  surrender  the  required  number. 

The  Senate  insisted,  that  the  term  of  service  should  be 
two  years,  and  that  the  President  should  not  have  the  power 
to  call  on  the  militia  officers,  if  the  governors  of  states 
refused  to  comply  with  his  call.  So  the  two  branches  dis- 
agreed. When  the  subject  came  again  before  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Rufus  King  moved  to  postpone  the  bill  to  the  second 
Monday  of  March,  (a  day  beyond  that  at  which  the  session 
/was  to  close,)  which  was  carried,  14  to  13.  Thus  nar- 
/  rowly  did  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  escape  the 
\  conscription. 

It  is  highly  probable,  that,  if  it  had  been  attempted  to  en- 

'   force  the  system  of  impressment  and  military  conscription, 

.  by  law,  the  government  would  have  come  to  an  end.     The 

citizens  of  the  United  States  could  not,  and  would  not  have 

submitted  themselves  to  its  operation. 

It  is  a  long  time  since  military  conscription  was  familiarly 
spoken  of  in  this  country.  As  some  future  administration 
may  venture  on  the  like  measure,  it  may  not  be  useless  to 
speak  of  it  briefly,  as  it  existed  in  France,  from  which 
country  it  was  undoubtedly  borrowed,  to  be  applied  to  our 
own. 

The  world  had,  for  a  long  time,  regarded  with  terror  and 
f  abhorrence  the  military  ascendency  of  France.  It  was 
seen,  that  French  armies  were  every  where  victorious  by  the 
combination  of  skill  and  numbers.  Skill  could  be  accounted 
for.  Young  and  ambitious  generals,  called  to  command  in 
right  of  talents,  and  not  of  family,  or  princely  favor,  could 
hazard  life,  and  make  their  followers  emulate  their  example  ; 
and  numbers,  thoroughly  drilled  and  animated  by  French 
enthusiasm,  could  do  all  that  was  required  for  conquest. 
But  how  these  myriads  were  drawn  forth  was  not  so  easily 
understood. 

To  Mr.  Robert  Walsh,  now  of  Philadelphia,  must  be 
given  the  honor  of  having  disclosed  to  Europe,  as  well  as  to 
his  own  country,  the  true  causes  of  the  military  power  of 
France.  When  Mr.  Walsh  was  yet  a  very  young  man,  he 
had  diligently  investigated  the  origin  and  character  of  this 
power,  and  published  the  result  in  the  Edinburgh  Review 
in  the  year  1809.  This  essay  was  sufficiently  attractive  to 
have  been  translated  into  all  the  languages  of  Europe. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  285 

After  Mr.  Walsh  returned  to  the  United  States,  he  published 
another  work  early  in  1812,  entitled  "  A  Letter  on  the  Ge- 
"  nius  and  Dispositions  of  the  French  Government,  including 
"  a  View  of  the  Taxation  of  the  French  Empire." 

This  production  was  also  translated  into  all  the  languages 
of  Europe.  Several  editions  of  both  works  were  published 
in  the  United  States.  Before  these  labors  of  Mr.  Walsh 
were  thus  published  and  made  known,  there  was  an  unde- 
fined terror  of  French  power,  which  made  a  war  with  Eng- 
land exceedingly  dreaded,  because  an  inevitable  conse- 
quence was  held  to  be  an  alliance  with  France.  When  the 
pages  of  Mr.  Walsh  had  been  read,  contrary  to  the  common 
maxim,  that  undefined  apprehension  is  more  terrific  than  the 
reality,  it  was  made  clear  to  every  thoughtful  mind,  that 
nothing  which  had  been  imagined  of  the  fraud  and  force  of 
France  had  come  even  near  to  the  truth.  An  edition  of 
Mr.  Walsh's  exposition  of  France  was  published  by  subscrip- 
tion in  Massachusetts,  to  be  circulated  gratis,  so  that  the 
people  might  judge  of  the  sort  of  dominion  under  which  they 
were  sure  to  come,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  England. 

Mr.  John  Howard,  son  of  Governor  Howard  of  Maryland, 
also  published  a  work  on  French  conscription.  This  work 
shows,  what  Mr.  Madison,  as  President,  and  Mr.  Monroe, 
his  Secretary,  really  intended,  and  desired  to  impose  on 
their  fellow-citizens,  in  the  form  of  military  conscription  for 
the  conquest  of  Canada.  But  then  it  should  be  remembered 
not  only,  that  the  free  citizens  of  America  were  to  endure  all 
the  miseries  to  which  French  population  were  subjected,  but 
also,  that  the  proposed  system  here  was  most  obviously  a 
mere  tyranny,  and  amounted  to  an  absolute  repeal  of  all 
constitutional  security. 

Whenever  the  measures  of  government  are  such  as  to 
come  home  to  daily  bread  and  to  personal  liberty,  Americans 
will  stop  to  inquire,  and  will  not  be  contented  with  any 
thing  short  of  the  truth.  This  odious  conscription  was  thor- 
oughly understood.  If  it  had  assumed  the  form  of  law,  and 
if  it  had  been  attempted  to  enforce  that  law,  no  doubt  the 
citizens  would  have  armed  and  might  have  marched  ;  but 
not,  it  is  believed,  to  Canada. 


286  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 


LETTER    LXVI. 

JANUARY  19,  1834. 

IN  the  summer  of  the  year  1814,  the  enemy  had  taken 
possession  of  so  much  of  the  state  of  Maine,  as  extends  from 
the  British  provinces  to  the  Penobscot ;  and  had  absolute 
command  in  all  the  neighbouring  waters.  The  head-quar- 
ters of  the  enemy  were  at  Castine  ;  and  one  frigate  ventured 
to  ascend  quite  up  to  Bangor.  It  is  believed,  that  there  was 
not  a  single  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  any 
where  within  the  limits  of  New  England,  unless  towards  the 
northern  frontier.  It  was  rumored  and  believed,  that  a 
British  force  was  about  to  embark  in  England  and  Ireland, 
under  the  command  of  General  Hi}l,  for  the  special  purpose 
of  invading  New  England.  The  troops  thus  expected  had 
been  in  the  battles  of  Europe,  and  were  likely  to  be  very 
unwelcome  visiters. 

Governor  Strong  was  advised  by  his  Council,  to  call  the 
legislature  together,  and  to  lay  before  them  the  state  of  the 
country.  The  leading  men  who  were  to  be  present  in  the 
legislature,  and  others,  whose  judgment  was  respected,  fre- 
quently compared  opinions  on  the  deplorable  condition  to 
which  the  country  was  reduced,  and  on  the  possible  means 
of  resisting  invasion,  and  securing  themselves,  their  families, 
and  fellow-citizens  from  the  evils  which  were  impending. 

Utterly  abandoned  as  New  England  was  by  the  national 
government,  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  use  its  own 
means  of  protection.  The  general  sentiment  was,  that  the 
New  England  states  must  combine  to  save  themselves,  by 
their  own  force  and  resources,  from  becoming  a  conquered 
country.  The  terror  of  the  conscription  system,  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  terror  of  invasion,  on  the  other,  had  produced 
a  popular  excitement,  which  made  it  inevitable,  that  some- 
thing must  be  done  under  state  authority,  to  prevent  evils, 
the  consequences  of  which  could  be  more  easily  dreaded, 
than  remedied  when  present. 

Under  such  circumstances,  the  legislature  assembled. 
After  the  most  serious  deliberation,  it  was  resolved,  that  as 
the  perils,  to  which  Massachusetts  was  subjected,  were  com- 
mon to  all  the  New  England  maritime  states,  that  a  common 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  287 

f- 

cause  should  be  made  among  them  all ;  and  that  to  effect 
this  object,  delegates  should  be  invited  to  assemble  at  Hart- 
ford  on  the  15th  day  of  December  following  ;  and  that 
reports  should  be  made  to  the  legislatures  of  their  respective 
states. 

The  members  of  this  convention,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Dwight, 
in  page  351  of  his  work,  were  these  :  From  Massachusetts, 
George  Cabot,  Nathan  Dane,  William  Prescott,  Harrison 
Gray  Otis,  Timothy  Bigelow,  Joshua  Thomas,  Samuel 
Sumner  Wilde,  Joseph  Lyman,  George  Bliss,  Stephen 
Longfellow,  jr.,  Daniel  Waldo,  and  Hodijah  Baylies.  From 
Connecticut,  Chauncey  Goodrich,  John  Treadwell,  James 
Hillhouse,  Zephaniah  Swift,  Nathaniel  Smith,  Calvin  God- 
dard,  and  Roger  Minot  Sherman.  From  Rhode  Isla 
Daniel  Lyman,  Samuel  Ward,  Edward  Manton,  and  Benja- 
min  Hazard.  From  New  Hampshire,  Benjamin  West,  and 
Mills  Olcott.  From  Vermont,  William  Hall,  jr.  The  three 
last  members  were  chosen  by  local  conventions,  and  not  by 
legislative  authority. 

[The  appearance  of  Mr.  Theodore  Dwight's  History  of 
the  Hartford  Convention  has  diminished  the  number  of 
pages  originally  intended  for  this  volume.  Some  materials 
which  would  have  been  used  have  been  so  much  better  used 
by  him,  than  they  could  have  been  on  this  occasion,  that 
whoever  desires  the  most  accurate  information  on  the  train 
of  events  which  led  to  the  necessity  of  a  convention,  will  be 
sure  to  find  it  in  Mr.  Dwight's  volume.  Some  reference 
must  be  made  to  the  same  events,  to  connect  the  general 
course  of  things,  but  in  a  very  brief  manner.] 

The  History  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  published  by 
Theodore  Dwight,  is  a  triumphant  vindication  of  the  con- 
duct and  character  of  the  opposition  in  New  England. 
Every  position  assumed  by  this  writer,  in  relation  to  the 
ruinous  party  measures  of  the  administration,  is  proved  by 
documents  proceeding  from  that  administration.  Every  po- 
sition assumed  in  relation  to  the  patriotism  of  the  members 
of  this  opposition,  to  their  fidelity  to  the  constitution,  and 
attachment  to  the  Union,  is  proved  by  documents  which  no 
perversion  of  party  zeal,  no  effort  at  popular  delusion,  can 
ever  discredit.  All  his  positions  are  sustained  by  a  clear 
and  cogent  course  of  argument,  which,  while  it  confers  a 
lasting  honor  on  the  writer,  will  carry  conviction  to  all 


288  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

honest  and  impartial  minds,  in  generations  to  come.  This 
writer  is  also  sustained  by  the  character,  the  conduct,  and 
the  lives  of  the  men  who  constituted  the  leaders  of  opposition, 
and  who  gave  to  all  opposition  its  tone. 

To  those  who  read  and  think,  to  all  who  sincerely  support 
pure  republican  government,  to  all  who  believe,  that  such 
government  can  be  secured  only  by  a  just  and  faithful  exer- 
cise of  state  and  national  authority,  Mr.  Dwight's  volume  is 
earnestly  recommended. 

The  positions  which  Mr.  Dwight  has  assumed  and 
proved  to  all  men,  who  can  divest  themselves  of  party  pre- 
judice, are  the  following : 

First.  From  the  time  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  first  appearance 
in  the  national  government  until  he  left  it,  he  was  disposed 
to  favor  France  and  to  prostrate  England ;  and  that  he 
used  all  the  powers  confided  to  him  to  these  ends,  however 
sincere  and  honest  he  may  have  been  in  the  prosecution  of 
such  policy. 

Secondly.  That  Mr.  Madison  was  not  only  his  successor, 
but  the  faithful  promoter  of  the  same  policy,  and  from  the 
same  motives. 

Thirdly.  That  Mr.  Madison  fostered  all  the  causes  of 
hostility  which  existed  between  the  United  States  and  Eng- 
land ;  while  he  either  overlooked,  or  tolerated  far  greater 
aggressions  on  the  part  of  France,  than  England  ever  com- 
mitted in  retaliation  of  French  measures. 

Fourthly.  That  Mr  Madison,  in  his  first  presidential 
term,  recommended  a  declaration  of  war  against  England, 
either  because  he  approved  of  that  measure  himself;  or 
because  he  was  assured,  that,  if  he  did  not  recommend  it, 
he  could  not  be  elected  a  second  time. 

Fifthly.  That  the  real  causes  of  the  war  were  the 
motives  before  stated,  while  the  ostensible  causes  of  the 
war  were  the  orders  in  council  and  the  impressment  of 
seamen. 

Sixthly.  That  the  time  chosen  for  this  declaration  was 
one,  in  which  the  great  cities  of  the  Atlantic  shore  were  not 
provided  with  defence  ;  when  there  was  no  source  of  revenue 
but  commerce,  which  war  would  annihilate ;  when  there 
was  a  maritime  force  too  small  to  deserve  that  name,  com- 
pared with  the  like  force  of  the  enemy  ;  and  when  there 
were  no  land  forces,  but  such  as  could  be  had  from  the 
militia  and  from  hurried  enlistment. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  289 

Seventhly.  That  the  time  chosen  for  this  declaration 
was  that,  when  Napoleon  was  on  the  march  to  subdue  the 
only  power  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  which  had  resisted 
his  measures  for  the  subjugation  of  England  ;  and  who  mov- 
ed with  a  force  so  commanding,  as  seemed  to  bid  defiance 
to  the  fortunes  of  war  and  the  reverses  of  unforeseen  events. 

Eighthly.  That  the  first  effort,  in  the  prosecution  of  this 
offensive  war,  was  an  unconstitutional  demand  on  the  gover- 
nors of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  for  bodies  of  militia, 
not  to  repel  invasion,  but  to  make  a  conquest. 

Ninthly.  That  the  territory  intended  to  be  conquered 
was  the  Canadas ;  that  this  measure  wa*s  persevered  in 
throughout  the  war ;  that  the  sea-coast  was  left  defenceless 
by  the  administration,  and  that  these  causes  led  to  a  defen- 
sive war,  in  which  a  portion  of  our  own  territory  was  con- 
quered. 

Tenthly.  That  the  administration  became  destitute  of 
resources  ;  was  compelled  to  resort  to  oppressive  taxation  ; 
to  issue  paper  money  which  depreciated  twenty  per  cent.  ; 
and  that  its  credit  was  too  much  impaired,  to  have  carried 
on  even  a  defensive  war,  if  the  New  England  states  had  not 
interposed  their  credit  and  physical  force,  under  their  own 
authority,  to  defend  themselves  and  their  own  homes. 

Eleventhly.  That  the  war  assumed  a  vindictive  and  fe- 
rocious character ;  and  that  the  only  alternative  which  the 
government  could  discern  was  to  propose  CONSCRIPTION 
and  IMPRESSMENT. 

Twelfthly.  That  in  this  extremity  of  distress,  three  of 
the  New  England  states,  by  the  act  of  their  legislatures, 
ordered  a  convention  of  delegates,  —  for  what?  Not  to  dis- 
solve the  Union,  not  to  oppose  the  administration,  but  to  be 
permitted  to  employ,  under  the  sanction  of  the  United  States, 
their  own  credit  and  their  own  physical  force,  in  defence  of 
their  own  territory,  property,  and  fire-sides  ;  duties  which 
constitutionally  belonged  to  the  national  government,  but 
which  that  government  had  first  neglected,  and  then  became 
unable  to  perform. 

Lastly.  This  convention,  smarting  under  the  perversion 
of  constitutional  power,  properly  took  that  occasion  to  pro- 
pose some  amendments  of  the  constitution,  and  among 
others,  such  as  might  prevent  the  recurrence  of  commercial 
restrictions,  and  the  presence  of  desolating  war,  by  the  vote 
25 


290  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

of  a  bare  majority  in  the  two  branches  of  Congress ;  and 
the  assent  of  one  man  exercising  executive  power. 


,fund 


LETTER   LXVII. 

JANUARY  24,  1834. 

THE  Hartford  Convention  was  a  rich  and  inexhaustible 
of  abuse  and  crimination,  for  many  years.      Those 
persons,  who  knew  the  least  of  the  causes  which  led  to  it, 
|    and  nothing  of  the  motives  of  those  who  were  its  members, 
V,  were  the  most  busy,  and  the  most  malignant  calumniators. 
It  is  now  mere  matter  of  history.     Its  members  and  their 
associates  are,  mostly,  beyond  the  hearing  of  earthly  cen- 
sure, or  praise  ;  and  those  who  survive  have  nothing  to  hope, 
or  to  fear  from  their    fellow-citizens,  connected  with  this 
subject.     But  they  have,  themselves,  some  interest  in  that 
t    impartial  judgment  of  posterity,  for   which    Mr.   Jefferson 
has  taken  such  unfortunate  measures  to  prepare  himself. 

Perhaps  such  of  that  posterity,  as  care  to  know  anything 
of  gone  by  events  and  persons,  will  review  the  first  twelve 
years,  and  the  next  sixteen  years,  of  the  national  administra- 
tion.    Perhaps  some  of  their  number  will  read  Mr.  Dwight's 
book.     Perhaps  they  will  know  the  real   and  hopeless  dis- 
tress, to  which  Mr.  Madison  had   reduced  New  England. 
Perhaps  they  will  discern  the  true  political  character  of  those 
who  made  the  war,  and  of  those  who  proposed,  held,  or  ap- 
proved of  the  convention.     History  is  said  to  be  little  declar- 
ative of  real  motives  —  and  that  those   of  one   generation 
cannot  be  well  instructed  in  facts,  as  they  occurred  among 
former  ones.     But  if  history  does  not  make  extraordinary 
blunders  on  this  subject,  it  may  perhaps  be  received  as  truth, 
j    that   the  Hartford   Convention  did  much   to  preserve  the 
v'Union,  and  nothing  towards  dissolving  it.     It  may  also  be 
f  believed,  that  if  that  spirit,  out  of  which  the   convention 
•     arose,  had  not  been  manifested,  this  country  would,  in  Mr. 
Madison's  time,   have  submitted  to  a  despotism,  which   it 
could  not  have  shaken  off  but  "  through  blood  and  slaugh- 
ter," as  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  in  recovering  not  "  long  lost," 
but  very  lately  lost  "  liberty." 


*         ^ 
ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  291 

It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  these  historical  students  will  know, 
that  the  alleged  causes  of  the  war  were  the  orders  in  coun- 
cil and  impressment ;  that  the  former  were  in  fact  repealed 
six  days  after  the  declaration  of  war  ;  that  Mr.  Madison 
refused  an  armistice  proposed  by  admiral  Berkeley,  after  he 
knew  of  the  repeal ;  that  he  carried  on  a  war,  much  more 
against  his  own  country,  in  effect,  than  against  the  enemy, 
for  two  years,  to  maintain  the  principle  of  protecting  all 
who  sail  under  the  American  merchant  flag ;  a  principle 
which  he  well  knew  England  would  concede,  as  soon  as 
Mr.  Jefferson  could  leave  his  "  clover  fields "  to  have  the\ 
pleasure  of  dining  with  Mons.  Le  General  Pichegru  in  Lon- 
don, (see  his  3d  vol.  p.  314,)  and  not  a  moment  sooner. 

It  will  not  be  overlooked  either,  that  the  diplomatic  in- 
structions to  the  peace-makers  gradually  declined  from  a 
high  tone  of  demand,  to  the  simple  command  —  Makepeace  -. 
at  all    events.     Peace  was  made ;    and  nothing   else  wag   • 
made,  during  the  two  years  that  preceded  it,  but  distress, 
calamity,  and  debt,  excepting  that  there  was  proof  enough 
made,  that  Americans  can  fight,  when  they  are  properly  "^ 
called  on  to  engage  in  that  business.     The  matter  of  En-    j 
glish  impressment  remains  just  where  it  was,  when  the  na- 
tional government  was  instituted,  excepting  only,  that  it  may 
be  somewhat  the  worse  for  the  war. 

The  concerns  of  this  world  are  too  insignificant,  in  the '  - 
view  of  any  rational  man,  to  be  intentionally  misrepresented, 
when  all  his  connexion  with  them  is  soon  to  end.  If  any 
injustice  has  been  done  to  Mr.  Madison  in  these  remarks,  it 
is  not  intended.  He  was  Mr.  Jefferson's  friend  and  associ- 
ate, in  their  joint  views  of  federalism.  If,  in  defending  the 
fame  of  men  as  honest,  as  wise,  and  patriotic,  as  either 
Mr.  Madison,  or  Mr.  Jefferson,  will  hereafter  be  considered 
to  have  been,  some  painful  truths  must  be  asserted,  it  is  the 
necessity  of  the  case,  and  not  the  gratification  of  any  un- 
worthy feeling,  that  calls  for  them.  The  people  of  this 
country  are  deeply  interested  to  know  what  sort  of  public 
agents  and  servants,  in  high  places,  they  have  had,  that 
they  may  make  their  own  comparisons,  and  judge  correctly 
of  present  and  of  future  ones,  as  they  successively  arise. 


292  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


LETTER    LXVIII. 

JANUARY  27,  1834. 

THE  convention  was  in  session  from  the  15th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1814,  to  the  5th  of  January  following.  It  sat  with 
closed  doors,  and  no  information  was  given,  by  any  of  its 
members,  while  sitting,  of  the  measures  which  were  dis- 
cussed. This  secrecy  was  construed  to  mean,  most  treason- 
able designs,  and  all  the  friends  of  the  administration  were 
industrious  to  have  the  matter  so  understood.  To  the 
opponents  of  the  administration,  who  knew  the  men  there 
assembled,  and  knew  also,  that  they  could  listen  to  no 
counsels,  nor  propose,  nor  adopt  any  measures  inconsistent 
with  duty,  self-respect,  and  sober  wisdom,  the  secrecy  was 
in  no  wise  alarming,  but,  on  the  contrary,  satisfying  and 
consolatory. 

The  only  measure,  which  the  legislatures  of  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  thought  it  necessary  immediately  to 
adopt,  on  receiving  the  report  of  the  convention,  was  to 
send  commissioners  to  Washington.  Harrison  G.  Otis, 
Thomas  H.  Perkins,  and  William  Sullivan  were  sent  from 
Massachusetts ;  Nathaniel  Terry  and  Calvin  Goddard  from 
Connecticut.  The  nature  of  their  duties  and,  in  effect,  the 
whole  mischief  of  the  Hartford  Convention  may  be  truly 
understood  by  this  extract  from  the  commission  : 

"  To  make  earnest  and   respectful  application  to  the  gov- 

"  ernment  of  the  United  States,  requesting  their  consent  to 

"  some    arrangement  whereby  the  state  of  Massachusetts, 

"  separately,  or  in  concert  with  neighbouring  states,  may  be 

"  enabled  to  assume  the  defence  of  their  territories  against 

"  the  enemy  ;  and  that  to  this  end  a  reasonable  portion  of 

"  the  taxes,  collected  within  said  states,  may  be  paid  into  the 

'  respective  treasuries  thereof,  and  appropriated  to  the  pay- 

'  ment  of  the  balance  due  to  the  said  states  and  to  the 

'  future  defence  of  the  same  ;  the  amount  so  paid   into  the 

'  treasuries  to  be  credited,  and  the  disbursements  so  made 

'  to  be  charged  to  the  United  States."     The  commissioners 

were  further  required,  "  to  consult  with  and  to  solicit  the 

"  assistance  and  co-operation  of  the  senators  and  representa- 

"tives  of  this  Commonwealth  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 

"  States." 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  293 

This  commision  was  dated  the  31st  of  January,  1815. 
The  commissioners  had  just  arrived  at  Washington  about  the  -^ 
middle  of  February,  when  the  news  of  peace  was  received 
at  that  place.  The  joy  was  universal  and  unalloyed  ;  and 
if  greater  among  any  one  class  than  another,  it  was  so 
among  administration  men,  who  saw  before  them  not  only 
peace,  but  the  prospect  of  retaining  their  power. 

In  proof  of  the  propriety  of  the  measures  adopted  by  New 
England,  and  of  the  desperate  condition  in  which  the  ad- 
ministration found  itself,  it  should  be  added,  that  a  bill  had 
been  introduced,  at  the  session  of  the  existing  Congress,  to 
authorize  the  several  states  to  take  measures  to  DEFEND 
themselves.  This  was  the  principle  object  of  the  Hartford 
Convention.  As  the  conscription  had  been  defeated,  there 
is  little  doubt,  that  such  authority  would  have  been  given  to 
the  states,  if  the  war  had  continued. 

So  general  and  heartfelt  was  the  joy  at  being  at  peace 
again,  that  celebrations  were  had  in  all  the  cities,  in  which 
both  sexes,  all  ages,  and  all  parties  united  with  the  strongest  ^ 
enthusiasm.  There  were  splendid  processions,  bonfires,  and 
illuminations,  as  though  the  independence  of  the  country 
had  been  a  second  time  achieved. 

There  was  too  universal  and  too  sincere  a  joy,  on  the 
restoration  of  peace,  to  allow  of  comment  on  Mr.  Madison's 
self-congratulatory  address  to  Congress,  announcing  the 
treaty,  concluded  at  Ghent  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814, 
by  Albert  Gallatin,  James  A.  Bayard,  John  Q.  Adams, 
Henry  Clay,  and  Jonathan  Russell,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  Lord  Gambier,  Henry  Gouldburn,  and  William 
Adams,  on  the  part  of  England. 

On  this  occasion  Mr.  Madison  said,  among  other  things, 

"  I  lay  before  Congress  the  treaty,  &c. ;  while  performing 
"  this  act,  I  congratulate  you  and  our  constituents  upon  an 
"  event  which  is  highly  honorable  to  the  nation,  and  ter- 
"  minates,  with  peculiar  felicity,  a  campaign  signalized  with 
"  the  most  brilliant  successes. 

"  The  late  war,  although  reluctantly  declared  by  Con- 
"  gress,  had  become  a  necessary  resort,  to  assert  the  rights 
"  and  independence  of  the  nation.  It  has  been  waged  with 
"  a  success,  which  is  the  natural  result  of  the  wisdom  of  the 
"  legislative  counsels,  of  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  of  the 
"  public  spirit  of  the  militia,  and  of  the  valor  of  the  military 
25* 


294  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

1  and  naval  forces  of  the  country.  Peace,  at  all  times  a 
'  blessing,  is  peculiarly  welcome,  therefore,  at  a  period 
'  when  the  causes  of  the  war  have  ceased  to  operate, 
(  when  the  government  has  demonstrated  the  efficiency 
'  of  its  powers  of  ^/"  DEFENCE,  and  when  the  nation  can 
'  review  its  conduct  without  regret  and  without  reproach." 

It  would  not  be  difficult  to  make  a  version  of  this  congrat- 
ulatory message,  partaking,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  serious 
and  the  ludicrous.  But  the  high  esteem  and  respect,  in 

r  which  Mr.  Madfson  is  held  by  most  of  his  countrymen,  are  a 
very  sufficient  reason  for  not  doing  it.  In  truth,  the  main 
-5»-object  of  these  pages  (as  has  been  more  than  once  acknowl- 
edged) is  to  weigh  the  worth  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  evidence 
against  a  numerous  body  of  his  fellow  citizens,  a  purpose  not 
to  be  effected  without  investigating  his  own  worth  and  the 
value  of  his  services.  No  such  motive  is  felt  towards  Mr. 
Madison,  who  has  not  appeared  as  a  calumniator  of  his  fel- 
low citizens,  except  in  a  single  instance.  How  Mr.  Madison 
could  have  conceived  the  American  public  would  credit  that 
purchased  renegade,  John  Henry ;  and  what  Mr.  Madison 
saw  in  that  man's  disclosures,  which  warranted  him  to  pro- 
claim the  existence  of  crimes,  which,  if  real,  would  have 
deserved  a  halter,  we  leave  to  Mr.  Madison  to  explain.  He 
included  in  his  comprehensive  denunciation  many  men  as 
honorable,  as  wise,  and  as  patriotic  as  any  discerning  and 
impartial  historian  will  consider  him  to  have  been.  With 
this  exception,  we  know  not,  that  Mr.  Madison  departed  from 
the  dignity  implied  in  being  the  President  of  a  whole  peo- 
ple, by  stooping  to  traduce  and  vilify  a  portion  of  them. 
Mr.  Jefferson  stands  in  a  very  different  light  in  this  sort  of 
odious  offence.  He  not  only  descended  to  the  lowest  calum- 
nies in  his  life  time,  but  provided  for  the  republication  of 
them  when,  he  knew,  that  he  could  not  be  called  to  account. 
If  Mr.  Madison  had  not  been  so  intimately  associated 
with  all  Mr.  Jefferson's  public  policy,  as  to  identify  his  own 
therewith,  the  present  might  not  be  a  proper  occasion  for 
even  adverting  to  the  talents  and  integrity  of  Mr.  Madison, 
as  a  statesman.  We  should  have  left  this  gentleman  to  be 
dealt  with  in  the  tribunal  of  history.  Nor  is  it  now  expedi- 
ent to  do  more,  than  suggest  the  questions  to  which  some 
future  historian  may  think  it  his  duty  to  furnish  the  proper 
answers. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  295 

1.  Why  did  Mr.  Madison,  after  having  been  among  the 
ablest  of  the  able  men  who  framed  the  federal  constitution  ; 
after  having  been  the  associate  of  Jay  and  Hamilton  in  com- 
mending it  to  public  favor  ;  and   after  faithfully   advocating 
its  adoption  by  the  Convention  of  Virginia,  become  the  lead- 
er of  opposition  to  the  administration  of  that  very   system 
under  Washington  ? 

2.  Why  did  Mr.  Madison  frame  and  present  his  famous 
resolutions  in  January  1794,  based  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  com- 
mercial report,  designed   to  hamper  the  commerce  of  this 
country  with  one   nation,  and  to  restrict  it  to   a  disadvan- 
tageous intercourse  with  another  ? 

3.  Did,  or  did  not,  Mr.  Madison,  under  the  seductive  and 
persuasive  influences    of  Mr.  Jefferson,  desire  to    see  this 
country  depart  from  neutrality,  and  engage  in  the  wars  of 
Europe  on  the  side  of  the  French  republic  1 

4.  Did  Mr.  Madison  know  and   approve  of  the  investiga- 
tion,  instituted  by  Giles,  Monroe,  and  Venables,  into  the 
official  conduct  of  his  former  associate,  Hamilton  ? 

5.  Did  Mr.  Madison  know  and  approve  of  his  friend  Jef- 
ferson's patronage  of  Jacobin  clubs ;  and  of  his  nullifying 
doctrines  expressed  in  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolu- 
tions of  1798? 

6.  Was  Mr.  Madison  the  friend  and  counsellor  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,   (when  Secretary  of  State  from  March,  1801,  to 
March,  1809,)  and  did  he  approve  of  all  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
did  as  President  in  these  eight  years  1     Did  he  advise  to  the 
exercise  of  executive  power,  to  convert  the  government  into 
an  exclusive  party  machinery  ;  —  to  diminish  the  judicial 
power;  —  to   substitute  gun  boats  for  a  navy;  —  to  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana?     Was  fear  of  or  favor  to  Napoleon, 
among  the  motives  1  —  to  the  gift  of  two  millions  to  Napo- 
leon ;  —  to  the  course  of  restrictions  on  commerce,  and  to 
its  annihilation  by  embargo  ;  —  and  to  the  tyranny  of  the 
enforcing  law  ? 

7.  Why  did  Mr.  Madison  plunge  this  country  into  war, 
when  he  knew  it  to  be  wholly  unprepared  for  an  appeal  to 
arms  ? 

8.  Why  did  he  refuse  an  armistice,  when  the  cost  and 
calamities  of  war  could  have  been  thereby  prevented  ? 

9.  Why  did  he  persevere  in  the  war  after  the  pacification 
in  Europe  of  1814?  was  it  to  settle,  by  war,  the  question  of 


296  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

impressment?  What  did  Mr.  Madison,  or  Mr.  Jefferson 
really  care  for  seamen,  ships,  and  commerce  ? 

Such  and  many  similar  questions  some  future  historian 
will  discuss,  to  show  the  value  of  Mr.  Madison's  integrity 
and  talents,  as  a  public  man.  But  he  will  also  consider  the 
close  intimacy  of  this  gentleman  with  Thomas  Jefferson ; 
he  will  not  overlook  the  peculiarly  disturbed  state  of  the 
civilized  world  at  this  time ;  nor  how  difficult  it  is  to 
govern  in  a  country,  where  the  press  is  free,  and  where 
there  are  exasperated  parties.  The  historian  will  heed  also 
how  diseased  the  perceptions  of  great  men  may  be, 
when  they  are  ambitious  and  subjected  to  the  dominion  of 
party  ;  nor  will  he,  if  deserving  the  trust  which  he  assumes, 
forget  that  the  station  of  a  popular  ruler  is  exceedingly 
arduous  at  all  times,  and  that  he  needs  especially  that 
charity  which  few  public  men,  or  any  others,  have  not 
needed. 

The  future  historian  will  turn  with  pleasure  to  those 
parts  of  Mr.  Madison's  character,  which  all  virtuous  and 
intelligent  Americans  ought  to  respect  him  for ;  amongst 
others,  for  his  services  in  framing  and  commending  the 
constitution ;  for  his  conduct  as  chief  magistrate,  after  the 
affairs  of  Europe  took  that  turn  which  enabled  him  to 
escape  from  the  toils  in  which  Jefferson  had  entwined  him ; 
for  his  independence  and  good  sense  in  establishing  a  na- 
tional bank.*  He  will  honor  Mr.  Madison  for  having  re- 

*  The  charter  of  the  first  Bank  of  the  United  States  had  expired 
before  the  war  began.  The  embarrassments  of  the  war  are  supposed 
to  have  been  greatly  increased  by  the  want  of  such  an  institution. 
All  the  state  banks  in  the  Union  (except  those  of  New  England)  were 
compelled  to  suspend  specie  payments.  This  was  an  unavoidable 
consequence  of  the  war.  It  is  supposed,  that  Mr.  Madison  was  in- 
structed by  the  experience  of  these  times,  that  a  national  bank  is 
indispensable  in  our  country.  His  approbation  of  a  bank  entitles  him 
to  respectful  consideration,  because  it  was  given  against  the  well 
known  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  perhaps,  against  the  opinion  of  a 
majority  of  citizens  of  his  native  state,  to  whom  he  was  about  to  re- 
turn to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days.  The  following  anecdote  may 
show  what  the  state  of  the  country  was  at  this  time  :  A  person  car- 
ried to  a  bank  in  Pennsylvania  some  bills  which  that  bank  had  issued, 
and  demanded  gold  or  silver  for  them.  He  was  answered,  that  the 
bank  did  not  pay  gold  or  silver.  "  Give  me  then  bills  of  the  United 
"  States  Bank."  "  There  are  none."  "  Then  give  me  bills  on  any 
"  bank  in  New  England."  "  We  have  none  of  these."  "  Pay  ine 
"  then  in  the  best  counterfeit  bills  you  have." 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  297 

tired  with  dignity  from  his  high  station,  and  for  having 
maintained  that  dignity  in  retirement ;  exhibiting  an  hon- 
orable and  exemplary  virtue,  as  a  private  citizen  throughout 
a  prolonged  life. 

The  citizens  of  the  present  day,  and  all  who  are  to  be 
citizens  while  the  republic  continues,  have  a  serious  inter- 
est in  the  public  character  and  conduct  of  the  two  first 
and  two  next  Presidents.  So  recently  after  their  ministry, 
and  while  one  of  them  is  still  living,  and  while  so  many  of 
both  parties  are  still  living,  who  are  little  likely  to  have 
changed  their  views,  a  fair  and  impartial  judgment  of  these 
eminent  men  may  be  unattainable.  But,  if  the  materials 
for  judging  are  not  to  be  furnished  to  those  who  have  be- 
come citizens,  since  these  excitements  have  gone  by,  they 
must  pass  away  themselves,  before  the  time  for  impartial 
judgment  may  have  come.  How  are  such  citizens  to  know, 
(what  it  most  concerns  them  to  know,)  the  origin  and  char- 
acter of  public  policy,  and  the  merits  and  faults  of  former 
agents?  The  constitution,  be  it  remembered,  is  no  more 
than  a  collection  of  rules,  to  be  expounded  by  practice  in 
the  exigencies  of  a  nation.  The  constitution  of  England 
is  not  like  ours,  written ;  but  is  found  in  a  long  series  of 
political  events  and  usages.  If  our  citizens  are  not  to 
know  what  has  been  the  practical  exposition  of  their  con- 
stitution, in  former  times,  they  cannot  know  the  soundness, 
or  unsoundness  of  the  current  one.  It  is  not  too  early  to 
inquire  what  good  or  evil  was  done  in  the  days  of  Wash- 
ington and  Adams ;  and  what  good  or  evil  was  done  in  the 
days  of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  if  one  has  any  interest  to 
know  what  good  or  evil  is  going  on  at  the  present  day. 

If  any  one  who  reads  these  pages  is  disposed  to  think 
them  the  product  of  party  favoritism,  he  need  not  and  will 
not  rely  on  them.  But  let  him  look  to  the  public  docu- 
ments which  have  been  cited.  Let  him  look  to  facts 
which  are  open  to  every  man's  view,  and  judge  for  himself. 
The  writer  has  no  point  to  carry,  but  to  show  Thomas  « 
Jefferson  as  he  really  was;  and,  fortunately,  every  proof 
that  is  needed  has  been  furnished  either  by  Mr.  Jefferson's 
confidential  associates,  or  by  his  own  pen.  In  showing 
Thomas  Jefferson  as  he  was,  it  is  believed  that  an  abun- 
dance of  indisputable  facts  have  been  stated  to  show,  who 
and  what  they  were  whom  he  spent  fifty  years  in  CALUMNI- 


298  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

ATING,  to  carry  his  points.     There  are  yet  other  facts  to 
state  of  the  same  tendency,  in  their  proper  place. 

The  time  is  not  afar  off,  when  the  American  people  will 
rid  themselves  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  "  heresies."  They  will 
understand  his  faults,  his  follies,  and  pretensions.  They 
will  estimate  the  worth  of  his  assertions,  made  even  from 
his  own  ashes.  Self-sculptured,  he  stands  forth,  as  calum- 
niator, in  a  bold  relief,  unknown  before  of  any  man.  He 
may  be  likened  to  the  manager  of  a  theatrical  company,  who 
has  played  in  every  variety  of  comedy  and  tragedy ;  and 
who  at  the  close  of  the  season,  and  when  the  curtain  has 
dropped  for  the  last  time,  re-appears  and  invites  the  whole 
audience  to  come  behind  the  scenes,  to  see  for  themselves 
by  what  trumpery  they  have  been  beguiled  of  their  money ; 
and  for  what  sort  of  kings,  heroes,  and  patriots  they  have 
thundered  applause,  or  shed  tears  of  sympathy. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  Religion. 

Mr.  Jefferson  demands  the  admiration  of  the  world.     He 

ranks  himself  with  Washington  ;  with  the  benefactors   of 

mankind.     It  is  true,  that  he  is  not  responsible  to  men  for 

his  religious  opinions.  But  if  he  has  taken  on  himself  to  dis- 

y  avow  that  religion  on  which  believers  found  their  hopes  of 

I    the  future  ;  and  which  the  wise  and  virtuous  regard  as  the 

f    very  bond  of  society  and  the  best  security  for  human  happi- 

\   ness,  he  has  essentially  impaired  the  force  of  his  demand. 

\  Considering  Mr.  Jefferson  as  an  individual,  it  is  of  no  more 

importance  to  inquire  what  his  religion  was,  than  what  his 

friend  Thomas  Paine's  was.  But  as  he  is  still  held  up  as  an 

J   example,  it  is  proper,  that  a  Christian  community  should 

\    know  what  sort  of  a  Christian  he  was.     The  following  ex- 

>   tracts  will  settle  that  matter.     They  might  be  multiplied, 

but  it  is  painful  to  transcribe  them : 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  January  llth,  1817,  (vol.  iv. 

p.  300,)  he  says  :     "  The  result  of  your  fifty  or  sixty  years 

ii  "  of  religious  reading  in  the  four  words,  '  be  just  and  good,' 

^  *'  is  that  in  which  all  our  inquiries  must  end  ;  as  the  riddles 

;  ,"  of  all  the  priesthood  end  in  four  more ;  '  ubi  panis,  ibi  deus.' 

''i'  (My  living  is  my  religion.)     What  all  agree  in  is  probably 

"  right ;  what  no  two   agree  in   is  probably   wrong.     One 

"  lately  inquired  of  me,  whether  he  might  consider  as  au- 


.    ON  PUBLIC  CHARACTERS.  299 

"  thentic  the  change  in  my  religion,  much  spoken  of  in 
"  some  circles.  Now  this  supposed,  that  they  knew  what 
"  had  been  my  religion  before,  taking  for  it  the  words  of 
"  their  priests,  whom  I  certainly  never  made  the  confidants 
"  of  my  creed.  My  answer  was  :  '  Say  nothing  of  my  S 
"  religion.  It  is  known  to  God  and  myself  alone.  Its  evi- 
"  dence  before  the  world  is  to  be  sought  in  my  life ;  if  that 
"  has  been  HONEST  AND  DUTIFUL  TO  SOCIETY,  the  religion 
"  which  has  regulated  it  cannot  be  a  bad  one.'  " 

It  is  with  some  reluctance,,  that  the  following  extract  is 
made  from  a  letter  of  Jefferson  to  William  Short,  dated  Au- 
gust 4th,  1820,  (vol.  iv.  p.  327.) 

"  That  Jesus  might  conscientiously  believe  himself  in-  ^ 
'  spired  from  above  is  very  possible.  The  whole  religion 
'  of  the  Jews,  inculcated  on  him  from  his  infancy,  was 
'  founded  in  the  belief  of  divine  inspiration.  The  fumes  of 
'  the  most  disordered  imaginations  were  recorded  in  their -^ 
'  religious  code,  as  special  communications  of  the  Deity  ; 
'  and  as  it  could  not  but  happen,  that,  in  the  course  of  ages, 
'  events  would  now  and  then  turn  up,  to  which  some  of 
'  these  vague  rhapsodies  might  be  accommodated  by  the 
'  aid  of  allegories,  figures,  types,  and  other  tricks  upon 
'  words,  they  have  not  only  preserved  their  credit  with  the 
'  Jews  of  all  subsequent  times,  but  are  the  foundation  of 
'  much  of  the  religions  of  those,  who  have  schismatized  from 
'  them.  Elevated  by  the  enthusiasm  of  a  warm  and  pure 
'  heart,  conscious  of  the  high  strains  of  an  eloquence,  which 
'  had  not  been  taught  him,  he  might  readily  mistake  the 
'  coruscations  of  his  own  fine  genius  for  the  inspirations 
'  of  a  higher  order.  This  belief  carried,  therefore,  no 
more  personal  imputation,  than  the  belief  of  Socrates,  that 
"  himself  was  under  the  care  and  admonitions  of  a  guardian 
Demon.  And  how  many  of  our  wisest  men  still  believe  in 
the  reality  of  these  inspirations,  while  perfectly  SANE  on 
all  other  subjects.  Excusing,  therefore,  on  these  consid- 
erations, those  passages  in  the  gospels,  which  seem  to 
bear  marks  of  weakness  in  Jesus,  ascribing  to  him  what 
alone  is  consistent  with  the  great  and  pure  character 
of  which  the  same  writings  furnish  proof;  and  to  their 
proper  authors  their  own  trivialities  and  imbecilities, 
I  think  myself  authorized  to  conclude  the  purity  and 
distinction  of  his  character,  in  dpposition  to  the  impostures 


300  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

"  which  those  authors  would  fix  upon  him."  (Mr.  Jefferson 
r  was  about  77,  when  this  letter  was  written ;  and  his  mind 

seems  to  have  been  as  sound  then  as  it  had  ever  been.     We 

should  not  have  adverted  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  religious  opin- 
f  ions,  if  he  had  not  been  held  up  as  a  Christian ;  and  had 

not  deliberately  published,  that  Washington  was  an  infidel.} 


LETTER    LXIX. 

FEBRUARY  3,  1834. 

ON  Mr.  Madison's  retirement,  Mr.  Monroe  (whose  name 
should  ever  be  associated  with  impressment  and  conscrip- 
tion) was  the  Jeffersonian  candidate  for  President.  The 
peace  of  Europe,  our  own  peace,  the  return  of  prosperity,  and 
the  inexpressible  relief  from  non-intercourse,  embargo,  and 
war,  had  made  the  federalists  very  indifferent  as  to  Mr. 
Madison's  successor.  They  had  little  to  fear  from  him,  and 
nothing  to  hope.  Mr.  Monroe  met  with  little  opposition  at 
his  first  election,  and  with  one  opposing  vote  only  at  the 
second.  He  was  of  course  a  Jeffersonian  President,  and 
adhered  to  his  party  in  all  distributions  of  favors.  He  had 
no  opportunity  to  adopt  a  mischievous  policy,  nor  probably 
any  desire  to  do  it.  His  useful  merit  consisted  in  governing 

/•  but  little,  and  in  leaving  people  to  manage  for  themselves  : 

;    a  merit  which  belonged  to  neither  of  his  predecessors. 

f  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  most  peaceable,  tranquil, 
and  prosperous  eight  years,  which  the  country  has  expe- 
rienced since  the  beginning  of  this  century,  was  during  the 
administration  of  this  gentleman.  Whether  this  arose  from 

/  his  positive,  or  negative  qualities,  or  from  the  fact,  that  fede- 
ralists never  make  opposition,  for  opposition's  sake,  and  care 
not  who  governs,  if  they  are  governed  well,  it  is  not  under- 
taken to  decide. 

If  Mr.  Monroe's  talents  and  usefulness  are  to  be  meas- 
ured by  the  number  of  his  elections  and  appointments,  he 
was,  undoubtedly,  the  greatest  man  that  has  ever  appeared 
in  the .  United  States.  There  are  a  sort  of  middling-men, 
who  are  not  objects  of  envy,  nor  are  they  -so  inferior  as  to 
pass  unnoticed.  They  are  always  ready  for  any  office,  and 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  301 

equally  fit  for  any.     Some  persons  have  supposed,  that  Mr. 
Monroe  was  at  the  head  of  this   class.     He  served,  honora-  \ 
bly,  some  years  in  the  revolutionary  war.     He  seems  to  have 
been  esteemed  in  his  native  state.    (He  was  born  in  Virginia  *""'- 
in  1758.)     He  was  frequently  in  the  legislature,  and  gov- 
ernor on  two  different  elections  ;    and  member  of  the  old 
Congress.     He  was  of  the  convention  in  1787,  and  senator  ' 
for  some  years.     He  was  acting  secretary  at  war,  and  secre-  - 
tary  of  state.     He  had  four  missions  to  Europe,  and  divers  I 
other   appointments  in  the  course  of  his  life  ;    and  lastly  . 
President  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  not  a  mercenary  man,  for  he  left  public  employ-  ^ 
ment,  with  slender  means  for  future  subsistence.  Congress 
was  supposed  to  have  failed  in  showing  proper  respect  and 
consideration  for  a  man,  who  had  been  so  long  in  public 
service ;  and  who,  doubtless,  was  an  honest  man,  whether 
he  was  right,  or  wrong  in  his  views.  He  labored  a  long  -<; 
time  with  Congress,  after  he  left  the  presidency,  to  get  some 
accounts  settled,  in  which  he  claimed  to  be  a  creditor;  but 
without  much  success.  It  is  probable,  that  the  wicked  fac- 
tion of  federalists  would  have  taken  pleasure  in  seeing  Mr. 
Monroe  made  comfortable  in  his  declining  years,  even  at  the 
public  expense. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  nearly  six  feet  in  stature,  well  formed, 
light  complexion,  blue  eyes.  His  countenance  had  no  indi- 
cations of  superior  intellect.  He  was  a  respectable  looking 
man  of  that  order  called  common.  He  was  a  very  laborious 
and  industrious  man  ;  and  may  have  compensated  in  some 
degree  by  diligence,  for  deficiencies  in  ability.  He  was  ~^ 
the  third  Ex-President  who  died  on  the  4th  of  July.  He 
died  in  New  York  in  1831,  at  the  age  of  73. 

Mr.  J.  Q,.  Adams  went  to  Russia  in  the  summer  of  1809, 
as  minister  by  Jefferson's  appointment.  He  remained  there 
until  his  appointment  in  April  1813,  to  be  a  negotiator  of 
peace  at  Ghent.  After  the  peace  was  made,  he  was  appoint- 
ed minister  to  England  in  February  1815,  and  went  thither, 
and  remained,  until  he  returned  to  be  Secretary  of  State 
under  Mr.  Monroe  in  March  1817.  He  continued  in  this 
office  during  Mr.  Monroe's  eight  years,  and  became  a  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency,  and  was  elected  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Feb.  1825,  there  being  no  choice  by  the 
Electors.  While  he  was  Secretary,  General  Jackson  carried 
26 


302  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

on  the  Seminole  war,  which  occasioned  some  sharp  diplo- 
macy with  Spain.     It  was  in  this  war,  that  General  Jackson 
/  hung  a  couple  of  English  subjects  (Arbuthnot  and  Ambris- 
ter),  a  most  extraordinary  proceeding,  to  which  some  persons 
have  given  a  most  opprobrious  appellation.     Mr.  Adams  is 
understood  to  have  approved  of  the  General's  conduct  in  this 
war.     It  had  not  Mr.  Clay's  approbation,  who  made  some 
memorable  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  this 
subject.    On  the  eve  of  the  Presidential  election,  (October, 
1828,)  Mr.  Adams  published  a  new  edition  of  those  charges 
against  his  fellow  citizens  in  New  England,  which  he  had 
confidentially  communicated  to  Mr.  Jefferson  about  twenty 
years  before.     This  led  to  a  correspondence  between  Mr. 
Adams  and  some   surviving  federalists,  in  which  he  was  re- 
quested to  furnish  his  proofs.     This   he   declined   to   do. 
f  This  correspondence  was  published  in   a  pamphlet.     Mr. 
/  Adams  was  a  candidate   at  the  next  election,  but  the  reign 
!  of  Andrew  Jackson  began  on  the  4th  of  March,  1829,  and 
\still  continues.     There  can  be  no  lower  degradation  for  the 
^American  people,  unless  they  are  to  see  Mr.  Van  Buren,  or 
Mr.  Amos  Kendall  on  the  Presidential  throne. 


LETTER    LXX. 

FEBRUARY  5,  1834. 

THERE  are  many  citizens  in  the  United  States  who  have 
come  to  manhood  since  this  century  began,  and  who  sin- 
cerely believe,  that  the  Federalists  were  an  unprincipled  and 
odious  faction.  They  have  derived  this  belief  from  vague 
traditions,  or  perhaps  from  such  speculations  as  are  found 
in  Mr.  Jefferson's  volumes.  If  the  day  for  vindicating  fede- 
ralists has  not  come,  they  may  safely  trust  their  fame  to  the 
tribunal  of  posterity,  and  may  have  no  fear  there,  in  asking 
judgment,  whether  they,  or  Mr.  Jefferson,  are  entitled  to 
respect  and  gratitude.  To  aid  in  producing  a  just  and 
righteous  judgment  will  be  the  purpose  of  the  residue  of 
these  pages ;  and  to  this  end  facts  must  be  stated,  which  no 
one,  who  pretends  to  know  anything  of  the  history  of  this 
country,  can  deny. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  303 

There  were  intelligent  and  honest  men  who  hazarded 
their  lives  in  the  field,  or  councils,  or  in  both,  to  free  this 
country  from  the  monarchy  and  tyranny  of  Great  Britain. 
A  large  proportion  of  these  men  united  to  form  for  thirteen 
free,  sovereign,  and  independent  states,  an  elective,  national 
republican  government.  The  powers  of  this  government 
were  carefully  limited  and  defined  ;  and  all  powers  not  ex- 
pressly, nor  by  necessary  implication  delegated,  were  reserv- 
ed to  the  states,  or  to  the  people.  The  members  of  the 
convention,  who  deliberately  framed  this  system  of  govern- 
ment, with  very  few  exceptions,  united  with  other  eminent 
citizens  in  recommending  it  to  the  people  of  the  states. 
Most  of  these  members  were  in  the  state  conventions,  where 
the  constitution  was  discussed ;  and  by  their  efforts  in  these 
conventions,  and  by  appealing  to  the  good  sense  of  the  peo- 
ple through  the  press,  and  by  all  other  proper  means  to  which 
they  could  resort,  they  obtained,  against  powerful  opposition, 
the  acceptance  of  this  constitution  ;  and  thus  formed  the 
national  union.  The  men,  who  thus  resisted  English  mon- 
archy and  tyranny,  and  who  thus  formed  this  republican  and 
national  union,  were  FEDERALISTS. 

The  President  of  the  convention  (which  framed  this 
constitution)  must  have  been  well  informed,  by  the  discus- 
sions which  he  heard,  of  the  true  meaning  and  practical 
application  of  every  sentence  and  phrase  in  that  instrument. 
He  was  the  first  President  of  the  United  States,  selected  to 
execute  the  powers  which  that  instrument  conferred.  The 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  were  composed  of 
men,  many  of  whom  had  been  zealous  patriots  throughout 
the  revolutionary  struggle,  and  most  of  whom  had  been 
members  of  the  national,  or  state  conventions ;  or  who  were 
otherwise  informed  of  the  true  meaning  and  intent  of  the 
constitution.  The  first  Vice  President  was  a  man  who  had 
devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution,  and  who  may 
be  said  to  have  stood  second  to  no  one  in  efforts,  as  a  civil- 
ian, to  free  the  country  from  foreign  dominion,  and  to 
enable  it  to  govern  itself,  as  a  republic.  The  President,  the 
Vice  President,  and  a  large  majority  of  both  branches  of 
Congress  were  FEDERALISTS. 

This  new  form  of  government  was  organized.  All  the 
various  powers  delegated  by  the  constitution  were  defined 
by  wise  laws,  and  carried  into  effect.  The  whole  country 


304  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

arose,  almost  miraculously,  from  a  state  of  confusion,  des- 
pondency, idleness,  and  imminent  peril,  to  one  of  peace, 
confidence,  industry,  security,  and  unexampled  prosperity. 
The  wreck  and  ruin,  which  the  revolutionary  struggle 
brought  on,  both  of  private  and  public  credit,  disappeared  ; 
and  all  the  benefits,  which  those  who  led  the  country  through 
the  revolution  had  desired,  or  imagined,  were  fully  realized. 
The  people  of  the  United  States,  in  their  new  and  flourish- 
ing republic,  took  their  place  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  This  was  the  achievement  of  FEDERALISTS. 

In  the  first  twelve  years  of  the  national  administration, 
the  wars  of  Europe  hazarded  the  peace  of  the  United  States. 
The  aggressions  of  the  belligerents,  the  insolent  and  seduc- 
•  tive  character  of  French  enthusiasm,  secret  combinations, 
and  claims  for  gratitude  (to  revolutionary  France)  called 
for  all  the  firmness,  wisdom,  and  personal  influence  of 
WASHINGTON  ;  and  for  the  best  exertions  of  his  political 
associates,  to  save  the  United  States  from  the  loss  of  all  the 
benefits,  which  had  been  acquired  by  previous  toils  and 
sacrifices.  Compensation  for  wrongs,  was  amicably  made 
by  one  of  the  belligerents,  and  a  treaty  highly  beneficial 
and  honorable  was  negotiated  and  ratified.  With  another, 
peace  and  compensation  were  sought,  and  insolently  denied; 
all  connexion  by  treaty  was  annulled ;  the  attitude  of  war 
was  assumed  ;  and  then  the  rights  of  the  country  were  im- 
mediately recognised,  even  by  fraudulent  and  unprincipled 
France.  The  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  the  benefits  of 
enriching  neutrality  were  secured,  amidst  all  the  desolating 
conflicts  of  Europe.  This  was  the  work  of  FEDERALISTS. 

How,  then,  should  it  have  happened,  that  the  very  men, 
who  hazarded  all  that  was  dear  to  them,  to  prepare  their 
country  for  republican  freedom ;  who  triumphantly  suc- 
ceeded in  their  efforts,  and  who  blessed  the  nation  with  the 
best  form  of  government  which  human  wisdom  could  devise, 
and  raised  their  fellow-citizens  to  security,  honor,  and  pros- 
perity, unexampled  in  the  history  of  the  world,  should  have 
been  suddenly  converted  into  monarchists ;  and  into  ene- 
mies and  destroyers  of  their  own  monuments  of  glory  !  A 
rational  motive  must  be  found  for  such  a  supposed  change. 
It  must  be  a  motive  founded  in  the  perversions  to  which  the 
human  mind  is  liable ;  and  that  perversion  must  arise  from 
interest ;  and  interest  must  be  found  in  the  hope  of  acquiring 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  305 

some  good  for  one's  self,  or  in  inflicting  some  evil  on  others. 
What  good  could  the  founders  of  a  republican  union  promise 
themselves,  so  soon  after  its  foundation,  in  destroying  it, 
and  in  erecting  a  monarchy,  even  if  such  a  measure  were 
possible  ;  or  even  if  it  were  a  change  to  be  had  by  merely 
willing  it  ?  Then,  what  evil  to  others  could  they  have  medi- 
tated, which  would  not  have  fallen  equally  on  themselves  1 
Usurpation  was  impracticable.  A  perversion  of  legislative 
and  executive  power,  to  accomplish  such  designs,  involves 
the  absurdity,  that  the  great  body  of  citizens  were  ripe  for 
such  a  change. 

The  true  cause  of  the  odium,  attached  to  the  name  of 
Federalist,  is  to  be  found  in  the  natural  and  malignant  feel- 
ings of  opponents.  At  the  head  of  this  opposition  was  Mr. 
Jefferson.  He  desired  the  overthrow  of  federalists,  that  he 
and  his  party  might  reign.  The  means  were  obvious  ;  they 
were  such  as  he  and  his  associates  may  have  thought  honest 
and  right.  There  is  little  doubt,  that  he  thought  of  federal- 
ists as  he  spoke  and  wrote  ;  and  as  little,  that  he  thought 
it  honest  and  right,  through  the  press  and  by  the  exertion 
of  his  own  personal  influence,  to  lead  the  mass  of  citizens 
to  distrust,  to  fear,  and  to  hate  federalists.  He  well  knew 
the  means  of  doing  this.  He  appealed  to  the  prejudices 
and  delusions  of  those,  whom  he  was  pleased  to  call  THE 
PEOPLE  ;  he  told  them  of  burthens  which  they  never  felt ;  of 
usurpations  and  misapplication  of  power,  which  had  no  basis 
but  in  his  own  imagination.  He  associated  himself  with  the 
lowest  order  of  popular  deceivers.  He  triumphed  and  be- 
came President,  and  officially  confirmed  all  that  he  had 
done,  as  an  individual.  He  applied  the  constitutional  power, 
vested  in  him,  to  establish  the  dominion  of  PARTY,  under 
which  the  United  States  have  been  struggling  ever  since. 
The  effect  of  his  exercise  of  power,  on  the  welfare  and 
morals  of  the  people,  is  shown  in  the  present  condition  of 
the  United  States. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  in  enumerating  his  own  merits,  claims  the 
gratitude  of  his  countrymen,  for  his  excellent  achievement 
in  "making  head"  against  federalism,  and  in  finally  de- 
stroying its  dominion.  In  all  this  Mr.  Jefferson  was  sincere 
and  honest ;  and  died  in  the  belief,  that  he  was  a  great  and 
good  patriot,  in  having  made  the  monarchical  founders  of 
the  national  union,  the  enemies  of  France,  and  the  friends 
26* 


306  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

of  England  (as  he  viewed  them)  odious  to  a  majority  of  his 
fellow-citizens.  Most  of  this  majority  were  little  competent 
to  judge,  whether  Mr.  Jefferson  was  credible  in  his  male- 
dictions, or  not.  Less  of  their  number  were  competent  to 
judge,  whether  the  measures  of  federalists  were  adapted  to 
promote  the  honor  and  happiness  of  the  nation,  or  not.  It 
was  satisfactory  to  this  majority,  that  the  great  and  good 
Mr.  Jefferson  said  they  were  not,  and  that  the  authors  of 
them  were  traitors  and  monarchists. 

So  fell  federalism  ;  not  from  its  want  of  talent,  integrity, 
or  patriotism ;  not  for  its  perversion  of  power  ;  but  as  the 
Spartan  band  fell  at  Thermopylae  beneath  a  mound  of 
arrows,  so  fell  federalism  beneath  a  mound  of  calumnies 
and  slanders,  of  which  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  maker,  or 
patron.  The  name  became  so  odious,  that  it  was  abandoned. 
It  ought  ever  to  have  been  the  most  honorable,  that  any 
citizen  could  wear.  Mr.  Jefferson  thought  otherwise  ;  and 
doomed  all  federalists  to  struggle  in  the  ranks  of  opposition 
under  whatsoever  name  they  could  assume. 

"Federalist "  meant  no  more  than  attachment  to  the  nation- 
al union,  in  contradistinction  to  those  who  were  opposed  to  it. 
Like  whig  and  tory,  democrat  and  jacobin,  it  signified  the 
principles  and  actions  of  a  political  class.  In  this  relation, 
federalism  ever  meant  this,  and  this  only,  a  pure  and  right- 
eous administration  of  national  and  state  governments,  in 
strict  conformity  to  the  established  constitutions.  So  feder- 
alism will  be  considered  in  history,  and  as  such  will  be 
honored  by  future  generations. 

No  exemption  from  human  frailty  is  claimed  for  federal- 
ists. They  were  a  political  party.  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his 
associates  compelled  them  to  be  such  party.  They  may,  or 
may  not,  be  thought  to  have  acted  prudently  in  some  re- 
spects ;  and  especially,  in  passing  the  alien  and  sedition 
laws.  They  thought,  that  the  acts  of  those,  whom  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson befriended  and  patronized,  endangered  the  safety  of 
the  country,  and  forced  these  measures  upon  them.  It  is 
believed,  that  they  were  right.  Whether  they  were  so,  or 
not,  in  these  measures,  were  they  an  exclusive,  vindictive 
party t  Did  they  turn  any  man  out  of  office  merely  for 
political  opinions  ?  Did  they  make  it  an  indispensable 
qualification  for  office,  that  a  candidate  should  have  vowed 
allegiance  to  them  and  hostility  to  their  adversaries  ?  Did 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  307 

they  combine  postmasters,  revenue  officers,  clerks,  printers, 
and  every  grade  of  diplomatic  and  executive  agents,  in  one 
solid  body,  to  uphold  them,  right  or  wrong  1  These  were 
not  the  acts  of  federalists. 

The  perversions  and  misrule  of  party  power  under  the 
two  Presidents,  Jefferson  and  Madison,  called  forth  the 
patriotic  exertions  of  federalists.  Some  were  in  Congress, 
some  in  state  legislatures  ;  and,  sometimes,  a  federalist  was 
in  the  chief  executive  station,  in  some  of  the  states.  Many, 
in  private  life,  could  not  be  tame  and  silent  spectators  of  the 
ruinous  measures,  which  these  two  Presidents  recommended, 
or  adopted.  What  these  federalists  did,  as  opponents  of 
Jeffersonism,  is  no  less  to  their  honor  and  credit,  than  their 
efforts  to  establish  a  government,  which  these  two  Presidents, 
under  the  guidance  of  party  zeal,  did  all  but  annihilate. 

It  remains  to  say  something  of  the  individuals,  who  did 
themselves  equal  honor  in  founding  and  sustaining  the  re- 
public ;  and  in  opposing  the  perverse  measures  of  Jefferson 
and  Madison.  To  these  individuals  we  are  indebted,  that 
there  is  still  such  an  institution  as  the  national  republic  of 
the  United  States. 


LETTER    LXXI. 

FEBRUARY  10,  1834. 

THE  writer  of  these  sketches  well  knew  all  the  men  in 
Massachusetts,  who  were  engaged  in  public  life,  during  the 
administrations  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison.  He  has 
heard  all  of  them  express  their  opinions  on  the  state  of  the 
country,  in  those  days,  in  public  and  in  private.  With 
some  of  them  he  was  intimately  associated,  and  knew  their 
thoughts  on  all  subjects  of  political  character,  as  certainly 
as  thoughts  can  be  known,  where  there  is  unreserved  con- 
fidence, and  a  common  interest  on  the  same  subject.  He 
never  heard,  from  any  one  of  these  men,  any  opinion  hos- 
tile to  the  national  constitution,  or  the  union  of  the  states  ; 
but  from  all  of  them,  a  most  unqualified  and  zealous  devo- 
tion to  the  preservation  of  both.  He  has  heard,  from  all  of 
them,  the  most  decided  disapprobation  of  the  public  policy 


- 


308  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

-     • 

of  which  they  were  opponents.  They  were,  one  and  all, 
from  interest,  duty,  and  principle,  constitutional  republicans. 
Yet,  they  were  called  monarchists,  anglomen,  disorganizes, 
and  traitors,  because  they  warned  their  countrymen  of  the 
errors  and  follies  of  national  rulers. 

When  Thomas  Jefferson  first  became  President,  CALEB 
STRONG  was  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  He  was  born  in 
Northampton  in  1744  ;  educated  at  Harvard  University  ;  by 
profession  a  lawyer  ;  and  was  actively  engaged  in  the  first 
scenes  of  the  revolution.  As  early  as  1775,  when  he  was 
only  31  years  of  age,  he  was  a  member  of  the  committee  of 
public  safety.  He  was  in  puplic  service  during  the  whole 
of  revolutionary  times  ;  a  member  of  the  convention  which 
framed  the  federal  constitution,  and  of  that  which  adopted 
it  in  his  native  state.  He  was  senator  in  Congress  in 
Washington's  time ;  governor  of  Massachusetts  from  1800 
to  1807,  and  again  elected  in  1812,  and  continued  in  that 
office  during  the  war.  He  refused  to  give  up  the  militia 
called  for  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  because,  in  his 
opinion,  the  call  was  not  warranted  by  the  constitution.  In 
this  opinion,  he  was  sustained  by  that  of  the  Supreme 
Judicial  Court.  Governor  Strong  was  a  tall  man,  of  mode- 
rate fulness,  of  rather  long  visage,  dark  complexion,  and 
blue  eyes.  He  wore  his  hair  loose,  combed  over  his  forehead, 
and  slightly  powdered.  He  had  nothing  of  the  polish  of 
cities  in  his  demeanor,  but  a  gentle  complaisance  and  kind- 
ness. He  was  a  man  of  strong  mind,  calm,  cool  judgment, 
and  of  purest  character  throughout  his  life.  Perhaps  no 
man  in  the  United  States  could  have  been  so  unlike  a 
monarchist  and  a  traitor  as  Caleb  Strong. 

His  successor,  JOHN  BROOKS,  was  born  at  Medford  in 
1752.  By  profession,  a  physician,  though  not  favored  with 
a  liberal  education.  He  engaged  very  early  in  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  and  acquired  celebrity  ;  and  was  much  distin- 
guished at  the  capture  of  Burgoyne.  He  attracted  the 
notice  and  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  friendship  of  Wash- 
ington. He  was  often  a  member  of  the  legislature,  and 
was  adjutant  general  under  Governor  Strong,  in  Mr.  Madi- 
son's war.  Without  high  pretensions  to  intellectual  dis- 
tinction, he  was  a  man  of  practical  wisdom,  sound  judgment, 
and  of  pure  and  elevated  mind.  No  man  was  more  es- 
teemed and  respected  than  John  Brooks.  He  was  of  mid- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  309 

die  stature,  well  formed,  and  of  soldierly  dignity  of  manner. 
Mr.  Jefferson  does  not  mention  John  Brooks  by  name,  as 
one  of  the  "  worthless  and  disaffected,"  but  he  was  of  the 
denounced  class  of  citizens. 

CHRISTOPHER  GORE  is  specially  named  as  one  of  the  an- 
glomen  and  traitors.  He  was  born  in  Boston  in  1758,  and 
educated  at  Cambridge,  and  became  an  eminent  lawyer.  He 
was  one  of  the  convention  that  adopted  the  constitution,  in 
which  he  took  an  active  and  honorable  part.  He  was 
the  first  attorney  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Massachusetts 
district,  under  the  new  constitution.  In  1796,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  to  settle  the  claims  for  British 
spoliations,  under  Jay's  treaty.  He  was  eight  years  in 
England  in  this  employment.  On  his  return,  so  acceptable 
had  been  the  performance  of  his  duties  in  that  station,  that 
the  most  respectable  persons  united  in  a  festival  to  do  him 
honor  ;  and  a  more  sincere  and  cordial  testimonial  of  re- 
spect and  esteem  was  never  given  to  any  man.  He  was  in 
the  Senate  of  Massachusetts  for  two  or  three  years  after  his 
return.  One  of  the  ablest  papers  that  appeared  on  the 
orders  in  council  and  the  decrees  of  France,  and  on  the 
manner  in  which  these  had  been  treated  by  the  national 
government,  was  drawn  up  by  him,  in  the  form  of  a  report 
on  a  memorial  of  citizens  to  the  legislature.  There  are 
many  other  public  documents  from  his  pen.  In  1809  he 
was  chosen  Governor.  His  speeches,  in  that  office,  are  to 
be  considered  in  relation  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  commentaries 
on  Governor  Gore's  political  tendencies.  In  1814  Mr. 
Gore  was  senator  in  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  where  he 
remained  about  three  years,  and  then  withdrew  from  all 
public  employment.  Mr.  Gore  was  rather  tall,  and,  in  mid- 
dle age,  of  full  person  and  erect,  but  began  to  bend  forward 
at  an  earlier  age  than  common.  He  was  bald  on  the  whole 
upper  surface  of  his  head,  at  an  unusually  early  period. 
His  hair  was  tied  behind  and  dressed  with  powder.  His 
face  was  round  and  florid,  his  eyes  black ;  his  manners 
courteous  and  amiable.  His  eloquence  was  dignified  and 
impressive.  In  all  his  relations  and  deportment,  he  had 
the  bearing  of  a  polished  and  well-bred  gentleman.  With 
his  intimates  he  was  free  and  social,  and  had,  and  deserved 
to  have,  many  affectionate  friends.  Mr.  Gore  was  a  man  of 
very  considerable  wealth,  portions  of  which  he  bestowed 


310  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

0i 

munificently  by  will  to  public  institutions,  and  especially  to 
Harvard  University.  One  can  readily  see,  why  a  man  so 
circumstanced  in  the  world,  should  desire  that  the  Union 
and  the  national  constitution  should  be  preserved,  and  the 
latter  righteously  administered;  and  it  is  impossible  to  discern 
any  motive  which  such  a  man  could  have,  for  desiring  to 
introduce  popular  commotion  and  anarchy.  But  it  is  easily 
to  be  perceived,  why  Mr.  Jefferson  may  have  found  it  con- 
venient to  make  such  an  opponent  odious. 

One  of  the  eminent  men  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  is  particu- 
larly disposed  to  notice  as  a  monarchist  and  angloman, 
(Mr.  Jefferson's  favorite  name  for  those  whom  he  considered 
to  be  of  the  English  faction,)  was  GEORGE  CABOT.  This 
gentleman  was  born  in  Salem  in  1752.  Before  he  was  26 
years  of  age  he  was  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts.  In  1787 -8  he  was  a  distinguished  mem- 
ber of  the  state  convention,  on  the  federal  constitution  ;  and 
for  several  years  senator  in  Congress.  The  latter  years  of 
his  life  he  was  sometimes  in  the  state  legislature,  and  in 
the  executive  council.  In  the  deplorable  distress,  caused 
by  Madison's  war,  Mr.  Cabot  consented  to  be  one  of  the 
Hartford  Convention,  in  which  assembly  he  was  President. 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  the  strongest  inducement  to  depreciate 
Mr.  Cabot,  for  no  man  saw  more  clearly  the  motives  of  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  the  consequences  of  his  policy.  All  the  party 
malignity,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  felt  for  Hamilton,  was  ex- 
tended to  all  Hamilton's  political  friends,  and  to  none  more 
than  to  Mr.  Cabot  and  Mr.  Ames,  who  accorded  entirely  with 
Hamilton,  in  his  views  of  national  policy.  It  is  no  easy 
task  to  describe  George  Cabot  in  a  manner  worthy  of  him, 
and  adapted  to  make  known  by  words,  what  he  was,  as  a 
statesman,  a  man  of  information,  a  patriot,  a  citizen,  and  a 
gentleman.  His  early  days  were  passed  in  the  usual  semi- 
naries ;  and  he  was,  for  some  time,  at  Cambridge  University, 
but  left  it  in  his  boyhood,  for  the  purpose  of  qualifying  him- 
self for  a  life  of  business.  He  became  his  own  teacher,  and 
for  the  high  elevation,  to  which  he  afterwards  attained,  he 
was  indebted  to  his  own  cultivation  of  his  extraordinary 
powers  of  mind.  The  state  of  the  country  and  the  deep 
concern,  which  he  took  in  its  prosperity,  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  the  great  public  interests.  One  who  had  the  best 
opportunities  to  know  him,  (Dr.  Kir kl and,)  thus  describes 


*  «  -j»  • 

ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  311 

his  qualities  :  "  His  mind  was  at  once  comprehensive  and 
'  discriminating;  full,  yet  accurate.  He  was  sagacious  and 
'  acute  in  disentangling  involved  and  difficult  subjects ; 
'  knowing  how  to  separate  appearances  from  realities  ;  to 
'  distinguish  the  probable,  the  true,  the  practical.  The 
'  materials,  that  constituted  his  intellectual  store,  lay  in  his 
'  mind  in  methodical  arrangement,  ready  to  be  applied  to 
'  their  proper  uses,  for  argument,  persuasion,  colloquial 
'  communication,  or  the  conduct  of  life." 

On  national  subjects,  which  engaged  the  public  attention 
in  the  first  fifteen  years  of  this  century,  no  man  thought 
more,  or  more  profoundly  and  justly,  than  Mr.  Cabot.  He 
was  listened  to  with  the  highest  respect  and  confidence  by 
the  most  eminent  men  of  the  time  ;  and  by  no  one  more 
than  his  intimate  friend,  Mr.  Ames.  No  one  left  Mr.  Cabot's 
presence  without  being  made  wiser,  if  he  was  capable  of 
being  instructed.  Not  only  were  the  treasures  of  his  mind 
frankly  and  freely  poured  forth,  but  with  a  clearness  and 
elegance  of  expression,  and  in  tones  so  captivating,  that  no 
parallel  case  can  be  mentioned. 

His  life  was  as -pure  and  blameless,  as  his  intellectual 
powers  were  transcendent.  He  had  manifested,  in  all  his 
public  relations,  an  ardent  zeal  for  the  constitution  and  the 
union  ;  all  his  hopes  of  welfare  and  personal  consideration 
rested  on  the  republican  experiment,  that  his  country  was 
making.  No  one  desired  more  sincerely,  that  the  experi- 
ment should  be  successful,  and,  consequently,  no  one  felt 
more  keenly  the  defeat  which  Jeffersonism  threatened  to 
effect.  Of  that  system  of  policy  he  was  seriously  and  con- 
scientiously an  opponent.  In  proportion  to  his  influence 
was  the  measure  of  calumny. 

Mr.  Cabot  is  most  affectionately  and  respectfully  remem- 
bered, by  all  who  had  the  honor  and  good  fortune  to  enjoy- 
his  friendship.  But  they  who  knew  him  are  passing  away  ; 
the  remnant  is  daily  diminishing ;  and  it  is  sorrowful  to  feel 
assured,  that  so  little  will  be  known  in  distant  times  of  one, 
whose  counsels,  while  living,  were  held  in  the  highest  vene- 
ration. It  is  to  be  regretted,  that  there  is  nothing  preserved 
of  so  rich  and  prolific  a  mind,  but  in  the  memory  of  those, 
who  are  also  soon  to  pass  away. 

Mr.  Cabot  was  a  tall  man,  well  formed,  of  courteous  and 
elegant  manners,  and  refined  aspect ;  his  complexion  light, 


312  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

his  eyes  blue  ;  his  mode  of  speaking  in  colloquial  inter- 
course serious  and  earnest,  but  not  vehement.  The  dress 
of  his  thoughts  was  clear,  strong,  and  appropriate,  and  every 
sentence  apparently  incapable  of  amendment. 

It  was  such  a  man,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  would  send  down 
to  posterity,  as  a  monarchist,  disorganizer,  and  enemy  of 
his  country.* 

To  these  four  names,  (Strong,  Brooks,  Gore,  and  Cabot,) 
might  be  added  hundreds  of  others,  no  longer  among  the 
living,)  comprising  lawyers,  merchants,  farmers,  and  me- 
chanics, as  well  known  in  their  respective  spheres  as  these 
four  were  ;  all  of  whom  thought,  on  national  subjects,  as 
these  four  thought ;  and  all  of  whom  were  conscientiously 
opponents  of  Jeffersonism  ;  and  all  of  whom  were,  conse- 
quently, monarchists,  disorganizers,  and  traitors.  These 
men,  one  and  all,  regarded  with  abhorrence  the  reign  of 
French  jacobinism  in  Europe,  and  were  indignant  in  seeing 
Mr.  Jefferson's  efforts  to  transplant,  or  to  engraft  it  on 
American  stock. 

These  four  have  not  been  selected  in  disregard  of  others, 
not  less  respectable  and  worthy,  but  because  three  of  these 
four  began  with  the  American  revolution,  and  labored 
through  it ;  because  one  of  them  was  a  framer  of  the  na- 
tional constitution  ;  all  four  of  them  strenuous  advocates 
for  its  adoption  ;  three  of  them  officers  under  it ;  and  all  of 
them  in  high  offices  under  the  state  constitution.  The  elec- 
tion of  such  men,  by  those  who  knew  them  well,  is  some 
evidence  of  their  intelligence  and  virtues.! 

Such  men  Thomas  Jefferson  charges  with  plots  and  com- 
binations to  subvert  the  institutions  which  they  had  estab- 
lished ;  and  at  the  very  time  when  their  purposes  were  in 
successful  experiment,  under  their  own  direction.  On  the 

*  It  is  well  remembered  to  have  been  one  of  Mr.  Cabot's  opinions, 
that  this  country  must,  sooner  or  later,  submit  (as  in  ancient  republics) 
to  the  termination  of  freedom,  through  popular  delusion.  He  thought 
the  natural  action  of  this  spirit  was  most  terrible  in  small  communities ; 
and  that  the  prolonged  safety  of  this  country  would  be  found,  in  the 
diffusion  of  its  inhabitants  over  a  wide  surface.  He  was,  therefore, 
for  continuing  the  unity  of  the  American  people,  and  avoiding  the 
evils  of  party  feeling,  when  limited  to  narrow  spaces  and  to  small 
numbers. 

t  Caleb  Strong  died  in  1820 ;  George  Cabot  in  1823 ;  John  Brooks 
in  1825 ;  Christopher  Gore  in  1827. 


»    •  *  - 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  313 

continued  success  of  this  experiment  depended  their  fame, 
their  property,  their  personal  welfare,  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  their  friends  and  kindred. 

What,  then,  was  Thomas  Jefferson's  motive?  Was  he 
fraudulent  and  base  ?  Probably  not.  He  was  under  the 
delusion  which  beguiles  a  vain,  wrong-headed,  selfish  party 
man.  It  is  such  men,  who  have  overturned  all  former  re- 
publics. They  substitute  themselves  and  their  party  for 
the  country,  the  people,  the  laws,  and  the  constitution  ;  and 
are,  at  last,  forced  into  despotism,  whether  they  so  intended, 
or  not. 


LETTER    LXXII. 

FEBRUARY  16,  1834. 

THERE  are  three  persons  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  is  pleased 
to  distinguish,  with  peculiar  emphasis,  in  his  writings,  viz. 
Timothy  Pickering,  John  Lowell,  and  Stephen  Higginson. 
Mr.  Pickering  was  in  the  public  service  from  the  com- 
mencement of  the  revolution,  almost  to  the  close  of  his  long 
life,  in  various  and  in  honorable  stations.  He  proved  him- 
self to  be  an  able  man  in  all  of  them,  and  an  officer  of  in- 
corruptible integrity.  This  gentleman  has  but  recently 
deceased ;  and  there  are  so  many  now  living  who  knew  him 
well,  and  who  speak  of  him  with  the  highest  respect,  that  it 
must  be  left  to  those,  who  are  so  much  better  informed,  than 
the  writer  of  these  sketches  can  assume  to  be,  to  do  him 
justice,  if  they  think  Mr.  Jefferson's  remarks  worth  noticing. 
It  must  strike  them  as  ludicrous,  that  a  man,  who  might  be 
selected  as  a  model  of  republican  simplicity  and  directness, 
should  be  publicly  charged  with  plotting,  (in  conjunction 
with  a  London  merchant  of  singular  retiredness  of  deport- 
ment, in  all  things  but  his  mercantile  concerns,)  to  subject 
his  own  country  to  British  dominion.  Mr.  Jefferson  may 
have  known  how  such  affairs  are  managed  ;  but  it  is  be- 
lieved, that  the  British  ministry  and  federalists  were  equally 
strangers  to  such  modes  of  managing  public  interests.  The 
absurdity  of  supposing,  that  the  British  could  carry  any  de- 
signs which  they  may  have  had  by  corrupt  means,  or  that 
any  distinguished  members  of  the  federal  party  imagined 
27 


314 

they  could  accomplish  any  British  purpose  through  such 
means,  is  too  glaring  to  have  found  admission  to  any  but  a 
distempered  mind.  The  case  was  much  otherwise  with  the 
French.  The  miseries  to  which  they  subjected  other  na- 
tions were  the  consequences  of  management,  no  less  than  of 
force. 

There  is  a  very  remarkable  record  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  4th 
volume,  page  514,  under  date  of  December  25,  1800,  con- 
cerning the  two  other  persons  before  named,  —  John  Lowell 
(sen.)  and  Stephen  Higginson.  Though  there  is  no  pleas- 
ure in  copying  Mr.  Jefferson,  this  record  cannot  be  under- 
stood without  taking  the  whole  of  it  together. 

"  Colonel  Hichborn  tells  me,  what  Colonel  Monroe  had  be- 

"  fore  told  me  of,  as  coming  from  Hichborn.    He  was  giving 

"  me  the  characters  of  persons  in  Massachusetts.    Speaking 

"  of  Lowell,  he  said  he  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  revolu- 

"  tion  a  timid  whig,  but  as  soon  as  he  found  we  were  likely 

"  to  prevail,  he  became  a  great  office  hunter.     And  in  the 

"  very  moment  of  speaking  of  Lowell,  he  stopped  :  Says  he, 

"  I  will  give  you  a  piece  of  information,  which  I  do  not  vcn- 

"  ture  to  speak  of  to  others.    There  was  a  Mr.  Hale  in  Mas- 

"  sachusetts,  a  reputable,  worthy  man,  who  becoming  a  little 

"  embarrassed  in  his  affairs,  I  aided  him,  which  made  him 

"  very    friendly   to   me.      He   went   to    Canada   on   some 

business.      The   Governor    there   took    great   notice    of 

him.     On   his  return,  he  took  occasion   to   mention    to 

me,  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  Governor  of  Canada  to 

give  from  three  to  Jive  thousand  guineas,  each,  to  himself, 

and  some  others,  not  to  do  anything  to  the  injury  of  their 

country,  but  to  befriend  a  good  connexion  between  England 

and  it.     Hichborn  said   he  would  think  of  it,  and  asked 

Hale  to  come  and  dine  with  him  to-morrow.     After  din- 

"  ner,  he  drew  Hale  fully  out.     He  told  him  he  had  his 

"  doubts,  but  particularly,  that  he  should   not  like  to  be 

"  alone  in  such  a  business.     On  that,  Hale  named  to  him 

"  four  others  who  were  to  be  engaged,  two  of  whom,  said 

"  Hichborn,   are    now   dead    and    two   living.     Hichborn, 

"  when  he  had  got  all  he  wanted  out  of  Hale,  declined  in   a 

"  friendly  way.     But  he  observed  those  four  men,  from  that 

"  moment,  to  espouse  the  interests  of  England  on  every 

"  point  and  on  every  occasion.     Though  he  did  not  name 

"  the   men   to  me,   yet   as  speaking  of  Lowell   was   what 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  315 

"  brought  into  his  head  to  tell  me  this  anecdote,  /  concluded 
"  he  was  one.  From  other  circumstances  respecting  Stephen 
11  Higginson,  of  whom  he  spoke,  I  conjectured  him  to  be  the 
"  other  living  one." 

"  December  26th.  In  another  conversation,  I  mentioned 
"  to  Colonel  Hichborn,  that,  though  he  had  not  named 
"  names,  I  had  strongly  suspected  Higginson  to  be  one  of 
"Hale's  men.  He  smiled  and  said,  if  I  had  strongly  sus- 
"  pected  any  man  wrongfully,  on  his  information,  he  would 
"  undeceive  me  :  that  there  were  no  persons  he  thought 
"more  strongly  to  be  suspected  himself,  than  Higginson  and 
"  Lowell.  /  considered  him  as  saying  they  were  the  men. 
"  Higginson  is  employed  in  an  important  business  about  our 
"  navy." 

A  personal  friend  of  the  late  Judge  Lowell,  and  of  the 
late  Mr.  Higginson,  has  favored  the  writer  with  the  follow- 
ing remarks  on  the  foregoing  extracts : 

'  This  most  extraordinary  accusation  was  entered  in  Mr. 
'  Jefferson's  diary  in  1800,  twenty-five  years  after  the  sup- 
'  posed  and  imputed  transactions  and  crimes ;  it  was  care- 
'  fully  concealed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  during  his  whole  life,  and 
'  left  to  be  published  to  the  world  half  a  century  after  the 
'  supposed  transaction  ;  and  when,  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  un- 
'  common  longevity,  it  was  absolutely  certain,  that  there 
'  could  not  be  a  single  surviving  witness  to  an  accusation  so 
'  solemn,  and,  if  unfounded,  atrocious.  It  was  upon  its  face 
'  a  case,  in  which  a  man  indulged  his  passions,  to  gratify 
'  his  own  personal  hatred  towards  men,  who  differed  from 
'  him  in  political  opinions.  This  should  not  be  forgotten. 
'  As  to  the  degree  of  unfairness,  and  we  may  add  baseness, 
'  of  leaving  a  posthumous  charge  on  record  against  men  of 
'  as  high  and  honorable  character,  as  any  in  New  England, 
'  and  who  enjoyed  always  the  entire  confidence  of  the  in- 
'  telligent  and  astute  people  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts, 
'  every  man  can  form  an  opinion  for  himself.  When  history 
'  can  be  so  much  corrupted  and  defiled,  that  a  man,  con- 
'  suiting  his  own  passions  and  governed  solely  by  his  personal 
'  prejudices,  shall  be  permitted  to  state,  as  facts,  such  idle 
'  and  unfounded  surmises,  after  the  demise  of  his  friends 
'  and  coadjutors,  surely  there  is  no  security  for  the  truth  of 
'  history,  or  for  the  character  of  individuals  employed  in  the 
'  great  concerns  of  a  nation. 


316  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

'  But,  to  analyze  this  most  licentious,  and,  in  its  form  and 
'  circumstances,  most  improbable  story  :  "  A  Mr.  Hale," 
'  without  a  Christian  name,  without  any  description  of  resi- 
'  dence  to  enable  the  accused  parties  to  identify  him,  and 
'  utterly  unknown  to  any  man  now  living,  applies  to  Colonel 
'  Hichborn,  and  admitting  that  he  had  himself  received  a 
'  bribe  of  three  thousand  guineas  from  the  Governor  of 
'  Canada,  proposes  to  bribe  the  Colonel  himself.  This,  he 
'  says,  was  owing  to  great  favors,  he  (Colonel  Hichborn) 
1  had  rendered  to  Hale.  The  Colonel,  after  this  base  offer, 
'  invites  Hale  to  his  table,  and  learns  from  him,  that  four 
'  other  persons  had  received  bribes,  and,  therefore,  the 
'  Colonel  need  feel  no  delicacy  in  following  the  example. 
'  The  Colonel's  own  sense  of  honor  and  patriotism  forbade 
'  him  to  accept  the  bribe.  He  had  not  the  courage  and 
'  hardihood  to  announce  to  Jefferson  the  names  of  the 
'  guilty  parties,  even  in  1800,  twenty  years  after  the  sup- 
'  posed  events.  Jefferson  presses  him  to  name  the  parties 
'  in  vain,  and  therefore  he  suggests  to  the  Colonel  who  they 
'  were.  The  Colonel  replies  in  an  oracular  style,  and  Jef- 
'  ferson  "  concludes "  and  "  conjectures,"  that  Lowell  and 
'  Higginson  were  the  men  intended  by  Hale.  Thus  he 
'  commits  to  posterity,  on  the  credit  of  Colonel  Hichborn, 
'  and  on  his  own  conjectures,  (which  Hichborn,  the  most 
'fearless  and  dauntless  of  men,  did  not  venture  to  disclose,) 
'  a  charge  against  Judge  Lowell  and  Stephen  Higginson, 
'  amounting  to  treason.  To  be  sure,  both  of  these  men 
'  afterwards  enjoyed,  during  their  long  lives,  the  confidence 
'  of  all  who  knew  them.  To  be  sure,  they  were  among  the 
'  most  active  revolutionary  patriots.  They  were,  moreover, 
'  the  personal  friends  and  coadjutors  of  Jefferson  himself,  as 
'  can  be  proved  by  their  correspondence  ;  still  this  did  not 
'  hinder  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  the  end  of  fifty  years,  a  half  cen- 
'  tury  after  the  supposed  events,  from  committing  this  atro- 
'  cious  charge  against  his  co-patriots  and  personal  friends  to 
'paper,  to  be  published  after  his  decease. 

'  Mr.  Jefferson  was  a  lawyer  and  a  very  sagacious  man. 
'  He  was  perfectly  capable  of  weighing  evidence.  How, 
'  then,  could  the  following  queries  have  escaped  him  ?  And 
'  why  should  he  not  have  put  them  to  Colonel  Hichborn,  if 
'  his  only  object  was  the  truth  1 

'  Colonel  Hichborn,  that  Mr.  Hale,  whoever  he  might  be, 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  317 

'  avowed  himself  to  you  to  be  a  purchased  traitor.  He  had 
'  received,  he  told  you,  his  three  thousand  guineas  for  the 
'  sale  of  his  principles.  He  was,  by  our  law,  subject  to  death 
'  as  a  traitor.  You  were  his  confidential  friend.  Why  did 
*  not  you  denounce  him  at  once  to  the  committee  of  safety, 
'  or  to  the  Attorney  General  of  the  state,  or  to  the  grand 
'  jury  ?  You  were  guilty  of  misprision  of  treason.  This  is 
'  not  all  ;  you  ought  to  have  denounced,  openly  and  frankly, 
'  Higginson  and  Lowell.  They  enjoyed  the  highest  confi- 
'  dence  in  our  republic.  They  were  not  only  members  of 
'  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  but  were  both  of  them 
'  unanimously  elected  members  of  the  revolutionary  Con- 
'  gress,  and  one  or  the  other  of  them  continued  in  these 
'  important  stations  till  the  peace.  Why  did  you  not  alarm 
'  the  republic  1  You  hated,  with  as  deep  and  cordial  a 
'  sentiment  as  a  man  could  do,  Stephen  Higginson  ;  but 
f  you .  admired,  courted,  and  praised  John  Lowell  till  his 
'  death.  How  then  can  I  reconcile  your  story  with  your 
'  patriotism  ?  How,  in  the  bitter  times  which  followed  the 
'  revolutionary  war,  can  I  reconcile  your  silence  with  truth  ? 
'  Did  you  not  go  out  with  Stephen  Higginson  as  your  second 
'  in  command,  to  suppress  the  insurrection  of  17'86,  and 
'  did  you  eVer  lisp  a  word  against  him  till  now  ?  Sir,  I  doubt 
'  your  story. 

'  Such  would  have  been  the  reflections  of  an  honest  mind. 
'  Such  were  not  those  of,  Mr.  Jefferson.' 

Such  are  the  views  of  one,  who  knew  Judge  Lowell  and 
Stephen  Higginson  much  better,  than  the  writer  could  have 
known  them.  Setting  aside  the  improbable  occurrence,  that 
the  Governor  of  Canada  would  first  corrupt  an  obscure  in- 
dividual, and  then  trust  him  with  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
guineas  to  corrupt  others  ;  it  is  quite  incredible,  that  two 
such  men,  as  Lowell  and  Higginson  were  ever  known  to  be, 
would  trust  their  fame  to  "  a  Mr.  Hale."  It  is  very  uncer- 
tain what  Colonel  Hichborn  told  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  the 
preface,  that  he  would  tell  no  one  but  him,  though  he  had 
before  told  the  same  thing  to  Monroe,  who  had  told  it  to 
Jefferson.  It  is  still  more  uncertain  what  was  told,  for  the 
reason  that  Mr.  Jefferson  says  it  was ;  because  it  is  proved, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  had,  either  such  a  memory  as  he  says 
Washington  had,  (always  bad  and  growing  worse,)  or  that 
he  could  record  "  false  facts." 
27* 


318  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

There  is  a  striking  absurdity  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  state- 
ment. These  "  three  to  five  thousand  guineas  each  "  were  to 
be  given  to  men,  as  a  bribe,  for  what  1  "  Not  to  do  anything 
"  to  the  injury  of  their  own  country,  but  to  befriend  a  good 
connexion  between  England  and  it."  It  is  much  to  be  re- 
gretted, that  "  a  Mr.  Hale "  did  not  bribe  Mr.  Jefferson 
with  the  whole  amount,  if  he  could  have  been  thereby  in- 
duced to  act  in  conformity  to  the  Governor's  proposal.  It 
was  his  duty  "  to  befriend  a  good  connexion  with  England," 
as  Washington  did,  as  well  as  with  all  other  nations.  He 
pursued,  on  all  occasions,  precisely  the  opposite  course. 
And  as  to  doing  "  nothing  to  the  injury  of  his  own  country ;  " 
surely,  no  man  above,  or  below  its  surface,  (not  even  ex- 
cepting Andrew  Jackson,)  has  done  it  so  much  injury. 

But,  it  is  feared,  that  this  calumny  has  been  treated  with 
much  more  seriousness  than  it  deserves.  It  would  not  have 
been  noticed  at  all,  but  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  Mr. 
Jefferson  in  one  more  aspect  of  his  own  choosing  ;  certainly 
not  to  vindicate  either  of  the  gentlemen  so  accused.  They 
need  no  vindication,  but  that  which  the  record  carries  in 
itself. 

John  Lowell  was  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  in  full  practice 
at  the  commencement  of  the  revolution.  He  continued  his 
practice  during  the  war,  as  counsel  for  merchants  and  others, 
who  were  zealous  on  the  patriot  side.  He  was  a  member 
of  the  old  Congress  ;  and  on  the  adoption  of  the  federal 
constitution  was  appointed  District  Judge  in  Massachusetts 
by  President  Washington  ;  in  which  office  he  continued, 
until  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Circuit  Court  in  1801 
by  Mr.  Adams.  He  remained  in  that  office,  until  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson caused  that  court  to  be  abolished  in  1802,  in  which 
year  Judge  Lowell  died,  at  the  age  of  about  59. 

Judge  Lowell  was  one  of  the  most  amiable,  pure,  and 
honorable  men,  that  ever  lived.  He  was  a  true  constitution- 
al federalist,  and  expressed  his  opinions  as  such.  But  his 
judicial  character  and  his  own  sense  of  propriety  prevented 
him  from  engaging  in  political  controversies.  Mr.  Jefferson 
could  not  have  made  a  more  unfortunate  selection  of  a  man 
to  receive  "  three  to  five  thousand "  British  guineas,  than 
Judge  Lowell. 

Stephen  Higginson  was  an  eminent  merchant ;  an  inti- 
mate friend  of  George  Cabot ;  and  was  undoubtedly  charge- 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  319 

able  with  the  twofold  sin  of  being  a  stanch  Washingtonian 
federalist,  and  a  most  sincere  and  inflexible  opponent  of  the 
Gallic-American  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  He  was  navy 
agent  of  the  United  States,  from  the  first  beginning  of  the 
navy,  until  he  was  dismissed  to  accommodate  one  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  partisans.  Mr.  Higginson  was  a  man  of  strong, 
clear  mind,  of  simple,  serious  manners,  and  very  competent 
to  understand  the  character  and  tendency  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
measures.  He  was  a  man  of  habitual  reserve  and  few  words, 
except  among  his  friendly  associates.  To  any  one  who 
knew  Mr.  Higginson  there  can  be  nothing  more  palpably 
absurd,  than  to  suppose  him  a  purchased  man,  in  a  scheme 
of  intrigue  and  treason.  Mr.  Jefferson  has  been  very 
unlucky  in  his  selection  of  men,  in  this  quarter,  for  political 
knaves. 

Colonel  Hichborn  was  a  lawyer  ;  and  was  of  the  Jefferson 
party  ;  he  was  a  man  of  very  varied  fortune.  He  well  knew 
Judge  Lowell  and  Mr.  Higginson,  and  both  of  them  well 
knew  him.  And  though  Colonel  Hichborn  may  not  have 
felt  much  restraint  in  discussing  the  characters  of  political 
adversaries,  (apparently  a  favorite  vocation  of  Mr.  Jefferson,) 
it  is  very  doubtful,  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  record,  whether 
Colonel  Hichborn  intended  to  convey  the  opinions  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  intended  to  make  credible,  by  his  adoption,  or, 
more  properly,  his  creation  of  them. 


LETTER   LXXIII. 

FEBRUARY  25,  1834. 

THE  number  of  distinguished  men,  who  appeared  at  the 
close  of  the  last  and  the  beginning  of  this  century,  is  so 
great,  that  it  is  a  delicate  matter  to  decide  who  among  them 
should  not  be  mentioned,  as  all  of  them  cannot  be.  It  may 
be  safest  not  to  add  to  the  number  of  those  who  have  been 
mentioned  ;  but  there  are  some,  who  held  so  conspicuous  a 
rank,  that  they  should  not  be  passed  over  ;  especially,  as  in 
mentioning  them,  a  deserved  homage  will  be  rendered  to  the 
human  mind.  In  these  instances,  there  are  seen  two  men, 
both  of  whom  are  entitled  to  be  called  great,  both  eminent 


320  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

lawyers  ;  the  one  rich  in  the  knowledge  of  other  men's 
thoughts,  as  well  as  of  his  own ;  the  other  rich  in  knowledge 
for  which  he  was  little  indebted  to  other  minds,  and  most  of 
which  he  created  in  his  own.  These  were  Parsons  and 
Dexter. 

TheopJiilus  Parsons,  the  son  of  a  clergyman,  was  born  in 
Byfield,  Mass.,  February,  1750.  He  was  educated  at  Cam- 
bridge, and  is  said  to  have  been  an  uncommonly  hard  student 
while  there.  He  kept  school  at  Portland,  and  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  at  that  place.  When  Portland  was  burnt,  he 
went  to  his  father's  at  Byfield.  The  learned  Judge  Trow- 
bridge,  who  lived  in  Cambridge,  retired  to  the  same  town 
during  the  war,  and  carried  with  him  his  law  library  for 
amusement.  As  professional  books  were  difficult  to  be  had, 
Mr.  Parsons  availed  himself  of  the  Judge's  books  and  con- 
versation ;  and  studied  so  intently  as  to  impair  his  health, 
and  to  make  the  continuance  of  his  life  exceedingly  preca- 
rious for  many  years.  He  became  an  invalid,  very  thin  in 
person,  and  an  afflicted  hypochondriac.  The  extreme  care 
which  he  manifested  in  after  life,  in  guarding  his  person, 
may  have  arisen  from  these  early  solicitudes.  After  the  war, 
he  opened  an  office  in  Newburyport,  and  soon  became  emi- 
nent. He  afterwards  removed  to  Boston.  In  1806,  on  the 
resignation  of  Chief  Justice  Dana,  he  was  appointed  to  the 
vacated  station,  and  held  it  to  the  close  of  his  life,  October 
30th,  1813,  when  he  was  63  years  of  age. 

He  was  the  most  learned  lawyer  of  his  time ;  and  was 
called  the  giant  of  the  law.  He  comprised  in  his  professional 
attainments,  among  other  things,  a  full  and  accurate  knowl- 
edge of  the  common  law,  civil,  maritime,  and  ecclesiastical 
law,  the  law-merchant,  the  statute  and  common  law  of  his 
own  country,  and  the  law  of  nations.  He  retained  all  the 
learning  which  he  thought  it  necessary  to  acquire,  and, 
from  the  methodical  order  of  his  mind,  all  he  knew  was 
ever  familiarly  at  his  command.  His  speeches  to  juries  and 
judges  were  neither  eloquent  nor  elegant,  in  anything  but 
pertinency  and  argument.  They  were  never  long,  and  he 
was  among  the  few,  who  could  discern  when  they  have  said 
enough  for  their  purpose.  His  eloquence  was  earnestness, 
his  manner  easy,  familiar,  persuasive,  and  never  vehement. 
It  is  not  remembered,  that  he  ever  used  a  brief;  his  memory 
was  his  brief  and  the  best  one  that  a  lawyer  can  use. 


*  ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  321 

His  presidency  on  the  bench  was  an  era  in  judicial  ability, 
and  in  despatch  of  business.  It  would  be  assuming  too  much 
to  pronounce  on  the  character  of  his  judgments.  Very  few 
of  them  have  not  been  approved  by  the  able  minds,  which 
have  since  been  employed  on  the  same  subjects.  Some  of 
them  have  been  especially  respected  for  their  explanatory 
and  illustrative  notice,  of  what  may  be  distinguished  as  the 
common  law  of  the  state.  There  may  be  different  opinions 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  he  performed  his  official  duties. 
It  satisfied  him,  that  a  case  was  rightly  disposed  of,  wheth- 
er the  counsel  and  parties  were,  or  were  not  satisfied 
with  the  despatchfulness  with  which  it  was  done.  If  he 
thought  a  case  needed  no  argument,  he  was  not  disposed  to 
hear  any.  However  much  the  patience  of  judges  and 
jurors  may  sometimes  be  exercised,  litigants  win,  or  lose 
cases  with  much  more  complacency,  if  the  matter  has  been 
well  "  spoken  to."  It  is  a  trait  in  the  character  of  Yankees, 
that  they  like  a  close  warfare  of  words,  especially  when  they 
pay  money  to  have  it ;  and  they  like  to  have  their  wranglers 
for  hire  "  hold  on."  But  the  Chief  Justice,  by  intuition,  or 
some  process  analogous  to  his  familiar  use  of  algebraic 
deduction,  saw  what  the  end  must  be  ;  and  was  impatient  of 
the  slow  process  by  which  inferior  minds  arrived  at  it.  It 
is  doubtful,  whether  it  is  best  for  a  judge,  or  for  the  commu- 
nity, that  he  should  know  much  more  and  discern  much 
more  rapidly,  than  any  or  all  around  him,  when  engaged  in 
the  administration  of  justice.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of 
such  matters,  Chief  Justice  Parsons  was  one  of  the  most 
learned  and  able  Judges  that  ever  appeared  in  any  court. 

His  political  life  was  not  distinguished.  He  is  said  to 
have  had  a  distaste  to  political  controversy.  It  was  not  con- 
genial to  the  character  of  his  mind.  He  was  of  the  conven- 
tion which  framed  the  Massachusetts  constitution,  and  of 
that  which  adopted  the  national  one.  In  both  these  assem- 
blies he  held  a  high  rank,  and  was  the  inferior  of  no  man 
whom  he  met  therein.  On  extraordinary  occasions,  he 
sometimes  accepted  a  seat  in  the  state  legislature.  He  was 
an  original  and  thorough  federalist  ;  and,  consequently, 
understood  and  condemned  Mr.  Jefferson's  theories  and 
practice.  As  Mr.  Jefferson  was  curious  and  diligent,  as  to 
friends  and  foes,  and  loved  to  discuss  character,  he  ranked 
Judge  Parsons  among  the  enemies  of  the  country.  No 


322  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

doubt  this  gentleman  kept  very  bad  company,  in  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson's opinion  ;  for  he  was  the  intimate  associate  of  such 
men  as  Cabot,  Lowell,  Higginson,  and  Ames;  and  (which 
must  have  been  conclusive  with  Mr.  Jefferson)  he  was 
appointed  Chief  Justice  by  Caleb  Strong. 

As  a  scholar  and  a  man  of  science,  (especially  in  Greek 
and  mathematics,)  there  is  unquestionable  evidence,  from  the 
most  competent  judges,  of  his  very  high  attainments.  These 
studies  were  his  amusements  ;  but  he  also  read  and  delighted 
in  the  current  literature  of  the  day,  and,  it  is  said,  that  he 
was  as  well  read  in  novels  and  romances,  as  in  the  law. 

Mr.  Parsons  was  one  of  the  most  unremitting  and  inces- 
sant students  that  ever  lived.  When  not  called  off  by 
business,  his  daily  habit  was  to  sit  and  study,  from  twelve  to 
fifteen  hours  a  day,  all  his  life  ;  and  this  without  exercise  or 
relaxation.  Great  lawyer  as  he  was,  he  -did  not  study  law 
from  the  love  of  it.  He  left  a  great  mass  of  manuscripts, 
comprising  classical  literature,  a  Greek  grammar,  profession- 
al essays,  and  on  mathematics  and  astronomy  ;  the  two  latter 
subjects  and  natural  philosophy  being  his  favorite  studies. 
On  such  subjects  he  had  collected  a  very  considerable  libra- 
ry ;  and  had  also  an  extensive  and  valuable  collection  of 
optical  and  philosophical  instruments.  It  is  said,  that  he 
published  nothing,  and  did  not  intend  anything  that  he 
wrote  for  publication.  Nothing  was  left  in  condition  for  the 
press  ;  so  that  nothing  remains  of  this  great  mind,  but  his 
official  judgments. 

It  is  grateful  to  know  that  such  a  powerful  mind,  as  Judge 
Parsons  had,  was  applied,  with  all  its  force  on  the  truths  of 
Christian  revelation.  He  is  said  to  have  examined  this 
subject  with  the  acute  and  discriminating  ability,  which 
marked  all  his  intellectual  action.  He  publicly  professed 
his  belief  in  Christianity,  and  closed  his  life  in  that  belief. 

He  was  a  man  of  six  feet  in  stature,  of  full  person,  but 
rather  small  lower  limbs.  It  was  not  till  he  was  about  fifty, 
that  his  fulness  of  person  occurred.  His  face  was  round 
and  full,  his  complexion  sallow,  his  eyes  large  and  blue. 
He  affected  no  elegance  of  manner  or  dress ;  in  the  latter 
he  was  indifferent,  if  not  careless.  He  often  wore  a  colored 
silk  handkerchief  around  his  neck  and  over  his  coat.  He 
wore  a  brown  tie  wig,  the  hair  coming  down  in  front  almost 
to  his  eyebrows ;  and  his  own  hair  sometimes  appearing 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS. 

from  behind.  He  had  a  very  keen,  intent  look  when 
making,  or  listening  to  an  argument,  and  this  appeared  to 
be  the  more  so  from  his  habit  of  drawing  his  chin  towards 
his  breast,  and  looking  almost  through  his  eyebrows.  This 
position  of  his  head  was  probably  acquired  by  his  sedentary 
habit  of  study.  The  expression  of  his  tranquil  face  was' 
amiable  and  pleasing.  In  his  day,  at  the  bar,  there  was 
often  a  keen  and  close  encounter  of  wit  and  sarcasm  ; 
seasoned  a  little,  sometimes,  with  political  excitement,  and, 
sometimes,  arising  to  passionate  expression.  But  Mr.  Par- 
sons did  not  lose  himself  on  these  occasions. 

He  was  naturally  liable  to  passionate  excitement.  When 
he  was  about  thirty  years  of  age,  he  gave  way  to  a  very 
justifiable  cause  of  violent  anger.  This  happened  in  the 
presence  of  his  wife,  who  was  so  much  affected,  as  to  faint. 
He  then  resolved,  never  in  his  life  to  give  way  to  passion, 
and,  it  is  said,  he  never  did.  It  has  been  thought,  that  all 
men  of  very  exalted  intellect,  by  nature,  are  liable  to  violent 
passions.  Certainly  there  are  many  such  cases  ;  but  there 
are  also  many  cases  of  passionate  persons,  of  very  inferior 
minds. 

In  private  life  and  social  intercourse,  he  was  an  amiable 
man,  of  very  easy,  familiar  manner  ;  and  was  very  gracious 
to  his  young  brethren.  He  loved  good  stories  and  told 
them  well ;  was  full  of  apt  anecdote  and  pleasant  wit,  and 
was  ready  and  sharp  at  repartee.  He  laughed  heartily,  but 
inwardly,  and  with  his  lips  closed. 

This  eminent  man  had  something  of  a  defect,  not  uncom- 
mon with  "  giant "  minds.  Though  the  ends  which  he 
desired  to  accomplish  were  such  as  ought  to  be  accomplished, 
he  thought  inferior  minds  should  be  managed.  The  suspi- 
cion, that  he  was  disposed  to  management,  impaired  his 
influence.  Ingenuity  in  leading  inferior  minds  to  assent, 
where  it  is  proper,  that  they  should  do  so,  is  not  an  uncom- 
mon trait  in  men  of  superior  intellect.  It  is  a  sort  of  hom- 
age, which  such  intellect  pays  to  itself.  But  contempt  and 
management  are  not  readily  forgiven,  even  by  the  most  in- 
ferior. All  that  is  true  in  this  respect  of  Mr.  Parsons  prob- 
ably came  to  no  more  than  this  ;  that  he  was  adroit  in 
accomplishing  commendable  purposes,  which  is  a  merit  ; 
and  not  that  he  managed  to  attain  improper  purposes,  which 
is  adding  one  vice  to  another.  Enough,  perhaps,  has  been 


324  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

quoted  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  writings  to  show  what  sort  of  a 
manager  he  was. 

The  successor  of  Chief  Justice  Parsons  was  Samuel 
Sewall,  of  the  ancient  and  distinguished  family  of  that  name. 
He  was  a  native  of  Boston,  but  had  resided  for  many  years 
at  Marblehead.  He  had  been  a  member  of  Congress,  and 
thirteen  years  on  the  bench,  when  appointed  Chief  Justice. 
He  held  this  place  but  a  few  months.  He  died  at  Wiscasset, 
while  on  the  circuit,  instantly,  and  without  any  previous 
illness,  June,  1814,  at  the  age  of  57.  He  is  supposed  to 
have  had  some  disease  of  the  heart.  He  was  below  middle 
stature,  and  of  rather  full  person.  His  manners  were  those 
of  a  gentleman,  amiable  and  courteous.  He  was  a  learned 
lawyer,  and  was  highly  esteemed  and  respected.  If  his 
judicial  opinions  had  any  defect,  it  was  in  the  want  of 
clearness  and  simplicity. 

Chief  Justice  Sewall  was  succeeded  by  Isaac  Parker, 
a  native  of  Boston.  After  admission  to  the  bar,  he  removed 
to  Castine,  and  thence  to  Portland.  He  was  Marshal  of  the 
district,  member  of  Congress,  and  was  appointed  associate 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  in  1806,  and  soon 
after  removed  to  Boston.  Among  the  first  acts  under  his 
new  appointment,  was  to  sit,  as  sole  judge,  in  the  remarka- 
ble trial  of  Thomas  O.  Selfridge,  a-  member  of  the  bar,  for 
manslaughter.  In  this  trial  Gore  and  Dexter  were  counsel 
for  the  accused.  In  1814  he  was  promoted  to  the  office  of 
Chief  Justice,  and  continued  in  that  station  till  July,  1830, 
when  he  died  suddenly  of  paralysis,  at  the  age  of  63. 

Chief  Justice  Parker  was  not  supposed  to  be  a  learned 
lawyer  when  he  first  took  his  seat  on  the  beach ;  but  he 
proved  to  be  one  of  the  ablest  judges  that  ever  sat  in  this 
court.  He  was  naturally  disinclined  to  labor  ;  but  he  had 
a  clear  and  powerful  mind,  and  was  capable  of  intense  and 
rapid  application.  His  learned  and  lucid  judgments,  pro- 
duced with  wonderful  facility,  are  the  best  evidence  of  his 
capacity.  Whether  his  labors,  or  those  of  Chief  Justice 
Parsons,  in  the  same  seat,  were  most  useful  to  the  Common- 
wealth, is  a  point,  on  which  there  may  be  difference  of 
opinion.  They  were  both  eminently  useful,  but  were,  in 
many  respects,  very  different  men.  They  died  at  the  same 
age,  and  probably  Parker  could  not  number  as  many  hours 
of  study,  in  his  whole  life,  as  Parsons  could  number  days. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  325 

Chief  Justice  Parker  was  a  man  of  middle  stature,  of  full 
person  and  full  face,  light,  or  red  complexion,  blue  eyes, 
and  very  high  forehead,  and  remarkably  bald.  His  manners 
were  very  simple  and  without  pretension  to  polish.  He  was 
very  affable,  amiable,  and  unpretending ;  and  a  most  com- 
panionable and  agreeable  associate,  in  private  life.  Perhaps 
no  man  excelled  him  in  kind  and  friendly  feelings.  He 
used  snuff  immoderately  ;  it  affected  his  voice  in  his  latter 
years,  and  may  have  had  some  agency  in  producing  his 
sudden  and  lamented  death.  For  some  years  at  the  close  . 
of  his  life,  he  rose  long  before  the  dawn  of  day,  and  dressed, 
and  took  his  walk  of  four  or  five  miles  before  breakfast, 
whatever  was  the  season,  or  the  state  of  the  weather.  He 
certainly  lived  most  usefully  and  honorably  for  the  public, 
and  ought,  therefore,  to  be  considered  to  have  lived  usefully 
for  himself.  He  may  not  have  thought  so ;  for,  like  most 
other  men  of  his  profession,  however  eminent,  he  had  little 
to  bequeath  as  the  product  of  laborious  life,  but  his  honor- 
able fame.  * 

Samuel  Dexter  was  a  native  of  Boston,  born  in  1761. 
He  was  (like  John  Jay)  of  Huguenot  descent,  t  on  the 
maternal  side,  and  of  English,  on  the  paternal.  His  father 
was  an  eminent  merchant,  and  a  patron  of  science  and 
literature.  Mr.  Dexter  was  educated  at  Harvard  University, 
and  left  that  seminary  with  high  reputation.  He  engaged 
in  the  profession  of  the  law,  and  rose  rapidly  in  the  public 
estimation.  He  became  a  member  of  the  state  legislature  ; 
was  sent  to  Congress,  and  distinguished  himself  honorably 
in  both  branches.  Mr.  John  Adams  appointed  him  secre- 

*The  Chief  Justice  was  a  man  of  the  simplest  habits  of  life.  He 
happened  to  have  taken  a  servant,  on  the  very  day  of  an  evening, 
when  he  was  to  receive  a  society  of  his  professional  brethren.  This 
servant  had  left  a  family  in  which  it  was  the  usage  to  announce 
visitors,  a  practice  unknown  in  the  Judge's  house.  The  two  first 
who  came  were  asked  at  the  door  for  their  names,  and  amused 
with  the  Judge's  new  style,  one  of  them  answered,  John  Doe  and 
Richard  Roe.  The  servant  threw  open  the  door  and  announced, 
"Mr.  John  Doe,  Mr.  Richard  Roe."  The  Chief  Justice  came  for- 
ward with  his  usual  good  nature,  and  extending  his  hand  said, 
"  Gentlemen,  I  have  read  of  you  and  heard  of  you  all  my  life,  but 
"  I  had  despaired  of  making  a  personal  acquaintance."  He  ordered 
his  servant  to  forego  his  gentility  in  future. 

t  See  page  50. 

28 


326  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

tary  of  war,  and  then  secretary  of  the  treasury,  which 
latter  office  he  held,  when  Mr.  Jefferson  became  President. 
He  performed  the  duties  of  these  two  offices  with  great 
ability.  When  Jefferson  came  in,  he  withdiew  from  public 
employment  and  resumed  his  profession.  He  continued  in 
this  vocation  to  the  close  of  his  life,  which  event  occurred, 
(from  sudden  disease  of  the  throat)  while  on  a  visit  to  the 
interior  of  the  state  of  New  York,  May  4th,  1816,  when  he 
was  in  his  fifty-fifth  year. 

It  will  be  observed,  that  Mr.  Dexter  had  filled  the  various 
places  which  have  been  mentioned,  before  he  was  forty 
years  of  age ;  and  in  a  manner  which  proved,  that  he  well 
deserved  all  the  confidence  and  honor,  which  had  been 
offered  and  accepted.  Associated  with  Mr.  Adams,  it 
would  have  been  surprising,  if  Jefferson,  Freneau,  Bache, 
Duane,  Callender,  and  other  like  guardians  of  the  public 
welfare  had  not  noticed  him.  They  availed  themselves 
of  an  unfortunate  accident,  to  aid  them  in  their  patriotic 
purpose  of  demolishing  federal  character.  In  the  new  and 
unprepared  state  of  the  city  of  Washington  to  be  the  seat  of 
government,  a  building  was  hired  for  the  use  of  the  secre- 
tary. The  adjoining  building  took  fire,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  office  of  the  secretary,  with  many  papers  belong- 
ing to  it,  were  burnt.  It  was  an  opportunity  not  to  be  lost 
by  this  company  of  public  guardians.  Accordingly,  Mr. 
Dexter  was  charged  with  peculation,  and  with  the  wilful 
burning  of  his  office,  books,  and  papers,  to  conceal  it. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Dexter's  attention  had  been  so 
much  abstracted  from  his  profession,  he  resumed  his  place 
at  the  bar,  as  though  he  had  not  been  absent  from  it ;  and 
was  at  once  in  full  practice,  in  all  the  courts  which  he 
chose  to  attend.  His  professional  reputation  was  sufficiently 
high,  to  call  him  annually  to  the  Supreme  Court  at  Wash- 
ington, during  the  rest  of  his  life.  In  this  forum,  he  met, 
among  others,  William  Pinkney,  Robert  G.  Harper,  Thomas 
Addis  Emmet,  who  were  glad  of  his  aid  as  an  associate  ; 
and  who  knew  what  was  necessary,  when  opposed  to  him. 
The  course  of  the  national  administration  occasioned  many 
highly  important  litigations,  in  this  tribunal. 

It  is  said,  that  Mr.  Dexter  had  impaired  his  eye-sight  by 
hard  study,  early  in  manhood.  This,  no  doubt,  was  consid- 
ered a  misfortune,  but  it  may  not  have  been  ;  for  being 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  327 

disqualified,  by  this  occurrence,  to  deal  with  the  thoughts  of 
others,  he  was  compelled  to  find  thoughts  for  himself.  He 
may  thus  have  acquired  a  facility,  in  that  very  difficult 
exercise  of  the  mind,  voluntary  thinking.  His  manhood 
may  be  considered  to  have  been  one  long  process  of  medita- 
tion, reluctantly  interrupted  by  business  and  sleep.  He  had 
no  relaxation,  and  knew  nothing  of  what  are  called  amuse- 
ments. He  sat,  and  thought ;  or  more  commonly  paced  his 
room ;  or,  at  least,  so  it  was  said  of  him.  However  this 
may  have  been,  Mr.  Dexter  depended  very  little  on  books 
and  less  on  his  pen,  in  preparing,  or  delivering  his  elaborate 
arguments.  He  posessed  himself  of  facts,  and  then  resorted 
to  his  own  contemplations  to  jind  the  law,  when  the  partic- 
ular case  did  not  turn  on  technical  distinctions. 

Mr.  Dexter  rarely  had  a  brief;  and  never  larger  than  a 
quarter  of  a  sheet  of  letter  paper,  and  seldom  took  notes, 
unless  to  preserve  the  words  of  a  witness,  or  the  book  and 
page  of  an  authority.  His  common  manner  of  speech  was 
deliberate,  and  his  thoughts  were  very  clearly  expressed ; 
and  the  effect  was  to  command  attention,  whether  of  the 
judges  or  the  jury ;  but  it  was  only  the  eloquence  of  argu- 
ment. In  general,  he  stood  still  and  erect,  and  used  no 
gesticulation,  excepting  occasionally  his  right  arm  was  ex- 
tended. But  it  was  much  otherwise  when  his  case  called 
for  strong  and  impassioned  expression,  and  when  he  was 
excited  himself.  He  was  capable  of  the  strongest  excite- 
ment, and  sometimes  rose  to  tremendous  eloquence.  Some 
instances  are  well  remembered,  where  his  own  feelings  were 
strongly  interested,  and  then  his  mighty  mind  came  forth 
in  words,  in  tones,  and  manner,  that  can  be  best  compre- 
hended by  referring  to  that  all-absorbing  interest  which  is 
sometimes  felt,  in  highly  wrought  scenes  of  the  drama.  Mr. 
Pinkney  is  said  to  have  prepared  his  pathos.  But  these 
great  efforts  of  Mr.  Dexter  could  not  have  been  prepared. 
They  were  the  eloquence  of  the  moment;  and  may  have 
been  as  unexpected  to  himself,  as  to  his  audience.  Like 
Garrick,  he  may  have  been  surprised  by  the  unintended 
excelling  of  himself. 

It  is  not  possible  to  point  out  his  greatest  argument. 
That  which  was  considered  to  be  one  of  the  ablest  he  ever 
made  was  on  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  embargo  laws. 
This  was  delivered  in  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States. 


328  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

There  was  no  reporter.  The  argument  was  lost  except  for 
the  occasion.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  that  this  exposition 
of  constitutional  law,  from  Mr.  Dexter,  has  not  been  pre- 
served. It  is  believed,  that  no  product  of  his  mind,  but  official 
papers,  professional  arguments,  and  congressional  speeches, 
(from  the  hands  of  reporters,)  has  been  preserved,  excepting 
his  Eulogy  on  Ames.  Mr.  Dexter  was  a  deep  thinker  ;  and 
theology  was  one  of  the  subjects  which  engaged  his  attention. 
He  was  a  Christian  ;  and  it  was  intimated,  in  his  lifetime, 
that  he  intended  a  publication  of  his  views  ;  and  had  begun 
to  write.  But  since  his  decease,  it  is  understood,  that  he 
left  nothing  sufficiently  prepared  for  the  press. 

He  took  an  earnest  part  in  the  suppression  of  intemper- 
ance, and  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first  distinguished 
man,  who  thought  it  practicable.  He  was  the  first  president 
of  the  first  temperance  society  formed  in  Massachusetts, 
about  the  year  1813.*  He  had  consented  to  deliver  the  first 
address,  but  was  unable  to  do  so,  in  consequence  of  being 
detained  at  Washington. 

Mr.  Dexter  was  nearly  six  feet  in  stature,  of  well  propor- 
tioned, muscular  frame.  His  hair  was  black,  loose,  unpow- 
dered,  and  worn  rather  long ;  it  came  lightly  over  his  high, 
expansive  forehead.  His  face  was  long,  his  complexion 
dark,  his  eyes  large  and  light  blue.  There  are  men  whose 
expression  of  face  indicates,  that  they  are  mostly  engaged 
with  what  is  passing  without  them,  while  others  show,  that 
they  are  occupied  with  what  is  passing  within  them. 
Mr.  Dexter  was  of  the  latter  description  ;  though  he  could 
observe  keenly,  when  it  was  interesting  to  him  to  do  so. 
His  common  and  usual  manner  was  a  dignified  and  formal 
reserve,  that  of  one  who  is  conscious  of  intellectual  superi- 
ority. His  personal  presence  indicated,  that  he  was  not  a 
man,  with  whom  liberties  could  be  taken,  or  to  whom 
familiarity  could  be  offered.  Yet  in  private  intercourse, 
and  when  he  felt  himself  unrestrained,  he  was  an  agreeable 
and  instructive  associate  ;  but  he  did  not  take  much  interest 
in  what  is  called  "  company,"  and  spent  but  little  time  in 
that  way.  Instances,  however,  are  remembered,  in  which 
he  gave  full  scope  to  social  sympathies.  He  was  a  parish- 

*  This  is  supposed  to  have  heen  the  first  Temperance  Society  ever 
formed. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  329 

ioner  of  the  celebrated  and  lamented  Buckminster,  (who 
died  June,  1812.)  The  distinguished  men  of  the  parish 
visited  Mr.  Buckminster  on  the  evening  of  Sunday.  (The 
same  practice  was  observed  in  the  time  of  his  predecessor, 
Dr.  Thacher,  and  of  his  predecessor,  Dr.  Cooper.)  In 
these  social  interviews  Mr.  Dexter  received,  as  well  as 
imparted,  pleasure.  It  is  believed,  that  he  was  not  of  that 
class  of  men  who  need,  or  who  desire  intimacies  ;  but  was 
of  the  privileged  few,  who  can  always  be  companions  to 
themselves.  Whether  this  course  is,  on  the  whole,  the  best, 
each  one  must  judge  for  himself. 

During  Mr.  Madison's  war,  Mr.  Dexter  separated  from  his 
federal  friends  ;  a  circumstance  which  they  exceedingly 
regretted.  It  is  not  known,  that  the  true  causes  of  this 
separation  have  been  explained.  The  separation  contin- 
ued to  the  close  of  his  life. 


LETTER   LXXIV. 

MARCH  9,  1834. 

THERE  are  yet  among  the  living  some  men,  whom  Mr. 
Jefferson  included  in  his  general  denunciation,  and  who 
held  a  conspicuous  rank  in  the  first  fifteen  years  of  this  cen- 
tury. It  would  be  a  grateful  pleasure  to  speak  of  them,  as 
men  and  as  citizens.  This  would  lead  to  a  long  enumera- 
tion ;  too  long  for  the  present  purpose.  It  cannot  be  dis- 
respectful to  others  to  mention  some,  who  deserved  well  of 
their  country  in  the  greatest  perils,  and  but  little  less 
serious  than  those  experienced  in  the  revolution.  Party  men 
they  were,  because  none  but  party  men  could  live  in  the 
days  of  Jefferson  and  Madison.  But  this  they  may  say  of 
themselves  and  their  associates,  and  as  the  last  act  to  be 
done  on  this  side  the  grave,  that  they  ever  acted  from  purest 
motives ;  that  their  country  had  no  just  cause  to  complain, 
that  they  did  act,  but,  on  the  contrary,  should  be  ever 
grateful  to  them  for  their  resistance  of  ill-advised  and  dan- 
gerous measures. 

Harrison  Gray  Otis  was  too  young  to  have  taken  a  part 
in  the  revolution  ;  but  not  to  bear  arms,  when  the  insurrec- 
28* 


330  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

tion  of  1786  -  7  required  the  services  of  all  good  citizens. 
He  was  too  young  to  have  been  a  member  of  the  convention, 
which  adopted  the  constitution  ;  but  in  1800  he  was  in 
Congress,  an  opponent  of  Jeffersonism ;  and  was  among  the 
embarrassed  number,  who  had  to  choose  between  Jefferson 
and  Burr.  From  that  time  to  the  close  of  Mr.  Madison's 
war,  Mr.  Otis  was  constantly  in  Congress,  or  in  one,  or  the 
other  of  the  legislative  branches  of  the  state ;  and  for  many 
years  at  the  head  of  one,  or  the  other.  He  was  the  orator 
of  all  popular  assemblies  ;  the  guide  of  popular  opinion  in 
all  the  trying  scenes  of  commercial  restrictions,  embargo, 
and  war.  With  a  fine  person  and  commanding  eloquence, 
with  a  clear  perception  and  patriotic  purpose,  he  was  the 
first  among  his  equals,  alike  ready,  at  all  times,  with  his 
pen  and  his  tongue.  What  motive  could  this  gentleman 
have  had,  to  effect  such  purposes  as  Mr.  Jefferson  charged 
upon  him  and  his  associates  ?  Disunion  1  He  and  all  ra- 
tional men  knew  then,  as  they  now  know,  that  the  moment 
the  Union  is  broken,  discord,  anarchy,  civil  war,  and  despot- 
ism must  come*  They  knew  then,  as  now,  that  a  "  northern 
confederacy  "  could  be  effected  only  by  force ;  and  if  to  be 
effected  even  by  consent,  what  hope  of  peace  and  prosperity 
could  there  be  within  its  limits  ;  or  security  from  the  hostile 
dispositions  of  those  beyond  them !  It  is  hardly  credible 
that  even  such  men  as  Jefferson  and  Madison,  deluded  as 
they  were,  could  have  so  underrated  the  intelligence  of  nor- 
thern men,  as  to  have  imputed  to  them  such  designs.  If 
they  knew,  that  those  imputations  were  false  and  groundless, 
there  is  no  apology  for  having  made  them,  but  this;  party, 
disorganizing,  demoralizing,  tyrannical  party  holds  all 
means  to  be  lawful,  which  can  accomplish  its  purpose. 

There  is  one  man,  whose  name  does  not  appear  in  con- 
ventions, nor  much  in  the  legislative  or  popular  assemblies, 
but  who  had,  when  in  these,  as  at  the  bar,  a  fervent  and 
commanding  eloquence.  But  especially  he  had  a  powerful 
influence  on  public  opinion,  through  the  press.  The  dis- 
cussions of  public  measures,  during  these  fifteen  years,  by 
John  Lowell  *  were  published  without  his  name,  in  pamph- 
lets. It  is  improbable,  that  distant  generations  will  know 
(if  efforts  to  preserve  civil  liberty  shall  be  worth  their  notice, 

*  Son  of  Judge  Lowell. 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  331 

or  if  they  are  in  condition  to  understand  its  worth,)  how 
much  they  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Lowell.  He  fearlessly  op- 
posed, in  masterly  reasonings,  the  disastrous  and  unprinci- 
pled policy  of  these  fifteen  years.  His  style  and  manner 
were  clear,  cogent,  and  convincing.  His  works  were  uni- 
versally read,  and  were  invaluable  in  correcting  and  en- 
lightening public  opinion.  His  "  Madison's  War,"  one  of 
the  most  elaborate  of  his  works,  was  so  independent  of  all 
personal  consequences  which  might  arise,  (from  the  perform- 
ance of  what  he  held  to  be  his  duty,  as  a  true  patriotic  citi- 
zen in  developing  the  character  of  national  administration,) 
that  his  friends  were  inclined  to  dissuade  him  from  publish- 
ing. This  country  is  under  the  greatest  obligation  to  him 
for  his  manly  perseverance.  All  the  evils  which  he  prophe- 
sied were  realized,  short  of  absolute  despotism ;  and  that 
this  was  not  is  to  be  ascribed  only,  to  the  better  perceptions 
of  the  community  of  impending  perils,  in  effecting  which 
he  labored  with  eminent  success.* 

Josiah  Quincy  was  in  Congress,  from  1805  to  1813,  and 
therefore  present  at  the  creating  of  commercial  restrictions, 
embargo,  and  war.  He  was  a  fearless  and  eloquent  oppo- 
nent of  all  those  measures  ;  and  therein  faithfully  repre- 
sented the  feelings,  wishes,  and  sound  judgment  of  his  con- 
stituents. His  speeches  are  among  the  best  records  of  the 
character  of  the  times.  He  drew  up  the  admirable  address 
of  the  minority  of  Congress.  James  A.  Bayard,  then  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  from  Delaware,  examined  and 
approved,  with  the  serious  responsibility  which  that  state- 
ment of  unquestionable  truths  involved.  Mr.  Quincy  is  still 
before  the  public,  and  it  would  not  accord  with  his  own  per- 


*  It  is  believed,  that  the  following  pamphlets  were  written  hy  Mr. 
Lowell,  though  none  of  them  bear  his  name  : 

1.  Madison's  War.  2.  The  Boston  Rebel.  3.  The  Road  to  Peace, 
Commerce,  Wealth,  and  Happiness.  4.  An  Appeal  to  the  People  on 
the  Causes  and  Consequences  of  a  WTar  with  Great  Britain.  5.  Per- 
petual War,  the  Policy  of  Mr.  Madison.  6.  Diplomatic  Policy  of  Mr. 
Madison  unveiled.  7.  Analysis  of  the  Correspondence  between  our 
Administration  and  Great  Britain  and  France.  8.  An  Essay  on  the 
Rights  and  Duties  of  Nations  relative  to  Fugitives  from  Justice,  con- 
sidered with  reference  to  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake.  These  pro- 
ductions were  republished  in  the  several  states,  were  applauded  by 
all  discerning  and  honest  men,  and  obtained  for  their  author  distin- 
guished fame. 


332  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

ceptions,  to  speak  of  him  but  in  allusion  to  historical  events 
in  former  years.* 

Artemas  Ward  (now  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas) 
was  the  worthy  successor  of  Mr.  Quincy.  He  was  present 
at  the  trying  scenes,  which  occurred  in  the  latter  time  of 
the  war,  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  speeches  of 
this  gentleman  were  grateful  to  his  constituents,  as  they 
showed  him  to  be  most  diligent  and  faithful  in  maintaining 
their  constitutional  rights,  and  in  resisting  the  dangerous 
encroachments  of  power. 

James  Lloyd  was  a  senator  from  Massachusetts  in  these 
days.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  liberal  education,  and  an 
eminent  merchant.  He  distinguished  himself  very  honor- 
ably in  the  Senate,  in  many  speeches  ;  comprising,  not  only 
the  intelligence  of  a  statesman,  but  a  practical  knowledge  in 
commerce,  which  was  much  more  rare  in  the  assembly 
which  he  addressed.  Mr.  Lloyd  demonstrated  the  folly  of 
the  embargo  in  the  clearest  manner. 

[It  was  intended  to  have  described  the  eminent  men,  who 
were  in  Congress  during  the  war,  and  to  have  shown  what 

*  Among  the  speeches  preserved  of  Mr.  Quincy,  are  the  following : 
1806.  On  fortifying  the  ports  and  harbors  of  the  United  States. 

1808.  On  the  first  resolution  of  the  committee  of  foreign  relations. 
"      On  foreign  relations. 

"      On  the  resolution  to  raise  50,000  volunteers. 

1809.  On  the  bill  for  holding  an  extra  session  of  Congress. 

1810.  On  the  resolution  of  Congress,  approving  the  conduct  of  the 
Executive  towards  Francis  J.  Jackson,  (British  minister.) 

1811.  On  the  bill  to  admit  the  territory  of  New  Orleans,  as  a  state, 
into  the  Union. 

1811.  On  the  influence  of  place  and  patronage. 
"      On  the  non-intercourse  law. 

1812.  On  maritime  protection. 

"      On  the  pay  of  non-commissioned  officers. 

"  On  the  relief  of  merchants  from  penalties  incurred  on  importa- 
tions of  British  goods. 

1813.  On  raising  an  additional  military  force. 

These  speeches  (among  others)  will  attract  the  notice  of  some  future 
historian,  who  desires  to  know  the  true  character  of  the  times.  There 
were  very  able  men,  in  these  days,  in  both  branches,  who  did  their 
duty.  Though  the  country  is  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  Quincy,  he  owes 
one  debt  to  it,  which  he  is  very  able,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  equally  will- 
ing, to  pay.  He  must  have  the  materials  on  hand,  for  an  accurate  and 
just  history  of  the  eventful  times,  in  which  he  was  a  public  man.  He 
is  already  known  as  a  historian,  and  the  time  has  already  come  in 
which  he  might  put  forth  his  knowledge  of  men  and  things. 


' 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  333 

part  they  respectively  took  in  the  affairs  of  the  country.  But 
many  of  them  are  still  living,  and  this  discussion  may  be 
left  to  a  more  distant  day  from  these  scenes,  and  to  a  better 
delineator.] 


LETTER   LXXV. 

MARCH  20,  1834. 

IF,  in  attempting  to  show  the  dangers  to  which  republics 
are  liable,  under  the  dominion  of  PARTY  RULERS  ;  or  if,  in 
attempting  to  weigh  the  worth  of  Thomas  Jefferson's  evi- 
dence against  a  numerous  class  of  his  fellow-citizens,  any 
malignant  or  unworthy  feeling  has  been  displayed,  the  writer 
is  unconscious  of  it.  Towards  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  Madison, 
and  their  political  associates,  he  is  influenced  by  no  vindic- 
tive or  unkind  impulse.  He  readily  admits,  that  the  Jeffer- 
soriian  party  may  have  believed  they  were  governed  by  good 
motives ;  but  then  he  insists,  that,  good  as  their  motives 
may  have  been,  their  acts  were  dangerous  to  civil  liberty, 
and  the  effect  of  them  ruinous  to  the  country.  The  people 
did  not  intend,  when  they  established  their  government,  nor 
can  any  citizen,  who  is  worthy  to  live  under  it,  desire,  that 
all  its  powers  and  purposes  should  be  perverted  to  the  use 
and  benefit  of  a  few  men,  who  are  ingenious  enough  to 
obtain  the  control. 

It  is  well  known  from  history,  and  from  the  very  nature 
of  man,  that  when  such  control  is  obtained,  that  is,  when- 
ever rulers  assume  to  have  power  for  their  own  use  and 
emolument,  and  not  for  the  good  of  the  nation,  usurpation 
must  follow.  One  usurpation  introduces  another.  No  usur- 
per (as  in  case  of  our  "  republican"  friend  Napoleon)  com- 
putes from  the  original  starting  point,  but  always  from  the 
one  last  arrived  at.  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  his  selected 
friends,  prescribed  to  themselves  the  patriotic  labor  of  de- 
molishing federalism  and  federalists  ;  then,  the  acquisition 
of  power  for  themselves;  then,  the  most  effectual  means  of 
keeping  it ;  then,  the  most  certain  means  of  strengthening 
it,  to  the  exclusive  use  of  party  ;  and  finally,  the  substitution 
of  mere  party  will  for  the  laws  and  the  constitution  it- 


334  FAMILIAR    LETTERS 

self.  *  In  all  this  "  the  people  "  were  called  on  to  rejoice 
and  applaud.  All  was  done  in  the  name  of  the  people  and 
in  the  name  of  liberty.  There  is  nothing  new  in  all  this. 
It  is  only  the  common  course  of  usurpation,  which  naturally 
tends  to  self-defending  despotism ;  and  ending  in  bloody 
tragedy,  so  often  seen  in  the  history  of  nations.  Man  is 
man's  enemy;  and  the  only  creature  of  the  earth,  who  is  the 
enemy  of  his  own  species.  He  will  ever  be  so,  until  refined 
by  that  morality  which  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  promote,  and 
chastened  by  that  religion,  which  he  attempted  to  discredit. 

Every  rational  man  in  the  United  States,  of  whatsoever 
party  he  now  is,  or  may  have  been,  must  admit  the  abstract 
truth,  that  government,  in  a  republic,  is  a  guardianship  in- 
stituted by  the  people,  to  prevent  them  from  doing  wrong  to 
themselves  and  to  each  other  ;  and  to  secure  the  enjoyment 
of  whatsoever  good  is  allowed  by  the  Creator  to  human  life. 
Whether  this  guardianship  has  been  well  or  ill  conducted, 
at  any  time,  does  not  depend  on  what  the  selected  guardians 
are  pleased  to  say  of  their  own  acts,  but  upon  the  good  or 
evil,  which  they  have  done  in  the  exercise  of  their  trust. 

Thus,  it  does  not  depend  on  presidential  messages,  on 
congressional  speeches,  on  the  making  of  laws,  on  the  ex- 
ecution of  them,  nor  on  the  exercise  of  executive  discretion, 
nor  on  the  applause  of  venal  presses,  whether  the  trust  has 
been  righteously  performed  or  not ;  but  on  the  effect  pro- 
duced on  those  for  whom  that  trust  was  undertaken. 

What  GOOD  can  be  done,  when  this  public  trust,  in  such  a 
government  as  ours,  is  wisely  and  honestly  executed  ?  It 
can  protect  industry,  property,  and  personal  liberty.  It  can 
administer  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men.  It  can  prevent, 
or  repel  foreign  aggression.  If  can  keep  peace  at  home. 
It  can  secure  to  every  one  the  right  to  do,  or  not  to  do  all 
things,  consistently  with  the  rules  intended  for  the  govern- 
ment of  all. 

What  EVIL  can  be  done,  when  this  trust  is  perversely  and 
dishonestly  executed  ?  <s  It  can  corrupt  the  ignorant  and  the 
deceived.  It  can  call  into  energetic  action  the  very  worst 


*  It  is  well  remembered,  that  one  man,  whose  shoulders  Mr.  Madi- 
son adorned  with  epaulets,  is  reported  to  have  said,  that  if  he  could  be 
permitted  to  use-  a  guillotine  in  State  Street,  for  a  single  hour,  he 
would  effectually  silence  opposition  ! 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  335 

of  human  passions  and  cravings.  It  can  hush  conscience. 
It  can  substitute  the  will  of  a  faction  for  the  law  of  the  land. 
It  can  shackle  industry,  and  stop  the  circulation  of  the  life- 
blood  of  the  social  state.  It  can  lay  excessive  burthens  on 
the  people,  destroy  life  in  domestic  tumults,  or  waste  the 
strength,  the  spirit,  and  the  wealth  of  a  nation  in  war.  It 
can  palsy  the  hand,  and  close  the  lips  by  terror.  All  this 
it  can  do,  and  do  it  in  the  name  of  the  people,  of  liberty,  and 
the  constitution. 

It  is  not  asked  of  'those  who  are  now  alive,  but  of  the 
posterity  to  which  Mr.  Jefferson  appeals,  which  of  these 
things  were  done  in  the  days  of  Washington  and  Adams  — 
which  of  them  were  done,  in  the  days  of  Jefferson  and 
Madison  ? 

It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the  day  is  yet  afar  off,  when  there 
will  be  an  American  President,  who  will  be  insensible  to  the 
inquisition  of  history.  Andrew  Jackson  may  be  an  excep- 
tion, as  he  is  a  sort  of  lusus  reipublica,  held  by  no  rules  or 
laws,  and  who  honestly  believes  his  sycophants,  that  he  was 
"  born  to  command."  A  proposition,  this,  which  he  has 
spared  no  pains,  and  has  halted  at  no  legal,  or  constitutional 
obstacle  to  verify.  With  a  head  and  heart  not  better  than 
Thomas  Jefferson  had,  but  freed  from  the  inconvenience  of 
that  gentleman's  constitutional  timidity,  and  familiar  with  the 
sword,  he  has  disclosed  the  real  purpose  of  the  American 
people  in  fighting  the  battles  of  the  revolution,  and  in  estab- 
lishing a  National  Republic,  viz.  :  THAT  THE  WILL  OF 
ANDREW  JACKSON  SHALL  BE  THE  LAW  AND  ONLY  LAW  OF 
THE  REPUBLIC  ! 

Are  the  people  of  the  United  States  so  far  gone  in  despot- 
ism, that  they  MUST  submit ;  or  can  they  in  any,  and  in 
what  way,  wrest  their  constitution,  their  personal  freedom, 
their  honorable  fame,  the  last  hope  of  civil  liberty,  from  the 
grasp  of  usurpers  t  They  have  a  formidable  adversary  to 
contend  with.  There  is  the  President,  the  Vice  President, 
the  cabinet  proper,  "  the  cabinet  improper,"  *  a  minority  of 
the  Senate,  a  majority  of  the  House,  (and  SUCH  a  majority ! ) 
the  whole  host  of  post-masters,  mail-contractors,  revenue 
officers,  district  attorneys  and  marshals,  agents,  sub-agents, 
clerks,  and  dependents  ;  in  short,  all  who  are  IN,  by  direct, 

*  Webster's  Speech  at  Worcester,  October,  1832. 


336 


FAMILIAR    LETTERS 


or  circuitous  executive  patronage.  Then  there  are  the  daring 
and  flagitious  presses,  that  speak  to  millions,  who  hear  no 
voice  but  that  which  they  utter.  To  this  well-entrenched 
and  strongly  fortified  camp  add  the  power,  obtained  by  the 
forcible  seizure  of  the  whole  of  the  revenues  of  the  United 
States,  to  be  applied  in  maintaining  this  terrible  combination. 
But  that  which  is  astounding  and  ludicrous,  at  the  same 
moment,  is,  that  this  army  of  patriots  announce  and  maintain, 
that  the  people  know,  UNDERSTAND,  and  approve  of  all  their 
doings  I  No  doubt,  these  patriots  are  sincere  and  honest. 
No  doubt,  they  believe,  that  this  whole  country,  its  people, 
its  institutions,  the  products  of  the  "  sweat  of  the  brow  "  do 
of  right  belong  to  them,  because  they  have  no  other  sense  of 
right,  than  the  will  and  power  to  command  them.  In  a  less 
enlightened  state  of  the  world  than  the  present,  the  only 
obstacle  was  the  physical  force  to  be  encountered  ;  if  this 
could  be  subdued,  terror  easily  held  in  subjection  a  broken 
spirit.  There  are  terrible  examples  of  such  truths  in  the 
forty-seven  years,  next  preceding  the  establishment  of  Au- 
gustus Caesar  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  republic.  We 
have  seen  the  same  thing  in  these  times,  in  the  "  republican 
Emperor."  Man  has  not  changed  his  nature  in  Americans. 
If  he  is  here  more  intelligent,  than  those  who  have  been,  his 
craving  ambition  has  partaken  of  the  progress  of  improve- 
ment. Its  arts  do  not  rely  on  force,  but  they  are  the  more 
dangerous,  since  they  are  more  adroit  and  cunning. 

Our  republic  will  endure  many  years  more,  because  our 
citizens  will  avail  themselves  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  when 
they  can  be  sufficiently  awakened  to  impending  perils. 
When  this  remedy  fails  to  produce  the  necessary  changes, 
it  will  only  aid  in  transferring  us  to  despotism,  How  is  this 
country  to  escape  the  Jcjfcrsonian  vice  of  electing  partisans  ? 
No  doubt  every  President  must  be  elected  by  a  party ;  but 
if  he  prove  himself  to  be  a  partisan  in  office,  he  is  a  tyrant 
at  heart,  and  is  no  more  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  those, 
who  voted  for  him,  than  of  those,  who  voted  against  him. 

At  this  day,  (March  20,  1834,)  there  is  not  the  least  doubt, 
that  a  large  majority  of  the  American  people  are  disgusted 
and  astonished  by  the  usurpations  of  Andrew  Jackson ; 
and  by  the  dominion,  which  irresponsible  individuals  have 
obtained  over  his  official  will.  If  this  majority  (who  are 
sound  constitutionalists)  were  as  united  in  their  remedy,  as 


ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS.  337 

they  are  in  reprobating  the  wrong,  the  course  to  be  pursued 
would  be  plain  and  easy.  It  is  naturally  to  be  expected,  that 
in  a  republic  so  extensive  as  that  of  the  United  States,  and 
in  which  there  are  eminent  men,  better  known  within  the 
limits  of  their  personal  action,  than  they  can  be  all  over  the 
Union,  there  will  be  decided  preferences  ;  and  such  as  may 
not  be  easily  relinquished.  But  may  it  not  be  expected, 
when  the  whole  country  is  in  peril,  and  struggling  to  escape 
from  the  grasp  of  despotism,  that  all  minor  considerations 
will  be  yielded  1  May  it  not  be  expected  from  the  eminent 
men,  who  may  be  considered  as  candidates,  that  they  will 
prefer  the  security  and  happiness  of  their  country  to  them- 
selves !  Such  men,  surely,  will  not  permit  disunion  among 
themselves,  to  constitute  successful  strength  in  their  com- 
mon adversary.  The  condition  of  the  country  seriously 
calls  on  such  men  to  make  some  sacrifices.  The  constitu- 
tionalists, no  doubt,  would  hold  the  concessions  of  honor- 
able ambition,  on  this  occasion,  as  the  highest  proof  of 
magnanimity. 

By  such  devotion  to  the  true  interests  of  the  country 
among  parties,  and  their  preferred  citizens,  the  American 
people  may  entertain  the  hope,  that  the  suffrages  of  an 
abused  and  indignant  community  will  unite,  in  some  high- 
minded,  virtuous,  and  trustworthy  person,  who  may  be  able 
to  bless  this  country  with  an  administration  like  that  of 
WASHINGTON.  They  can  have  but  one  requisition  to  make, 
as  the  condition  of  their  suffrages,  that  he  will  put  his  VETO 
to  the  reign  of  party,  and  will  be  the  President  of  the 
United  States. 

To  the  YOUNG  MEN  of  the  country,  into  whose  hands  these 
pages  may  chance  to  come,  it  may  not  be  obtrusive  to  offer 
a  word  of  counsel.  Youthful  aspiration  naturally  looks  to 
the  offices  of  the  republic  ;  and  this  is  proper,  when  motives 
are  pure,  and  intelligence  competent.  But  if  it  be  one's 
self  only  that  is  cared  for,  there  are  abundant  proofs,  that 
this  is  the  last  country  on  earth,  in  which  elective  office 
should  be  desired,  and  the  very  best,  (when  well  governed,) 
in  which  to  hold  one's  own  office,  and  adhere  to  one's  own 
place  of  business.  One  could  easily  make  a  long  list  of 
paupers,  who  were  such  from  having  sought  and  obtained 
high  places.  Patriots  and  their  countrymen  estimate  public 
services  very  differently  ;  and  if  one  labors  for  any  other 
29 


338  FAMILIAR   LETTERS 

reward  than  the  consciousness  of  performing  duties,  he  must 
contract  with  the  grave  to  spare  him  the  sense  of  hearing. 
Americans  are  munificent  in  eulogies  of  the  departed. 
These  do  no  evil  but  that  of  misrepresenting  historical  truth  ; 
and  nothing  is  hazarded  in  praising  the  dead,  who  are  no 
longer  aspirants  for  place  and  power.  Such  considerations 
absolve  no  man  from  the  duties  of  a  citizen.  It  is  the  first 
of  political  duties  to  be  a  consistent,  intelligent,  constitu- 
tional republican.  If  one  has  no  desire  for  office,  still  it  is 
his  duty  to  hold  up  to  rulers,  that  they  will  be  justly  but  se- 
verely judged  of.  The  more  one  studies  the  institutions  of 
his  country,  state  and  national,  and  the  more  he  compares 
them  with  those  of  any  other  countries,  ancient  or  modern, 
the  more  will  he  be  convinced,  that  they  deserve  his  best 
exertions  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  them.  Every  young 
man,  who  is  worthy  of  living  under  such  glorious  institutions, 
should  form  and  maintain  opinions  ;  not  such  as  spring  up 
in  the  hot-bed  of  party  excitement ;  not  such  as  begin  and 
end,  in  getting  this  man  in,  and  keeping  that  man  out ;  but 
his  opinions  should  rise  on  the  broad  and  firm  basis  of  con- 
stitutional right.  What  is  it,  in  fact,  to  nine  hundred  and 
ninety-nine  men  in  every  thousand,  who  is  the  Governor  of 
a  state,  or  the  President  of  the  United  States,  so  that  he  is 
an  able,  virtuous,  and  conscientious  man,  and  disdains  the 
influence  of  corrupting  party  ? 

There  is  one  solemn  truth,  which  all  young  men,  who  wish 
to  live  in  pure  republican  government,  must  keep  in  mind, 
viz. :  That  every  thing,  which  the  Creator  has  given  for 
man's  security  and  happiness,  comes  with  an  inseparable 
condition,  that  he  shall  bestow  his  care  upon  it,  to  keep  it 
in  a  proper  state  to  impart  the  benefit  for  which  it  was  de- 
signed. This  truth  is  apparent  to  every  one  who  considers 
his  person,  his  heart,  his  mind',  his  worldly  possessions.  This 
truth  is  not  less  applicable  to  political  government,  (the  very 
thing  of  all  others  most  easily  perverted,)  with  which  all  that 
can  be  called  good  is  necessarily  connected.  The  duty  of 
preservation  and  proper  use  is  given,  by  election,  (but  not 
for  their  exclusive  use  and  benefit,)  to  rulers.  Constituents 
are  faithless  to  themselves,  and  must  and  will  suffer  the  con- 
sequences of  perfidy,  if  they  permit  rulers  to  separate  them- 
selves, and  set  up  an  exclusive  dominion  in  their  own  right. 

The  continually  besetting  danger  lies  in  the  cupidity  and 


ON    PUBLIC    CHAUACTERS.  339 

ambition  of  a  class  of  men,  who  understand  the  art  of  sepa- 
rating mere  numbers  from  intelligence  and  property.  They 
do  this  by  instilling  into  these  numbers  a  belief,  that  they 
have  a  separate  interest  from  all  others  in  the  community. 
This  is  a  profitable  field  to  cultivate,  because  it  is  manured 
with  all  the  perversions  of  which  human  nature  is  capable. 
There  never  has  been  in  the  world  any  community,  in  which 
it  was  so  entirely  false,  that  the  members  of  it  have  separate 
and  distinct  interests.  On  the  contrary,  no  community  ever 
existed,  in  which  the  welfare  of  each  one  so  entirely  de- 
pended on  the  welfare  of  all.  There  can  be  nothing  more 
false,  flagitious,  and  wicked,  than  to  inculcate  that  the  rich 
and  the  poor  have  separate  interests,  as  fellow-citizens. 
They  must  suffer  and  enjoy  together,  in  measures  which 
affect  the  whole  of  society.  The  most  astute  ingenuity 
cannot  point  out  a  case  in  which  a  man  can  use  property, 
by  laic,  beneficially  to  himself,  and  injuriously  to  others. 
If  he  use  property  injuriously  to  others,  against  law,  there 
is  law  enough  to  stop  him.  Suppose  there  were  no  men  who 
were  able  to  build  rail-roads,  undertake  voyages,  build  houses, 
carry  on  manufacturing,  &c. ;  what  would  become  of  those 
who  must  be  employed,  or  starve  ?  The  proportion  between 
laborers  and  employment  in  this  country  is,  and  long  must 
be  such,  that  those  who  have  labor  to  exchange  for  wages, 
must  rather  have  the  advantage,  and  to  a  most  extraordinary 
degree,  compared  with  any  other  country  on  the  globe.  That, 
which  the  young  citizens  owe  it  to  themselves  and  to  their 
country  to  do  is,  to  examine  rationally  and  dutifully  into 
these  popular  delusions ;  and  not  to  permit  interested,  or 
ignorant  partisans  to  defraud  them  of  their  republican  in- 
heritance, by  exciting  one  class  of  citizens  against  another. 
The  preservation  of  the  Union  is  implied  in  supporting, 
and  preserving  the  constitution.  The  writer,  readily  ad- 
mitting to  all  men  the  same  independence  in  matters  of 
opinion,  which  he  claims  to  exercise  for  himself,  is  sincerely 
convinced,  that  some  of  the  best  intended  measures,  now 
going  on  in  the  New  England  states,  will  do  more  towards 
breaking  up  the  Union,  than  all  that  "  anglomen,  monarch- 
ists, and  traitors"  could  have  done,  if  all  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
said  of  them  were  as  true,  as  he  wished  to  have  it  believed 
to  be.  Whatever  philanthropists  and  Christians  may  say 
and  feel,  as  to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  however  sound 


Jf: 
:J40  FAMILIAR    LETTERS    ON    PUBLIC    CHARACTERS. 


they  may  be  in  their  abstract  notions,  this  is  a  subject  in 
which  those  dwelling  in  non-slaveholding  states  have  not 
the  right  to  interfere,  but  are  positively  forbidden  to  do  so, 
by  the  constitution  and  laws.  All-sufficient  as  these  diffi- 
culties may  be  to  arrest  one's  progress,  these  reformers 
overlook  the  fact,  that  their  measures  can  do  no  possible 
good,  while  they  are  sure  to  effect  the  most  serious  evil 
—  evil,  which  will  be  felt  by  irritated  reaction,  on  all  the 
most  precious  interests  of  the  East  and  the  North.  This 
policy,  if  pursued,  will  inevitably  conclude  in  the  separation 
of  the  Union ;  and  then  an  Andrew  Jackson  may  be  a  bless- 
ing. 

As  to  remedies  for  the  afflictions  and  degradations,  which 
our  republic  is  now  suffering,  it  is  nearly  three  years  before 
there  can  be  any  relief  in  the  executive  department.  In  this 
space  of  time  the  people  must  suffer  and  mourn.  But  in 
affliction  there  is  wisdom ;  for  in  affliction  men  consider. 
Already,  the  true  principles  of  our  institutions  attract  de- 
served attention. 

Our  citizens  are  reflecting  on  their  duties  to  themselves, 
to  each  other,  and  to  successors.  Every  thing  is  to  be  hoped 
from  this  state  of  things.  To  the  good  sense  of  the  people 
only  can  we  look,  for  the  salvation  of  the  republic.  If  this 
fail,  the  American  people  will  have  proved,  what  European 
theorists  have  always  said  they  would,  that  mankind,  under 
the  most  favorable  circumstances,  are  incapable  of  self- 
government;  and,  that  it  is  the  ordained  destiny  of  men, 
to  waste  themselves  in  vindictive  and  bloody  factions,  till 
they  welcome  despotism  as  the  only  chance  for  repose. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  John,  Vice  Pres.  1789,  31  —  Pres. 
of  U.  8.  1797,  98  —  personal  appear- 
ance, 98  —  remarks  on,  98  —  first  speech 
to  Congress,  98  —  his  cabinet,  99  —  mis- 
sion to  France  1797,  99  —  public  appro- 
bation of,  102 — Adams  and  Liberty 
(song),  102  —  his  conduct  towards 
France,  103—  administration  of,  104- 
116  —  judiciary  law  (1800),  113. 

Adams,  John  Q..,  his  vote  on  embargo, 
minister  to  Russia,  at  Ghent,  at  Lon- 
don, Sec.  of  State,  Seminole  war,  Presi- 
dent of  U.  S.,  denunciation  of  traitors, 
renewal  of,  correspondence  with,  there- 
on, Jefferson's  remarks  to,  Giles  on  his 
communications,  301,  302. 

Adams,  Samuel,  Gov.  of  Mass.,  94  —  per- 
sonal appearance,  94. 

Adct,  French  minister  1795,  59  —  speech 
to  Washington  (French  flag),  59  —  his 
official  conduct,  60  —  attempt  to  influ- 
ence election  1796,  67. 

Administrations,  comparison  of,  306, 

Alien  and  sedition  laws,  106-8. 

Aliens,  Jefferson's  policy  on,  177  —  made 
citizens,  by  Jefferson,  177. 

Ames,  Fisher,  Mass.,  in  Cong.  1787,  19  — 
speeches  of,  20  —  personal  appearance, 
20  —  on  public  dangers,  24 —  speech  on 
Jay's  treaty,  62. 

Amury,  Thomas  C.  (merchant),  238. 

Apostacy,  in  Jefferson's  time,  159. 

Appointments  by  Pres.  of  U.  S.  (construc- 
tion), 32. 

Baltimore  in  1812,  278. 

Sank  of  United  States  1791,  35. 

Baring,  Alexander,  (M.  P.)  in  United 
States,  89. 

Bayard,  James  A.,  and  Jefferson,  150  — 
Jefferson's  calumnies  on,  150  —  person 
and  character,  152  —  vindication  of,  by 
his  sons,  153  —  speech  on  judiciary,  158 

—  speech  on  Jefferson's  policy,  158  — 
commissioner  at  Ghent,  293. 

Bigelow,  Timothy,  notice  of,  236. 

Bollman,Vr.  (Lafayette),  64  — at  Burr's 
trial,  187  —  and  S  wartwout,  195  —  treat- 
ment of,  by  Jefferson,  195. 

.Boston  in  1788  (customs),  28  — in  1798,  96. 

Bowdoin,  James,  Gov.  of  Mass,  in  1787,  5 

—  founder  of  the  American    Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences,  5 — administra- 
tion of,  6  — Gov.  during  rebellion,  6  — 
personal  appearance  of,  6. 

Brissot  de  Warville  in  United  States,  29 
— guillotined  at  Paris,  29. 

29* 


Brooks,  John,  Gov.  of  Mass.,  308  —  per- 
son and  character,  308. 

Burr,  Aaron,  conspiracy  of,  184  —  his  acts 
in,  185  —  arrested  as  a  traitor,  186  — 
indictment  of,  for  treason,  187  —  (Wil- 
kinson, Giles,  Randolph),  188  —  trial  of, 
before  Ch.  Just.  Marshall,  190  —  Jeffer- 
son's conduct  on,  191  —  Ch.  Just.  Mar- 
shall's remarks,  193 — Wirt's  eloquence 
at,  197  —  personal  appearance  of,  200  — 
Hamilton's  opinions  of,  201  —  challenges 
and  kills  Hamilton,  202. 

Cabinet,  Executive,  the  first  formed,  33  — 
in  1795,  57  — of  John  Adams,  103. 

Cabot,  George,  first  secretary  of  the  navy, 
34  —  character  of,  310. 

Callender,  his  "  Prospect  before   Us,"  110 

—  Jefferson's  support  of,  110  —  and  Jef- 
ferson, 110 —  indicted  for  sedition,  110 

—  pardoned  by  Jefferson,  112. 

Carroll,  Charles  (survivor),  91. 

Causes  of  war,  in  1812,  alleged,  255. 

Cliase,  Judge,  trials  before,  168  —  im- 
peachment of,  169  —  trial  and  counsel 
of,  170 —  remarks  on  his  trial,  171. 

Chesapeake  and  Leopard  (ships),  25f>. 

Citizens,  how  misled  by  public  men,  129. 

Civic  feast  in  Boston  in  1793,  27. 

Clay's  remarks  on  patronage,  276. 

Clinton,  Dewitt,  nominated  for  Pres.   280. 

Cobb,  David,  Lieut.  Gov.  of  Mass.  235  — 
person  and  character  of,  235. 

Commissioners  to  Washington  in  1815, 292. 

Confederation,  old,  of  United  States,  16  — 
Story  on,  16. 

Congress  in  1774,  16  —  first,  under  U.  S. 
Const.,  26  —  number  of  members,  32  — 
opposition  to  Washington  in  1793,  45  — 
parties  in  1793,  1794,  48  — in  Dec.  1790, 
140 —House  of  Rep.  in  1801,  147. 

Conscription  proposed  in  U.  S.,  283  — 
French,  284. 

"Conspirators'7  in  Mass.,  201  —  Madi- 
son's denunciation  of,  261  —  J.  Q..  Ad- 
ams on,  301. 

Constitution  of  U.  States,  Story's  Comm. 
on,  16 —  discussed  at  Boston,  18  —  in- 
terest, at  adoption  of,  22  —  different 
views  of,  23  —  and  Hancock,  25  — 
amendments  of,  26  —  dangers  incident 
to,  30  —  amendment  in  Jefferson's  time, 
147. 

Convention  at  Annapolis  in  1786,  17  —  at 
Philadelphia  in  1787,  17  — at  Boston  in 
1787, 17  —  at  N.  York  f  P.  U.  S.)  in  1812, 
280  — at  Hartford  in  1814,  286. 


342 


INDEX. 


Cooper,  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel,  27  —  person  and 

character  of,  27. 
Country  after  peace  of  1783.  2  —  in  1788, 

22. 

Dallas,  A.  J.,  on  the  war  of  1812,  275  — 
person  and  character,  43. 

Dana,  Francis,  Ch.  Jus.  Mass.,  95  —  his 
person  and  character,  95. 

Debt,  public,  of  U.  S.  in  1789,  79. 

Democratic  Societies,  41  —  introduced  by 
Genet,  41  —  disapproved  of  by  Wash- 
ington, 41. 

Despotism,  near  approach  of,  1809,222  — 
danger  of  falling  into,  254  and  336. 

Dexter,  Samuel,  325  —  person  and  char- 
acter, 326. 

Dummer  academy,  29. 

Dwight's  history  of  Hart.  Con.,  287. 

Eaton,  Gen.  William  (Burr's  trial),  189. 
Education  in  1788,  29. 
Embargo  of  1807,  217  —  alleged  causes  for 
laying,  217  —  real  causes  for  laying,  220 

—  effects  of,  220  —  proceedings  in  Mass, 
on,  222  —  Lieut.   Gov.    Lincoln's    acts 
on,    223  —  repealed,    239  —  Jefferson's 
various  accounts  of,  240. 

Emmet,  Thomas  Addis,  106  —  and  Rufus 
King,  106. 

English  aggressions  in  1793,  44 — cap- 
tures, impressments,  44. 

Essex  Junto  and  Jefferson,  82. 

Excise  law,  1791, 36  —  rebelled  against,  38. 

Executive  of  U.  S..  dangerous  power  of, 
24. 

Fauchet,  French  minister,  1794,  51  —  in- 
tercepted despatches  of,  55. 

Federal  administration,  116  —  end  of, 
lli>. 

Federalism,  character  of,  302  —  causes  of 
overthrow,  304. 

Federalist,  by  Jay,  Hamilton,  and  Madi- 
son, 18. 

Prance,  war  and  peace  with,  102  —  mis- 
sion to,  in  1799,  103  —  disapprobation  of 
this  measure,  103. 

French  influence  in  1793,  41  —  in  1794,  48 

—  nation  in  1795,  55  —  flag  brought  by 
Adet,59—  difficulties  with,  1795,  60  — 
Gov't's    treatment  of  Pinckney,   97  — 
privateers  of,  97  —  Gov.  and  Amer.  En- 
voys, 1797,  99  —  X,  Y,  Z   despatches, 
100. 

Fries  pardoned  by  John  Adams,  114. 
Funding  system,  78. 

Oallatin,  Albert,  91  —  person  and  charac- 
ter, 91. 

Genet,  French  minister,  1793,  41  —  intro- 
duces Jacobin  clubs,  41  —  his  conduct, 
42. 

Oerry,  Elbridge,  Envoy  to  France,  99  — 
Governor  of  Mass.,  238  — Vice  Pres. 
of  the  U.  S.,  238. 

Gerrymander,  238. 


Giles,  his  resolutions  against  Hamilton, 
38  —  speech  against  Washington,  39  — 
as  a  public  man,  39  —  his  resolutions 
renewed,  48. 

Gore,  Governor  of  Mass.,  1809,  232—  his 
report  on  Clay's  resolutions,  232  — 
speech  of,  to  Legis.,  233  —  members  of 
Legis.,  1809,  234  —  person  and  charac- 
ter of,  309. 

Gun-boat  system  (Jefferson),  179. 

Haley,  Mrs.,  sister  of  Wilkes,  in  U.  8., 
28. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  Sec.  of  Treasury, 
33  —  first  reports  of,  34  —  and  Jefferson, 
hostility  between,  35  —  resolutions 
against,  38  —  attacked  in  Freneau's  pa- 
per, 38  —  resolutions  against,  renewed, 
48  —  last  report,  52  —  letter  on  John 
Adams,  103 — character  of,  by  Jeffer- 
son, 135 — personal  appearance,  199  — 
eloquence  of,  200  —  character  of,  200 

—  killed  by  Burr,  203  —  reasons  for  ac- 
cepting challenge,  205  —  his  commen- 
tary on  the  affair,  205  —  his  opinion  on 
duelling,  205— funeral  of,  208  — H.  G. 
Otis's  eulogy  on,  208. 

Hancock,  Governor  of  Mass.,  9  —  person- 
al appearance,  10  —  succeeds  Bowdoin, 
10  —  character  of,  11  —  effect  of  election 
of,  12  —  patron  of  schools,  13  —  con- 
duct to  Gen.  Lincoln,  14  —  Washing- 
ton's visit  to  the  East,  14 — motion  to 
adopt  the  constitution  of  U.  8.,  25  — 
death  and  funeral  of,  27. 

Harper,  Gen.  R.  G.,  90  —  person  and  char- 
acter, 90. 

Hartford  Convention,  286  — causes  of,  280 

—  D  wight's  history  of,  287. 
Hayne,  Col.  Isaac,  S.  C.,  77. 
Henry  plot  (Madison),  261. 
HiMoni,  Col.  B.,  314 
Higginaon,  Stephen  (Jefferson),  314. 
Howard  on  French  conscrip.  285. 
Huger,  Col.  (Lafayette),  64. 

Impressment,  English,  44  —  American  pro- 
posed, 283. 

Insurrection  in  Mass.,  4  —  in  Penn.  51. 
Irishmen,  United,  106. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  vote  against  thanking 
Washington  in  1796,  40. 

Jacobin  clubs,  167. 

Jarvis,  Dr.  Chas.,  described,  22. 

Jay,  mission  to  Eng.  1794,  49  —  personal 
appearance,  49  —  character  of,  49  — 
treaty,  reception  of,  53  —  ratified  by 
Senate,  54  —  Washington's  reply  to 
Boston,  54  —  public  dissatisfaction,  61 

—  call  on  Pres.  for  papers,  61  —  Debate 
in    House  of   Rep.   1796,  62  — law  to 
carry  into  effect,  62  —  change  of  public 
opinion  on,  63. 

Jefferson,  his  commercial  report,  1793,  45 

—  character  of,  by  Marshall,  45  —  re- 
signs as  Sec.  of  State,  1793,  46  — no- 


INDEX. 


343 


tice  of  Marshall,  47  —  letter  to  Thom- 
as Paine,  66  —  recommendation  of 
Bache,  66— letter  of  Washington  to, 
on  abuse,  67  —  opinions  of  General 
Knox,  86  —  and  Callender,  "  Prospect 
befoie  Us,"  110  —  construction  of  con- 
stitution (Callender),  111  —  construc- 
tion of  constitution  (Duane),  112  — 
remarks  on  others,  112  —  annulling  Ad- 
ams's appointments,  114  —  letter  to 
Mazzei,  119  —  Dwight's  analysis  of, 
120  — inaugural  speech,  Vice  Pres.,  123 

—  personal  appearance,  124  —  vice  pres- 
idency,   125  —  "  great    services "    as 
Vice  Pres.,  125  —  how  to  be  judge  of, 
126  —  of  what  class  of  statesmen,   129 

—  why  to   be  answered,  130  —  writings 
of,  131  —  what  sort  of  man,  132  —  mis- 
sion to  France,  1784,  133  —  never  liked 
the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  133  —  Sec. 
of  State,  1790,  134  — notice  of  Hamil- 
ton, 134  —  notice  of  John  Adams,  135 

—  friendship  for  John   Adams,  136  — 
employment  of  Frenoau,  137  —  Wash- 
ington's notice  of,  138  —  calls  Washing- 
ton infidel,  139  —  remarks  on  federalists, 
139  —  opinions     on    funding  and  U.  S. 
Bank,  140  —  opinions  of  Congress,  142 

—  opinions  on  X,  Y,  Z   "  fever,"  143 

—  opinions   on    Essex    Junto,    143  — 
causes  of  his  success,  147  —  election  to 
Presidency,    147 — balloting  for  in   H. 
of   Rep.,  148  —  account   of    House    of 
Rep.,  150  —  calumny  on  Bayard,  150  — 
views  of  him  when  elected,  153  —  his 
real  policy,  155  —  mode   of  effecting, 
155  _  state  of  the  country  in  1801,155 
inaugural  speech,  157  —  deportment  as 
Pros.,  157 —  invitation  to  apostacy,  158 

—  Bayard  on  his  appointments,   158  — 
apostacy  in  his  time,  159  —  hostility  to 
judiciary,   162  and  166  —  first  message 
to  Congress,  165  —  remarks  on  his  pol- 
icy, 171  —  purchase  of  Louisiana,  172 

—  what  his  motives  in,  174  —  on  alien 
and  sedition  laws,  176 — his  opinion  of 
merchants,  176 —  citizenship  of  aliens, 
177 —  hostility  to  navy,  179  and  274  — 

§un-boat    system,  180  —  Bollman  and 
wartwout,  arrest  of,  195  —  and  Spain, 
(Louisiana,)  209  —  two  millions   given 
Napoleon,  209 — message  to  Congress 
on,  209  —  Randolph's  pamphlet  on,  211 

—  Randolph's    opinion  of,  211  —  opin- 
ion  of  Congress,  215  —  his  account  of 
himself,  143  —  his  "greatest  service," 
244  —  declaration     of     independence, 
246  —  author    of  nullification,  247  — 
extraordinary  opinions  of,  248  —  effect 
of   his    policy,  249  —  author  of  party 
violence,  249  —  how  he  found  the  U.  S. 
in  1801,  250  — how  he  left  the  U.  S. 
in  1809,  250  —  respect  for  privateering, 
274  —  his  religion,  298. 

Judges  of  Mass.,  robes  of,  27. 
Judiciary,   its   importance,   166  —  Jeffer- 
son's hostility  to,  162-7. 


Judiciary  law  (John  Adams),  113. 

Kent,  Duke  of,  in  the  U.  S.,  88. 

King,  Rufus,  personal  appearance,  21  — 

character  of,  21  —  speeches  of,  21. 
Knox,  Henry,  resigns  as  Sec.  of  War,  52 

—  personal  appearance,  84  —  character 
of,  84  —  Jefferson's  opinion  of,  86  — 
on  "  anonymous  letters,"  87. 

Lafayette  and  Washington,  63. 

Lee,  Gen.  Henry,  51  —  commands  in 
Pennsylvania  insurrection,  51  —  Con- 
gress eulogist  of  Washington,  117  — 
wounded  in  Baltimore  mob,  278. 

Lincoln,  Gen.  Benj.  (Mass.),  82 —  Han- 
cock's treatment  of,  14  —  personal  ap- 
pearance, 81  —  character  of,  83. 

Lincoln,  Levi,  Lieut.  Gov.  of  Mass.,  226 

—  speech  to  Legis.    1809,  226  —  reply 
of  Legis.  to,  228  —  conduct  on  militia. 
231. 

Listen,  English  minister,  1797,  90. 
Lloyd,  James,  Senator,  20. 
Logan's  mission  to  France,  113. 
Louis  Phillipe,  (King)  in  U.  S.,  89. 
Louisiana,  purchase  of,  172  —  difficulties 

on,  180. 

Lowell,  John,  public  writings,  330. 
Lyndhurst,  Lord,  in  U.  S.,  64. 

Madison,  his  resolutions,  1794, 48  —  perso- 
nal appearance,  90  —  policy  as  Pres.  of 
U.  S.,  251 — declared  motives  to  war, 
255 — supposed  motives  to  war,  280  — 
Henry  plot,  message  on,  261  —  and 
"conspirators"  Mass.,  261  —  propose! 
war  with  Eng.,  266  —  proposes  to  con- 
quer Canada,  273' —  demands  militia, 
273  —  his  supposed  opinions  of  himself, 
278  —  distress  during  war,  282  —  pro- 
posed conscription,  283  —  proposed  im- 
pressment, 283  —  declines  armistice,  291 

—  peace  made  at  Ghent,  293  —  message 
on,  293  —  public  services,  295  —  retire- 
ment of,  296  —  character  of,  296  —  why 
he  should  be  treated  of,  297. 

Marshall,  John,  life  of  Washington,  30  — 
his  character  of  Jefferson,  46  —  Envoy 
to  France,  99  —  speech  on  Jona.  Rob- 
bins,  105  —  Secretary  of  State  (J.  Ad- 
ams) in  1800,  appointed  Chief  Justice 
in  1801,  presides  at  Burr's  trial,  186. 

Massachusetts  after  peace  of  1783,  2  — 
debt  of,  3  — rebellion  in,  1787,  4  —  end 
of,  6  —  manufactures  in,  1788,  13  — 
proceedings  of  Leg.,  1809,  227  —  mem- 
bers of  Leg.,  234  —  "  Conspiracy  "  in, 
(Madison)  261. 

Maizei,  Jefferson's  letter  to,  119—  troubla 
on,  122  —  attempt  to  exculpate,  122. 

Merchants,  Jefferson  and  Madison  on, 
176  —  their  usefulness,  237. 

Minot,  G.  R.,  historian,  eulogist,  118. 

Monroe,  James,  sent  to  France,  1795,  59 

—  Pres.  of  U.  S.,  300  —  personal   ap- 
pearance, 300  —  character  of,  301. 


344 


INDEX. 


Morris,  Robert,  92  —  personal  appearance, 
92  —  public  services,  93  —  character  of, 
94. 

National  Gov.  under  U.  S.  Cons.,  30. 
Naturalization  of  aliens  (Jefferson),  177. 
Navy  and  gun-boats,  180. 
Neutrality,  proclamation    of   1793,    40  — 

Acid's   complaints  on,  67. 
New  England,  distresses  of,  by  war,  28£ 

—  measures  for  defence,  286. 

Old  confederation,  16  —  Story  on,  16. 

Orders  in  Council,  English,  259. 

Otis.  Harrison  Gray,  in  1812,  275  —  Com- 
missioner to  Nat.  Gov.  1712,  292  —  pub- 
lic services  of,  329  —  eulogy  on  Hamil- 
ton, 208. 

Paine,  R.  T.,  Judge,  95  —  poet,  102  — 
Adams  and  Liberty,  102  —  Oration  to 
young  men,  102. 

Paine,  Thomas,  letter  to  Washington,  64 
— letter  of  Jefferson  to,  66  —  invited  to 
U.  S.  by  Jefferson,  66  —  Cobbett  takes 
up  his  bones,  66. 

Parker,  Isaac,  Ch.  Jus.,  324  —  person  and 
character,  325. 

Parsons,  Theophilus,  Ch.  Jus.,  321  —  per- 
son and  character,  322 

Parties  in  1789,  23— in  1793,  48  — how 
composed,  126. 

Party,  present  dominion  of,  254, 

Peace  of  1815,  293. 

Perkins,  James,  merchant,  237  —  gift  to 
Athenseum,  837. 

Perkins,  Thomas  H.,  merchant,  237  — 
gift  to  Asylum  for  blind,  237. 

Philadelphia  in  179G,  1797,  1798,  90. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  dismissed  by  J.  Ad- 
ams, 103  —  character  of,  313  —  Jeffer- 
son's remarks  on,  314. 

Pinckney,  Charles  C.,  58  —  minister  to 
France,  1795,  63  —  reception  of,  57. 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  minister  in  London,  58 

—  person  and  character,  58. 
Pinckney,  Governor,  minister  in  Spain,  58. 
Pinkney,  Wm.  (lawyer),  58. 

Power  of  appointment,  Ex.  of  U.  S.,  32. 
President  of  U.  S.,  election  of,  1796,  97  — 

1801,  147  —  1813,  280  — 1837,  336. 
Proclamation  of  neut.  1793,  40. 
"  Prospect  before  Us  "  (Callender),  110. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  author  of  address  of  mi- 
nority of  H.  of  R.  1812,  273  —  in  1812, 
275  —  public  services  of,  275. 

Randolph,  Edm.,  of  Virg.  56  —  and  Fau- 
chet's  despatches,  56  —  personal  ap- 
pearance, 57. 

Randolph,  John,  on  Louis,  purchase,  210 

—  on  money  given  to  Napoleon,  210  — 
speech  on  taking  Canada,  270. 

Rebellion  in  Mass.  1787,  6  —  in  Pennsyl- 
vania 1794.  51. 
Report*  of  Sec.  to  Congress,  32. 


Robbins,  Jona.,  Marshall's  speech  on,  104 

—  party  measure,  106. 
Russell,  Benjamin,  editor,  235. 

Sargent,  Daniel,  merchant,  275. 
Secretaries,  reports  to  Congress,  32. 
Sedgwick,  Theo.,  in  Congress,  95  —  Judge 

Mass.,  95  —  person  and  character,  95. 
Sedition  law  (J.  Adams),  109. 
Sewatt,  Sam.,  Ch.  Jus.,  324. 
Society  in  1788,  11. 
Spain,  negotiations  with  1805,  209. 
Sparks,  J.  (Washington),  119. 
Speculation  in  funds,  1790,  1791,  34. 
Statesmen,  two  kinds  of,  127. 
Story,  Judge,  on  Constitution  of  U.  S.,  16 

—  in  Congress  (Jefferson,     embargo), 
241. 

Strong,  Caleb,  Governor  of  Mass.,  308. 
Sullivan,  James,  Governor  of  Mass.,  255. 
Sunnier,  Increase,  Gov.  of  Mass.,  94. 

Talleyrand  in  U.  S.,  51  —  personal  ap- 
pearance, 51  —  remarks  on  U.  S.,  52. 

Tender  laws,  3. 

Terror  which  came  with  war,  277. 

Tonnage,  duty  in  1793,  33. 

Treaty  with  England,  1794,  53  —  France 
1800,  103  —  England  1806,  rejected, 
218  —  of  peace  1815,  293. 

Truxton,  Commodore,  captures  French 
frigate,  102  —  witness  in  Burr's  trial, 
189. 

Union,  danger  of  dissolution  of,  339. 

United  Irishmen,  106. 

United  States  in   1801,  250— in  1809,  250 

—  in  1815,  293  —  in  1834,  235  —  peril* 
of,  from  party,  235. 

Volney,  of  France,  in  U.  S.  in  1797,  90  — 
Jefferson's  remarks  on,  109. 

Walsh,  R.,  on  French  power,  284. 

War  of  1812,  255— alleged  causes  of, 
255  —  supposed,  260  —  committee  of 
H.  of  R.,  266  —  on  what  grounds  op- 
posed, 269  —  Randolph's  opinion  of 
that  project,  270  —  state  of  Europe 
when  declared,  271  —  address  of  mi- 
nority of  H.  of  R.,  273  —  condition  of 
U.  S.,  273  —  conquest  of  Canada,  273 

—  terror  which  came  with,  277 — pro- 
gress of,  281  —  distress  of  admin.,  282 

—  end  of,  293. 

Ward,  Artemas,  member  of  Cong.,  332. 
Washington  benevolent  societies,  279. 
Washington,    his    visit    to  the     Eastern 
States,  14  —  first  President  of  U.  S.,  30 

—  arrival  at  N.  Y.,  1789,  31  —  forms 
cabinet,  33  —  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
40  —  speech  to    Congress,  1793,  45  — 
abuse  of,  on  Jay's  treaty,  53  —  reply  to 
Boston,  on,  54  —  conduct  to  E.  Ran- 
dolph, 56  —  reply  to  Adet  (flag),  59  — 
perplexities  with  France,  60  —  attempti 
to  free  Lafayette,  63  —  Th.  Paine'a  let- 


INDEX. 


345 


ter  to,  G4  — charges  against,  66  —  abuse 
at  end  of  hia  second  term,  67  —  letter 
to  Jefferson  on,  69  —  farewell  address, 
71  —  ball  in  Phila.,  72  —  present  at  J 
Adams's  inaug.,  72 — retirement  of,  72 
—  personal  appearance,  1797, 72  —  hab- 
its of  life,  74  —  complaint  on  his  cere- 
monies, 74  —  his  vindication  of,  74  — 
his  levees,  75  —  Mrs.,  visits  to,  76  — 
difficulties  of  his  administration,  76  — 
character  of  his  admin.,  77  —  appoint- 
ed to  command  in  the  war  with  France, 
85  — death  of,  117— eulogies  on,  118 


—  monument  of,    proposed,  118  —  re- 
marks on  Freneau,  137  —  Jefferson's 
remarks  on,  139. 

Win,  William,    1%  —  counsel  against 
Burr.  196  —  personal   appearance,   196 

—  eloquence  of,   196  —  character  of, 
196. 

X,  Y,  Z  affair  in  France,  100. 

Young  men,  suggestions  to,  337. 
Yrujo,  Spanish  minister,  90. 


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